Inhabiting the flooded country of the Shari and Logone, south of the

eleventh degree and the most fruitful stretches of these lowlands at

that, the Musgu have been able to preserve their characteristics almost

unchanged in contrast to the uniformity of those of Islam. The coarse

features of the otherwise well-formed Musgu people are rendered still

more unattractive by the use of lip-disks—similar to the wooden disks

worn by many Indian tribes in Brazil—with which the female sex disfigure

themselves, so much so that Denham mentions that the slave-dealers of

Tripoli and Fezzan declined to buy Musgu women. The disks are of the

size of a dollar and made out of the most varied materials, but usually

from the rind of the calabash gourd;[413] the lips are perforated and

the disks forced into them, so that they project like beaks. The same or

a similar foolish fashion is found in the countries on the north border

of the Congo basin and even in East Africa.[414] The character, too, of

the Musgu has many features that do not exactly evoke sympathy. The

worst of these is their domestic discord, which has not only prevented

this people from offering a common front against the slave-raiders, but,

on the contrary, has even caused them to utilize in the most shameless

fashion the misfortunes of their fellow-tribesmen in order to rob and

plunder.[415] Characteristic of the Musgu, moreover, is the barbarous

way in which they retain their seat on a horse—large numbers of a small,

shaggy, but pretty hardy breed are raised in the country. As saddles are

quite unknown, the Musgu supply the deficiency by causing an artificial

sore on the place where the saddle ought to go of a horse otherwise in

good condition; this sore is kept continuously open, so that the rider

is as it were glued to his horse.[416] The bridle, too, consists of

nothing more than a piece of rope like a halter, which is bound round

the animal’s jaw.[417] Whilst in their clothing the Musgu are also very

primitive—the men only wear an apron[418] and the women only a band of

rope-like twisted grass passed between the legs—in the building of their

villages one finds, on the contrary, a taste for a certain amount of

household comfort, for art, and for an orderly mode of life. The most

remarkable thing in these villages—at least, as far as the Musgu country

proper is concerned—are the bee-hive or tiara-shaped mud huts, which

have numerous knobs on the outside. These knobs may make the houses more

capable of withstanding the effects of the tornadoes, but they also make

it possible to climb to the top of the hut from outside and thence to

gain a view over the extremely flat tract of country.[419] One also,

indeed, meets the usual round huts of the Sudan and mud buildings,

especially designed for the storage of grain. The Musgu towns, which

with certain exceptions such as the capital, Musgum, are not fortified,

lie extraordinarily thick, so that this district is amongst the best

populated of the whole of Africa, and was formerly the favourite quarry

of slave-raiders. The banks of the Logone are so thickly inhabited, that

one may describe the stretch of country extending over fifty kilometres

between the towns of Musgum and Mochore as one huge city.[420]

The density of population compels the Musgu to make the most careful use

of the soil, and one accordingly finds agriculture highly developed in

their country, and even artificial manuring of the fields. In the neatly

laid-out plantations, usually in the shade afforded by the groves of

deleb palms, there hardly ever fail to be beds of tobacco, which is

indispensable to the Musgu.[421] Their commercial spirit is further

shown by the rational use they make of the products of nature that grow

wild. Hives, in the shape of hollowed out tree-trunks, are placed

everywhere in the larger trees for the numerous swarms of bees; the

surplus grass or other edible plants are collected and plaited into sort

of pigtails of hay, which are likewise hung on the trees to serve as

dry-weather fodder for the abundant herds of cattle; they also

understand how to make ingenious contrivances for catching the fish with

which nature has plentifully stocked the rivers.[422] The Musgu and the

tribes related to them fall into a whole string of subtribes, of which

the Puss and the Wuliya are the best known.

The large pagan tribe of the Margi, inhabiting the southern districts of

Bornu west of the Mandara mountains and a part also of those highlands,

show substantial differences from the Masa. To begin with, the Margi

possess great external advantages. They have finer limbs, better

proportioned bodies, and above all, more pleasing features. The copper-

colour mentioned by Barth[423] may sometimes occur naturally, as in the

case of other negro tribes, but this does not exclude the possibility

that the traveller was in error here, for the Margi often stain the

whole body red with powdered wood. According to the study of the

language which Barth engaged in, the Margi belong to the ‘South African

family’.[424] In character also they differ, advantageously indeed, from

the Musgu. They are easier to get into touch with, less truculent and

less suspicious than the latter. But even here the national character

shows the disastrous effects of the slave-raids, for the Margi, like

most of the pagan tribes, replied to the persecution to which they were

exposed by the Mohammedan slave-raiders, by attacks on their own part,

which were rendered successful by the protection afforded by their

mountain refuges and by the use of the bow and justly dreaded poisoned

arrows.[425] A visit to most of the ‘kopjes’ in the Margi country is

even to-day not altogether without danger, although possibly their

attacks on the neighbouring natives may be the result of certainly not

unjustifiable suspicion.

Every Margi is easily distinguishable by his outward appearance: the men

wear little leather aprons decorated with various designs, drawn between

the legs and hanging down behind like a tail; the women make plentiful

use of iron armlets and anklets and iron beads;[426] they also regularly

wear in the chin a little piece of stick as long as a man’s finger or a

little plate of wood, bone, or metal.[427] Their villages are

distinguished by great neatness and by the pleasing architecture of the

round huts, where instead of the usual straw-roofs they employ an

artistic kind of basket-work. In the neighbourhood of their settlements

one finds as shrines large trees—usually _Adansonia_ (Kuka) or fig-

trees—or little copses, whose signification is indicated by a ring of

stones or an earth wall. They appear to point to a species of ancestor-

worship, a fact which Barth adduces as a proof of the relationship of

the Margi with the South African tribes.[428]

To the westwards the Margi adjoin the border peoples of Bornu, all of

them pagan tribes within British territory, about whom even to-day we

know little more than the modest amount of information furnished us by

Nachtigal.[429] They consist of the Babur, south of Gujba, and the

Kerrikerri and Ngizim between Gujba and Katagum.

In the middle of the old Bornu provinces in which the Kanuri language is

still predominant, along the middle course of the River Yo (or Wobe),

and in the hilly district of Munio, lie the principal seats of the salt

industry;[430] here live the Manga and the Bedde, who are probably

related to them. They are bounded on the west and north-west by the

territory of the Hausas, who form the predominant element in

Zinder.[431]

The Hausas, a mixed race probably of Hamitic descent, but like the

Kanuri with a strong infusion of negro blood, are, thanks to their

enterprising spirit and commercial far-sightedness, the most active

trading folk of the Central Sudan.[432] Their travels extend from

Tripoli in the north to the Bight of Biafra in the south, and

occasionally also reach to the Senegal, or in the guise of pilgrims to

Mecca via the Red Sea; they have thus been able to make their language

the ‘lingua franca’ of the Central Sudan, wherever Arabic is not

predominant. In all places in Bornu worth mentioning one meets with

Hausa settlements of some sort, whose members have generally undertaken

the rôle of merchants and money-lenders, and thus have attained

prosperity or even wealth.[433]

Finally, one must consider as border-tribes of Bornu the Tibbu or Tubu,

and the Tuareg (Tuarik) or Kindin, both of whom were formerly causes of

constant disturbance to the northern provinces. The ‘thievish gipsy-

like’ Tibbu, originally closely related to the Kanuri, as has been

stated above, even to-day have settlements along the lower course of the

River Yo (Wobe), from whence they occasionally push their by no means

purely commercial operations as far as the towns of Central Bornu. Now

and then one may see men of this tribe, recognizable by the

characteristic ‘litham’ or cloth veiling the lower part of the face, in

the markets of Kukawa or Mongonu.

Much more important and fateful, however, is the rôle which the Berber

Tuaregs have played in the provinces north of the Wobe. Considered by

Barth as formerly ‘an integral part’ of the population of Bornu,[434]

they have in later times broken off and since then, while avoiding open

hostilities, have continually disturbed the country by their sudden

raids, which afforded them booty in the shape of slaves and cattle, and

thus for a time completely blocked the roads to the Western Sudan, and

even in parts rendered impossible the cultivation of the land. The state

of affairs in these districts was so insecure that the Shehus finally

saw themselves compelled to appoint a special Kachella to cope with the

Tuareg raids, and even recently these have necessitated the constant

interposition of the French garrisons. At all events the Tuareg are by

far the most turbulent and dangerous members of the whole population of

Bornu.[435]

Besides the above-mentioned tribes, one meets at the present day in

Bornu two elements in the population who are scattered in larger or

smaller colonies over the country usually unconnected with each other,

and though of quite different origin, yet show a certain purely external

similarity, and in fact are often found in friendly intercourse with

each other; these are the Semitic Arabs and the Hamitic Fulani.

First as regards the Arabs called Shuwas by the Kanuri: they form a not

inconsiderable part of the population of Bornu,[436] and are to be

carefully distinguished from the very light-coloured Tripoli merchants

designated as ‘Wassili’, who are equally of Arabic origin, but who in

most cases only make a temporary sojourn in the larger towns of Bornu,

such as Kukawa, Mongonu, and Dikoa. The Shuwas immigrated into Bornu at

various times, firstly with the conquerors of the country from the

north, and secondly at a much later epoch, about 300 years ago, from the

east, no doubt, as Barth assumes, from Nubia or Kordofan.[437] They are

broken up into a great number of tribes, of which the Beni Hassan has

remained the purest; but they have lost many of the bodily and mental

peculiarities of the Semitic race, doubtless as a result of their long

wanderings and also of the intermixture which has taken place with other

peoples. Their language, however, which indeed through the Koran is a

bond of union between most of the North African peoples, they have

retained in wonderful purity.[438]

It is interesting to see how the Shuwas, driven by circumstances, from

being nomads became a settled people. Since the camel, with which their

existence had hitherto been bound up, could not stand the climate of

Bornu, they turned their attention to cattle-breeding, and when later

these too were annihilated by contagious disorders, the wandering

herdsmen were compelled to become settled, and very capable,

agriculturists, who curiously enough have established themselves in just

those districts which are the best watered.[439] It is this totally new

mode of life which—as in the case of the Kanuri—has influenced their

character in an unfavourable sense. Barth and Nachtigal lay special

stress on the disappearance of that chivalrous hospitality once so

notable a trait among the Arabs.[440] The Shuwas modelled their habits

of life chiefly on those of the Kanuri. This is well shown in the

architecture of their huts, which are similar to the Kanuri huts, only

roomier and with somewhat flatter roofs,[441] and especially in their

clothing. Only the mode of dressing the hair among the women, who in

spite of an often unmistakable infusion of negro blood have everywhere

retained their long and not frizzled hair, differs essentially from that

of the Kanuri and reminds one in many respects of that of the wandering

Fulani. The style almost invariably met with—at least in German

Bornu—which makes the Shuwa woman easily recognizable at a distance,

consists of numerous tightly plaited braids hanging down from the

temples and often also a thicker raised plait at the back of the head.

Hair dressed in this style, which is alleged to have originated from

Bagirmi, is kept in place, according to the usual custom in the Sudan,

by a plentiful application of butter.[442] The Arab tribes who have

settled down are to be found to-day in the lowlands of Central and

Eastern Bornu, but especially on the south bank of Lake Chad.

The Hamitic Fulani are less commonly seen in Bornu than the Shuwas,

though in Adamawa, which borders Bornu on the south, they are the

dominant race. According to Barth’s investigations, they were originally

herdsmen, but having penetrated in historical times from the Senegal

into the Central Sudan, they finally, at the beginning of the nineteenth

century, when they had become the ruling race in Sokoto, came into

conflict with the Kanuri. However, in spite of their mental superiority,

they were unable to secure any permanent influence in Bornu. They appear

to have emigrated from Asia Minor in very ancient times by way of

Morocco and Fezzan; many circumstances point to this, such as their

physical build and the use by the men of the Phrygian cap.[443] Perhaps

it was they too who, in prehistoric times, brought over the humped ox

from Asia. Barth says of them with absolute truth: ‘There is not the

slightest doubt that the Fulani are the most intelligent of all African

tribes’;[444] equally just is Rohlfs’ dictum that: ‘At all events they

are by far the finest specimens of mankind in Central Africa.’[445] The

Borroro[446] tribe especially, who are found even in Bornu, between the

Shari and the Logone, as half-nomadic herdsmen, and who live in almost

complete isolation, have retained all the peculiarities of the race—the

spare, sinewy build of the dweller in the desert or the steppe, the

delicately formed limbs and the refined features, which remind one of

ancient Egyptian art, and which in the case of the women, with their

long hair plaited into braids and their big copper earrings, even attain

a certain charm. On the other hand, it is just those Fulani who formerly

played so important a rôle, that have lost many of the characteristics

peculiar to their race as a consequence of intermixture with the native

tribes. Fulani of this kind have remained in small colonies along the

middle course of the Wobe since the time of their first advance into

Bornu; similar to these are the inhabitants of those Fulani settlements

which have been pushed forward from Northern Adamawa into the frontier

districts of Bornu.

The character of the Fulani shows many superiorities over that of the

other Mohammedan tribes of the Sudan. If the doctrines of Islam have

from time to time stimulated them to special fanaticism, on the other

hand—whatever people may say about the degeneration of the Fulani—it is

also owing to these doctrines that they have retained a stricter

morality, which is shown not least by their better developed family

spirit and the domestic inclinations of the Fulani woman.[447]

[Footnote 354: Individual colonies of Kanuri extend far beyond the

borders of Bornu, on the one side as far as the Sahara, on the other

beyond the right bank of the Shari, and as far as Adamawa. Cf. Barth,

iii. p. 293 (German edition).]

[Footnote 355: Cf. Nachtigal, i. 736.]

[Footnote 356: Nachtigal, ii. 417 ff.; cf. also Barth, iii. 77—8. The

name ‘Berebere’ or ‘Beruere’ (Berber), by which the Kanuri are

designated even at the present day by their southern neighbours, the

Fulani, points to an original immigration from the Sahara. [On the

subject of the Berbers, Sir H. H. Johnston has the following

illuminating remarks in his recently published monograph on _The Opening

Up of Africa_, p. 102: ‘The Berbers were very near to the white man of

Europe in race, descent, and culture, but they were sufficiently tinged

with the blood of Africa to be no longer in community of feeling with

Europe. . . . They found the Romans a little too European to their

liking: too dominating, too fond of method, order, tidiness, and

fatiguing public works.’ It would perhaps be impossible to sum up the

African’s objection to the European more succinctly.]]

[Footnote 357: Cf. Barth, iv. 88-9; Nachtigal, ii. 193.]

[Footnote 358: Monteil, p. 313.]

[Footnote 359: Cf. Rohlfs, ii. 8.]

[Footnote 360: Cf. Nachtigal, i. 723; Monteil, p. 355. Even at the

present day in German Bornu the mother of the reigning Sultan, Shehu

Sanda, holds an important position. [In the old Court of Bornu there

were two officials called the ‘Magira’ and the ‘Magiram’, the Shehu’s

official mother and his official sister—not necessarily his actual

mother and sister. Their duties appear to have been connected with the

Royal Household, but the ‘Magira’ also acted as an adviser of, and

interceder with, the sovereign. There is a mention of the ‘Magira’ in

Harris, _Hausa Stories and Riddles_, p. 33 ff., where she is wrongly

described as the Shehu’s sister instead of his mother. These ladies are

not officially recognized in British Bornu, though at one time it was

proposed that they be ranked as second class chiefs and given staves of

office.]]

[Footnote 361: Cf. Denham, ii. 2; Barth, ii. 317; Rohlfs, i. 341;

Nachtigal, i. 738; ii. 299; Dominik, _loc. cit._, p. 155.]

[Footnote 362: Cf. Nachtigal, i. 611.]

[Footnote 363: [‘Masallachi’ is the Hausa word, ‘mashidi’ the Kanuri.]]

[Footnote 364: Cf. also Barth, ii. 543-4.]

[Footnote 365: Rohlfs, i. 344; Nachtigal, i. 625.]

[Footnote 366: Barth, iii. 153.]

[Footnote 367: [For illustration vid. Macleod, p. 20.]]

[Footnote 368: Cf. Rohlfs, ii. 46.]

[Footnote 369: Polko, _loc. cit._, p. 136. The way of dressing women’s

hair usual at the present day had already come into fashion in

Nachtigal’s time. The hair is twisted with the help of butter into

countless little plaits, which radiate from the crown and lie flat on

the head, being frayed out at the tips. This produces a thick crown of

hair, which when seen from in front reminds one of the coiffure of

European ladies. The hair is often thickly powdered with pulverized

cinnamon, so that it has a chestnut-brown tint. [Cf. illustrations of p.

238 and p. 250 of Macleod, _Chiefs and Cities of Central Africa_; and

for Kanembu hair-dressing and hair-ornaments, _idem_, p. 240.]]

[Footnote 370: Cf. Denham, ii. 144 ff.; Rohlfs, ii. 7. Vid. also

Passarge, Pl. XX, Fig. 3. In addition to this there is the tattooing

mentioned above, which was forcibly introduced by Rabeh.]

[Footnote 371: [There are a few suits of chain-mail in the country, said

to date from Crusader times, and to have drifted across the desert. For

illustrations of four different patterns of ‘ngalio’ or throwing-iron

vid. Mecklenburg, i. 24, and for coloured illustration of ‘liffedi’ or

quilted armour vid. _idem_, i. 53.]]

[Footnote 372: Nachtigal, i. 610 ff.]

[Footnote 373: Cf. Barth, ii, 308. [Instead of an ostrich egg, an

inverted bottle-shaped gourd, or nowadays a glass bottle, is sometimes

used, sometimes also an iron spear-head.]]

[Footnote 374: Ornamentation of this sort, such as Foureau describes at

Zinder (_Documents scientifiques_, ii. 934, and _D’Alger au Congo_, p.

505), I myself found in the ruined Sultan’s palace in the old west town

at Kukawa.]

[Footnote 375: Burnt bricks are not employed at the present day. [The

ruins of the palace at Gaserregomo (Kasr Koumo) of the old ‘Mais’ of

Bornu show that it was built of bricks of extraordinary hardness. The

secret of their manufacture has, however, been lost.]]

[Footnote 376: Cf. Barth, iii. 128-9; Foureau, _D’Alger au Congo_, p.

510.]

[Footnote 377: Nachtigal rightly considers cereals to be the staple food

in Bornu, i. 652. [On the subject of agriculture cf. _The Agricultural

and Forest Products of British West Africa_, by G. C. Dudgeon, and

various special monographs in French published by the firm of A.

Challamel, Paris.]]

[Footnote 378: Monteil met with wells in Western Bornu which were 38

metres [i.e. 126 ft.] deep (Monteil, p. 317). [This is nothing unusual;

wells in Gubio and elsewhere are 40 fathoms, ‘nganji’, i.e. 240 ft.

deep.]]

[Footnote 379: Cf. also Barth, iii. 116.]

[Footnote 380: Cf. Denham, ii. 96; Nachtigal, i. 635 ff. [I do not think

many people would agree to this statement _re_ the Kanuri ‘love’ of

animals.—P. A. B.]]

[Footnote 381: This bad practice is usual even within the Sahara,

according to Nachtigal, i. 557.]

[Footnote 382: Cf. also Denham, ii. 88 ff.; Barth, ii. 253 (German

edition) and iii. 34 (German edition). [For illustration vid. Tilho,

_Doc. sc._, i. 26. Plaited grass fish-traps are also largely used, and

are formed into dams right across the rivers.]]

[Footnote 383: For an illustration of one of these, vid. Nachtigal, i.

650.]

[Footnote 384: [Rather from sheep and goat skins. For notes on the

method of preparation, vid. _Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_, 1908,

6. 175, and 1910, 8. 402.]]

[Footnote 385: Cf. Barth, iii. 44; Nachtigal, i. 544, 570; Foureau,

_Documents scientifiques_, ii. 946, and _D’Alger au Congo_, p. 581.

Barth mentions that salt is even obtained by burning cow-dung; vid.

Barth, iii. 240 (German edition).]

[Footnote 386: [For a detailed chemical study of the salt and natron of

the Chad countries, vid. Tilho, _Doc. sc._, ii. 553-600. Cf. an article

by M. Cortier on ‘Les Salines du Sahara soudanais’ in _La Géographie_

(1912), pp. 231-46.]]

[Footnote 387: Barth, iii. 289; Rohlfs, i. 307. Cf. also Foureau,

_D’Alger au Congo_, p. 505. According to Barth, gunpowder also is

manufactured in the country, Barth, iii. 127 ff. (German edition). The

powder-magazine, which blew up when the French captured Dikoa, must have

been filled for the most part with locally manufactured powder.]

[Footnote 388: [‘Suk’ is the Arabic word for market, ‘Kasugu’ the

Kanuri.]]

[Footnote 389: Cf. also Nachtigal, i. 602 and 703 ff.]

[Footnote 390: Denham, ii. 140.]

[Footnote 391: Polko, _loc. cit._ p. 140.]

[Footnote 392: Nachtigal, ii. 336 ff.]

[Footnote 393: Barth, iii. 114.]

[Footnote 394: For illustration vid. Pl. XXIV, Foureau, _Documents

scientifiques_, ii. 954; Lenfant, p. 165.]

[Footnote 395: Nachtigal, ii. 341.]

[Footnote 396: Barth, ii. 341, 414, 445; iii. 161, 269 (all in German

edition); Nachtigal, ii. 426, 530; Nachtigal considers Barth’s

designation of ‘Masa’ for these tribes as rather arbitrary.]

[Footnote 397: Barth, ii. 363. [They are semi-pagan.]]

[Footnote 398: Barth, iii. 304.]

[Footnote 399: Barth, iii. 275 ff.; Nachtigal, ii. 519; cf. plate in

Nachtigal, ii. 502; Bauer, _loc. cit._, p. 101; Lenfant, p. 166.]

[Footnote 400: Barth, iii. 293; Nachtigal, ii. 533.]

[Footnote 401: Barth, iii. 293; Foureau, _D’Alger au Congo_, p. 684;

Dominik, _loc. cit._, p. 173. Plates in Foureau, _Documents

scientifiques_, ii. 975, and _D’Alger au Congo_, pp. 685, 697, 715;

Dominik, p. 189. [For illustration of Kotoko canoe, vid. Macleod, p.

194.]]

[Footnote 402: They offered a very energetic and successful resistance

to the hordes of Rabeh, first of all in their capital-town of Mora, and

later in the hills.]

[Footnote 403: [The Buddumas do not appear to have much faith in their

Mohammedan teachers. One of the chiefs remarked to M. Landeroin: ‘Our

“mallams” are liars. They ask us for alms in order to cure us of

sickness and to prevent epidemics. . . . If after a man’s death his

relations demand a refund of the payments made to the “mallam”, he

replies: “I cannot restore it, for thanks to my prayers the deceased

will obtain an excellent place in Paradise, which he would lose if the

‘sadaka’ was refunded”.’ Vid. _Doc. sc._, ii. 339.]]

[Footnote 404: They are treated of in great detail by d’Huart in _La

Géographie_, xi (1904), p. 167 ff.; cf. also Nachtigal, ii. 362 ff. and

373. [For notes on the Buddumas, and for Budduma and Kury vocabularies,

vid. Benton, _Notes on Some Languages of the Western Sudan_, p. 38 ff.

and p. 78 ff.; and for a very full study of the Buddumas, vid. Tilho,

_Doc. sc._, ii. 310-41. Cf. also Budduma and Kury vocabularies by Dr.

Decorse in _Actes du XIVe Congrès International des Orientalistes,

Alger_, 1905.]]

[Footnote 405: [Landeroin remarks as follows: ‘The principal population

of the Chad islands is generally designated under the name of Budduma, a

nickname given them by their neighbours, the Kanuri, from ‘budu’ (=

grass) and ‘-ma’ (= belonging to). But the Buddumas’ own name for

themselves is ‘Yedina’, the etymology of which is uncertain. It may be

derived from Yedi, a town on the south-west bank of Chad, whose original

inhabitants, a branch of the Sos, may have taken refuge in the islands

from the power of Bornu; or it may be derived from the Kanuri word Gedi,

meaning East. . . . Some people say that Yedina was the name of the

Kanembu tribe, to which Bulu, the mythical ancestor of the Budduma,

belonged.’]]

[Footnote 406: Cf. also Rohlfs, i. 333 ff.]

The Sultanate of Bornu · 第 12 / 26 段