The Dictator enters upon his duties.--Plans for the enrollment of
new forces.--System of officering them.--Want of energy in the
execution of his plans.--Fortifications neglected.--The people
supply the deficiencies of the administration.--Discovery of the
correspondence between the ministers Grabowski and Lubecki.--The
march of the army delayed.--Answer of the Emperor Nicholas to the
deputies. His proclamation.--Its effect on the nation.--The Diet
demand of the Dictator an account of his trust.--The result of their
investigations.--Chlopicki deprived of the Dictatorial power.--The
civil administration entrusted to Prince Adam Czartoryski, and the
command of the Army to Prince Michael Radziwil, each subordinate to
the Diet.
On the seventh of December, the new Dictator took possession of the
residence which had been prepared for him. A guard of honor was
assigned him, consisting of a company of the Academical Legion. The
twelve companies of which this legion was composed mounted guard in
succession.
The nation had conceived the highest hopes of Chlopicki; they expected,
above all, the most energetic measures in regard to the armament and
organization of the forces. These hopes were not fulfilled. At the
very commencement of his administration, it began to be seen that this
man, either from his advanced age or the original inadequacy of his
talents to the demands of such a situation, would fail to satisfy the
wants of the nation. Indeed, the union of so many different duties in
the hands of one individual demanded abilities of no ordinary strength
and compass. As might have been expected, the evident incapacity of
Chlopicki early became the occasion of dissension in the patriotic
association already referred to, accusations being preferred, as a
matter of course, against those who had been active in procuring his
investment with such high powers. The succeeding events will enable the
reader to decide for himself of the justice of such accusations.
On assuming his post, the Dictator adopted the following arrangements
in regard to the enrollments of the new forces, and other objects of
military administration. He estimated the army already in existence at
25,000 men, and sixty-two pieces of cannon. This army was constituted
as follows:--The infantry was composed of nine regiments, of two
battalions each, and a battalion of sappers, making a total of 19,000
men. The cavalry was also composed of nine regiments, each regiment
consisting of four squadrons, 7,200 men in all. The artillery was
divided into nine battalions, of eight pieces each, in all seventy-two
pieces, exclusive of the artillery in the fortresses of Modlin and
Zamosc.
This force the Dictator proposed to augment in the following
manner:--Each existing regiment was to receive a third battalion; and
he intended to form fifteen new regiments, of three battalions each.
This would have increased the total of infantry to 54,000 men, without
taking into the account the National Guard of Warsaw and the other
cities, amounting to 10,000 men. The cavalry was to be augmented by
8000, making a total of 15,200. To the artillery were to be added
twenty-four pieces of cannon, making a total of ninety-six pieces.
In this estimate the Dictator did not include the aid that might be
calculated upon from the provinces of Prussian, Austrian, and Russian
Poland, the volunteers of every kind, and the regiments raised and
equipped by the large landed proprietors.
For each of the eight palatinates into which the kingdom was divided,
an officer was appointed, whose duty it was to superintend the
organization of the military forces, of which from seven to eight
thousand infantry, and one thousand cavalry, were to be furnished by
each palatinate. These officers were subordinate to two others, who
had the supervision of four palatinates each, and bore the title of
_Regimentarz_. These last had the power of appointing all the officers
of the new forces.[23]
The augmentation of the army was to have been completed by the
twentieth of January, 1831. But all these arrangements were made on
paper only--the government did not press their execution. In fact,
such a degree of negligence existed, that in some places where the
people assembled to be enrolled, they found no officers to receive
them, and, after waiting some time, they returned to their homes.
It was, in truth, only by the energy of the nation, which supplied
the deficiencies of the administration, that our forces were ever in
any degree augmented. The volunteer force was in an especial manner
liberally furnished by the people. A similar state of things existed
with regard to the fortifications; and here again the energy of the
people atoned for the negligence of the administration. This was
especially the case at Warsaw and Praga, where all the citizens labored
on the works of defence, without distinction of age or sex.
The construction of barricades in the different streets of Warsaw,
and of mines in several parts of the city, was commenced by the
citizens. The Dictator, however, instead of occupying his attention
with these warlike preparations, devoted it to diplomatic negociations,
and despatched emissaries to the neighboring courts, charged with
propositions made without the knowledge or the wish of the nation, and
even, in some cases, incompatible with its honor, and inconsistent
with the design of the revolution. All the measures, indeed, of the
Dictator, however well intended they might have been, indicated much
weakness and indecision.
Such was the state of affairs when an event occurred that seemed
to augur well for our prospects. This was the discovery of the
correspondence between the ministers Grabowski and Lubecki, the
former being Secretary of State for Poland and a member of the cabinet
at St Petersburgh, the latter Minister of Finance at Warsaw. This
correspondence afforded the clearest evidence that Russia had intended
to declare war against France, and that she was prepared to commence
that war in December following.[24]
These letters were sent to Paris in the early part of December, by an
express, and ought to have convinced the French government of the
hostile intentions of Russia. They should have satisfied France that
our revolution, and the war that was to follow, were a part of the
great struggle in which her own existence was concerned.
The existing army was, through the activity of the general officers,
brought into such a state, by the middle of December, that it could
then have taken the field against the enemy. The soldiers were eager
for the struggle, but the delay of their march gave color to the
supposition that an answer from the Emperor was waited for. It was
even rumored that the Emperor was coming to Warsaw in person. All
this tended to damp the excitement of the moment. What, then, was
the astonishment of the nation, when it was found that the monarch,
far from admitting the severity of the oppression under which we had
suffered fifteen years,--far from giving a paternal audience to the
deputies which the nation had sent to him, and who, in its name,
had presented the most moderate demands, (limited, in fact, to the
ratification and observance of the constitution granted to us, and
the union of the Polish provinces under one government, as had been
promised by Alexander,)--far from consenting to repair to Warsaw, as
the deputies had entreated him to do, as a father among his children,
to hear their complaints and satisfy himself as to their justice,--far
from all this,--in a word, discarding all paternal feelings, he applied
the term 'infamous' to the sacred effort we had been forced to make by
the oppression under which we had so long suffered.[25]
The Russian generals Benkendorf and Diebitsch, in a conversation, of
which our revolution was the subject, and which took place in an
interview with colonel Wielezynski who was one of the deputies sent to
the emperor, spoke of a general war as impending after Poland should
be crushed.[26] Colonel Wielezynski returned from St Petersburgh in
the latter part of December, bringing with him the proclamation which
has already been given to the reader, and which, being published, was
received by the people with the utmost indignation. It was an insult
to the honor and character of the nation, which demanded vengeance.
The day of the promulgation of this document was a day of terrible
agitation. The cry of 'To battle! To battle!' was heard in every
quarter. The nation demanded to be led against the enemy at once.
The word had gone forth 'there is no hope of peace.'[27] It was with
difficulty that the people could be restrained from rushing at once
to the field and be persuaded to wait for a convocation of the Diet
fixed on the 17th of January. This delay was another error, for the
time which intervened was uselessly employed. This Diet in the opinion
of the nation could decide upon nothing short of war. Upon a just
interpretation of the spirit of the Emperor's proclamation, no other
course could be taken consistently with the national honor. It was in
consequence of this proclamation, of so criminatory, so unjust, so
insulting a character, that Nicholas Romanoff and his successors were
declared to have forfeited all claims to the throne of Poland, and that
that throne was declared vacant. The Poles could no longer submit to a
King, who, far from being willing to hear their complaints, far from
guarantying the rights secured by the constitution, went the length of
insulting that national honor to which all history has borne testimony.
To what a future must Poland, under such a king, have looked forward.
Better were it to risk the bloodiest conflict, nay, to be buried under
the ruins of our country, than to remain the vile slaves of a man,
who, relying on the force which he could control, was willing to take
advantage of his strength to be unjust.
The Diet demanded of general Chlopicki an account of his trust, in
regard to the military and civil administration generally, and in a
particular manner in regard to the preparation of the forces. The
result of this inquiry was to satisfy them that there had been a
general negligence of his duties, especially in regard to the increase
and organization of the army. On examining the military reports, it
was found that only the fifth part of the amount of force ordered
to be levied, was as yet enrolled. Two months had been wasted. The
Dictator, as has been already stated, occupied himself principally with
diplomatic affairs, and seemed to forget that the country was to be
defended. The Diet saw that general Chlopicki was hoping to finish the
war by conferences, and that his eagerness for peace was betraying him
into a forgetfulness of what was due to the national honor. In fine, a
correspondence with the Emperor Nicholas was found to have been carried
on by him.[28]
The Dictator, it was seen, had been equally neglectful of the different
fortifications. Except at the principal points, Praga, Zamosc, and
Modlin, no works of defence had been constructed. The important places
of Serock, and Zegrz, the former on the Narew, and the latter below
the confluence of the Narew and the Bug, were forgotten, as were all
the positions on the great road which leads from Warsaw to Brzese,
upon which, or in its vicinity, our principal operations were to be
executed. No point on the frontier was strengthened. The country was
left entirely open. The Diet, considering all these circumstances,
resolved to send a deputation to the Dictator, to demand of him, for
the last time, what his intentions were, and to require of him to
take the field forthwith. As the Dictator would not submit himself to
this expression of the will of the Diet, and even opened to prince
Adam Czartoriski, who was one of that deputation, propositions deemed
inconsistent with the national honor,--the Diet deprived him of his
trust.
The affairs of the civil administration were confided, as before
the dictatorship, to the senate, under the presidency of prince
Czartoriski, and the command in chief of the army was given to the
prince Michael Radzivil. All these powers were subordinate to the Diet.
In this manner ended the dictatorship of Chlopicki, who afterwards took
a place in the suite of prince Radzivil, and was admitted into the
counsels of the administration of military affairs.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 23: A very important circumstance, which either escaped the
notice of the Dictator, or was wilfully neglected by him, respected the
nomination and rank of officers. As the army was to be considerably
augmented, a proportionally greater number of officers was requisite.
All arrangements upon this subject were confided to the Regimentarz,
with whom the important power of making these appointments was
entirely left. This course soon led to trouble. The Regimentarz, not
having the power to transfer the older officers of the existing army,
excepting in cases where the offer was made by those officers, were
compelled to appoint new officers to newly formed regiments. These
newly levied soldiers were thus placed under officers who were but
learners themselves. The evil effects of this injudicious system were
indeed sensibly felt in the first actions of the campaign. Besides the
evil here alluded to, a degree of jealousy between the old and new
officers resulted from the operation of these arrangements. It was
natural for those who were old in service to see with dissatisfaction
recently commissioned officers placed above them in rank. Instead,
then, of studying to preserve the utmost harmony between those who were
going forth together to shed their blood in the cause of their common
country, that course was in fact taken, which if it had been designed
to disturb this harmony, would have been deemed the most efficacious.
Arrangements for officering the army might have been made in such a
manner as the following, to the satisfaction of all parties. After
dividing the officers into three classes, the first, consisting of
those actually in service, the second of those who had been in service,
but had given up their commissions and were in retirement, and the
third, of the newly commissioned officers; a military commission might
have been formed, who should have before them lists of officers showing
their periods of service. This commission could have designated the
rank of each upon an examination of these lists, placing the retired
officers in the grades in which they stood at the time of their
retirement. The new regiments should have been officered from the two
first classes, advancement being made in the grade of each officer. The
third class, or the new officers, should have been appointed to the
vacancies thus left in the old regiments. Besides the justice which
such an arrangement would have done to the officers of older standing,
it would have this good effect: the experienced officers would have
been more widely distributed through the army, and the new regiments
would have advanced more rapidly in organization and discipline.
General Skrzynecki clearly saw the defects of the actual arrangement;
but once made, it was difficult to reform it. He took, however, every
opportunity that offered, to transfer the older officers to advanced
grades in the new regiments.]
[Footnote 24: _Letter to Prince Lubecki, Minister of Finance at Warsaw,
dated St Petersburgh, the 18th of August, 1830._ 'My Prince,--His
Majesty the Emperor and King directs me to inform you that the Polish
troops being now in marching condition, you are requested to provide
the necessary funds, without delay, upon which the public treasury may
count as occasion may require, to support the expenses of the movement
of the army, and of the approaching campaign.'
(Signed) 'Turkul, _Secretary of State_.'
In an answer to this letter, dated the third of September, Prince
Lubecki renders an account of the means at his command. 'Poland,' he
says, 'has 8,000,000 gilders in its treasury, and 1,000,000 in the bank
of Berlin. She is then ready to undertake the necessary preparations.'
_Extract of a letter addressed to Prince Lubecki by Count Grabowski,
Secretary of State for Poland, at St Petersburgh._ 'The official
correspondence which, by the order of his Majesty, I have the honor
to communicate to you, my Prince, and which directs the placing of
the Polish army on the war establishment, was, undoubtedly, even
more unwelcome to you than to myself. I suffer, truly, in seeing the
progress of our financial arrangements thus arrested. Our treasury
would have been in the most perfect condition, but for the expenses
of this war, which will absolutely exhaust its coffers; for on this
occasion our geographical position places us in the front line.'
'Dated St Petersburgh, 15th October, 1830.
(Signed) 'Grabowski.'
From the same to the same. _Dated October 18th, 1830._
'Having been this day informed by his excellency, the aid-de-camp of
his Majesty, Czerniszew, that orders have been given to his royal
highness the Cæsarowicz, to place on the war establishment all the
troops under his command, without excepting those of the Polish
kingdom, and that these orders are to be carried into effect by the
22d of December, I have the honor, my Prince, to communicate this
information to you, by his Majesty's order, so that the necessary
funds may be furnished without delay to the Minister of War. And I
farther request you, my Prince, by the order of his Majesty, to have
the goodness to assign to his imperial highness the Cæsarowicz all the
funds for which he may have occasion in the execution of his orders.
(Signed) 'Grabowski.'
From the same to the same. _Dated 20th November, 1830._
'The return of Marshal Diebitsch will determine what measures it will
be necessary to take. He has received orders to pass through Warsaw, on
his return from Berlin, with the view to consult with the Grand Duke
Constantine, in an especial manner upon subjects connected with the
movement and subsistence of the army. The Emperor wishes that you would
see the Marshal, as soon as possible after his arrival in Warsaw, in
order to consult with him on all these subjects; and he authorizes you
to execute all the arrangements which may be determined upon by Marshal
Diebitsch and the Grand Duke, without waiting for farther orders from
his Majesty. You will conform strictly to the wishes of his imperial
Highness. His Majesty, in conclusion, orders me to invite you to repair
to St Petersburgh as soon as the army shall have commenced its movement
and the war shall have been declared, so that you may receive in person
the orders of his Majesty. We are now in the month of November, the
distances are great, our armies cannot be ready before the spring,
and events follow each other so rapidly that God only knows what may
happen before that time. The rapidity of their succession has made it
impossible to receive intelligence of events in season to influence
their course. It is this which has caused the unfortunate state of
affairs in regard to Belgium. And here, again, is opened a train of
events, in reference to which it is useless to act, for the next
courier may bring us intelligence of an entirely new state of things.']
[Footnote 25: The proclamations of the Emperor on the 17th and 24th of
December were in effect the same. There was a perfect correspondence
between them in severity of language and spirit. We will give the last.
'By the grace of God, we, Nicholas the First, Emperor and Autocrat
of all the Russias, make known to all our faithful subjects that
an infamous treason has convulsed the kingdom of Poland, which is
united to Russia. Evil-minded men, who had not been disarmed of their
bad passions by the beneficence of the immortal emperor Alexander,
the generous restorer of their country, under the protection of
the laws he had given them, have secretly concerted plots for the
subversion of the established order of things, and began to execute
their projects on the 29th of November last, by rebellion, effusion
of blood, and attempts against the life of our well beloved brother
the Cæsarowicz Grand Duke Constantine Paulowicz. Profiting by the
obscurity of the night, a furious populace, excited by these men,
precipitated themselves upon the palace of the Cæsarowicz; while,
spreading throughout the city of Warsaw the false report that the
Russian troops were massacring the peaceable inhabitants, they
collected the people about them and filled the city with all the
horrors of anarchy. The Cæsarowicz, with the Russians who were about
his person, and the Polish troops who remained faithful to their duty,
determined to take a position in the vicinity of Warsaw, and not to
act with hostility, in order that, avoiding all occasion of shedding
blood, they might prove in the clearest manner the falsehood of the
report which had been circulated, and give the authorities of the city
time and means of bringing back to their duty, in concert with the
well-intentioned citizens, those who had been misled, and to restrain
the discontented. This hope was not fulfilled. The council of the city
were unable to re-establish order. Incessantly menaced by rebels,
who had formed some illegal union among themselves, and had gained
an influence in the council by separating from it some members named
by us, and filling their places with others named by the chiefs of
the conspirators, there was no course left to it but to beseech the
Cæsarowicz to send back the Polish troops who had left Warsaw with
him, to protect the public and private property from new pillage. Soon
after this council was entirely dissolved, and all its powers were
united in the hand of one general. In the interval, the news of the
revolt was spread through all the provinces of Poland. Everywhere the
same means were employed. Imposture, menaces, falsehood were used to
inveigle the pacific inhabitants into the power of the rebels. In this
unfortunate and serious state of things, the Cæsarowicz considered it
indispensable to yield to the request of the government. He permitted
the small body of Polish troops which remained faithful to him to
return to Warsaw, in order to insure as far as possible the security
of persons and property. He himself quitted the kingdom with the
Russian troops, and entered on the 13th December the town of Wlodawa,
in the government of Volhynia.
'Thus was executed a crime which had been resolved upon, probably,
for a long time before. After so many misfortunes, and when at least
in the enjoyment of peace and prosperity under the protection of our
power, the people of the kingdom of Poland have plunged themselves
again into the abyss of revolt and misery, and multitudes of credulous
men, though already trembling in fear of the chastisement which
awaits them, dare to think, for a moment, of victory; and propose
to us the condition of being placed on an equality with ourselves!
Russians, you know that we reject them with indignation! Your hearts
burn with zeal for the throne. Already you appreciate the sentiments
we feel. At the first intelligence of the treason, your response was
a new oath of unshaken fidelity, and at this moment we see but one
movement in the whole extent of our vast empire. But one sentiment
animates all hearts; the desire to spare nothing, to sacrifice all,
even life itself, for the honor of the Emperor and the integrity of
the empire. We witness with deep emotion the strong manifestation of
the love of the people for ourselves and for their country. We might,
indeed, answer you with tranquillity, that new sacrifices and new
efforts will not be necessary. God, the protector of right, is with
us, and all-powerful Russia will be able, with a decisive blow, to
bring to order those who have dared to disturb her tranquillity. Our
faithful troops, who have so recently distinguished themselves by
new victories, are already concentrating upon the western frontier
of the empire. We are in readiness to punish the perjured; but we
wish to distinguish the innocent from the guilty, and to pardon the
weak, who, from inconsiderateness or fear have followed the current.
All the subjects of our kingdom of Poland, all the inhabitants of
Warsaw, have not taken part in the conspiracy and its melancholy
consequences. Many have proved by a glorious death, that they knew
their duty. Others, as we learn by the report of the Grand Duke, have
been forced, with tears of despair, to return to the places occupied
by the rebels. These last, together with the misguided, compose, no
doubt, a great part of the army and of the inhabitants of the kingdom
of Poland. We have addressed ourselves to them by a proclamation on
the 17th of this month, in which, manifesting our just indignation
against the perjured men who have commenced this rebellion, we gave
orders to put an end to all illegal armaments, and to restore every
thing to its former footing. They have yet time, then, to repair
the fault of their compatriots, and to save the Polish kingdom from
the pernicious consequences of a blind criminality. In pointing out
the only means of safety, we make known this manifestation of our
benevolence toward our faithful subjects. They will see in it our
wish to protect the inviolability of the throne and of the country,
as well as the firm resolution to spare misguided and penitent men.
Russians! the example of your Emperor will guide you, the example of
justice without vengeance, of perseverance in the combat for the honor
and prosperity of the empire, without hatred of adversaries, of love
and regard for the subjects of our kingdom of Poland who have remained
faithful to the oath they have made to us, and of an earnest desire
for reconciliation with all those who shall return to their duty. You
will fulfil our hopes, as you have hitherto done. Remain in peace
and quietness; full of confidence in God, the constant benefactor
of Russia, and in a monarch who appreciates the magnitude and the
sacredness of his duties, and who knows how to keep inviolable the
dignity of his empire, and the honor of the Russian people.
'Given at St Petersburgh the twenty-fourth of the month of December,
1830.
(Signed) 'Nicholas.']
[Footnote 26: The following is part of a conversation, in presence of
the Emperor, between generals field marshal Diebitsch and Benkendorf,
and colonel Wielezynski, (one of the deputies sent by the Polish
Dictator,) at the close of a short interview, which took place at a
council on the affairs of state to which those generals had been called
by the Emperor.
'Well, gentlemen of Poland,' said marshal Diebitsch, 'your revolution
has not even the merit of being well timed. You have risen at the
moment when the whole force of the empire was on the march toward your
frontiers, to bring the revolutionary spirits of France and Belgium to
order.'
When the colonel observed that Poland thought herself capable of
arresting the torrent long enough to give Europe the alarm, and to
prepare her for the struggle, marshal Diebitsch answered,
'Well, what will you gain by the result? We had calculated to make our
campaign on the Rhine; we shall now make it on the Elbe or the Oder,
having crushed you first. Consider this well.']
[Footnote 27: According to the testimony of colonel Wielezynski,
the proclamation of the Emperor was in entire contradiction to the
sentiments he expressed in the conversation above mentioned. The tone
of that conversation was anything but severe. He even conceded that
the Poles had just reason to be discontented, and admitted many of the
barbarities of his brother, the Grand Duke Constantine. He promised
colonel Wielezynski that he would act with the strictest justice, and
would consider it a duty to inquire scrupulously into, and carefully
distinguish all the circumstances of the case, in regard to which a
manifesto should shortly be published. As he took leave of the colonel,
in presence of Diebitsch and Benkendorf, he declared that he loved and
esteemed the Poles, and that these his feelings should be the basis of
his course with regard to them. How inconsistent such language with
that of the proclamation!]
[Footnote 28: Some letters of the Emperor Nicholas were found among the
papers of Chlopicki, in which the Emperor expressed his thanks to him
for having taken the Dictatorship, and for the service which he had
done to him, by the preservation of public tranquillity. The emperor
exhorted him to follow 'the conditions which had been prescribed to
him.' The conditions here referred to could not be found. The reader
will permit me to dwell, for a moment, upon the mode of conduct, on the
part of the Emperor Nicholas, which is here indicated.
What conditions could Nicholas propose to the Dictator, which the
nation should not know of? If those conditions were compatible with
justice and with the honor of the nation, why was all this secrecy
necessary? If they were incompatible with justice and our honor, the
Dictator certainly could not have it in his power to make the nation
accept of them. On the contrary, the nation who had given him its
confidence, the moment that it should have been convinced that the
Dictator had intended to compromise its honor, would have despised him
as a traitor, and he would have fallen a sacrifice to its indignation.
To wish to induce him, on his own responsibility, to commit acts
contrary to the honor of the nation, is to be willing, for selfish
ends, to induce him to do that which would render him infamous in
history.
Is this a course becoming a King? A conduct so insincere, Machiavelian,
and even malignant, is based on the system of intrigue, and is in
correspondence with the accustomed policy of the Russian cabinet,--a
policy which has always brought divisions and misery upon the nations
who have been under her power. Such a system, however, is far from
being ultimately favorable to the interests of Russia herself, for it
can never lead to a sure result. Sooner or later duplicity will be
discovered, and the more a nation has been deceived, the deeper will be
its determination of vengeance.
The letters referred to, which, I believe, are now in the hands of
some of our countrymen, will be, in the eyes of the world, a new
justification of our revolution.]