THE FIRST DAY.--Expulsion of the Russians from Warsaw.--Choice of
Chlopicki as Commander in Chief.--Provisional Government under the
Presidency of Prince Adam Czartoriski.--Deputation sent to the
Grand Duke.--Propositions and answer.--Abolition of the Bureau of
Police.--Establishment of the National Guard.--Proclamations addressed
to the inhabitants of the provinces and the distant troops.--Provision
for the Russian prisoners.--The Academical Legions formed.--Arrival of
detachments from the provinces.--The Grand Duke consents to leave the
kingdom, and addresses a proclamation to the Poles.
The first day of freedom, after so many years of oppression, was
hailed with shouts of 'Our country! Poland forever!' At about six in
the morning the drums beat for the assembly of the troops in all the
parts of the city in our possession. Crowds flocked from all sides to
the public places. It was a scene never equalled. The whole people
assembled, without distinction of rank, age, or sex. Old men who were
past the use of swords, brandished their sticks and crutches, and
recalled the times of Kosciusko. Clergymen, civil officers, foreigners,
Jews, even women and children armed with pistols, mingled in the ranks.
The multitude, thus assembled, marched to the northern and southern
parts of the city, to drive the Russians out. The fourth regiment and
a body of the inhabitants marched into the northern quarter of Warsaw,
to attack two regiments of infantry who occupied the _Champ de Mars_
and the whole district thence to the barrier of Powazko. This division
had with them two small pieces of cannon. As soon as they reached
the point of attack they fired a few rounds, raised the 'hurrah,' and
threw themselves upon the Russians, who made no resistance, but fled in
disorder beyond the barrier above mentioned, where the pursuit ceased.
In the mean while, the battalion of sappers had marched through the
suburb of Cracow and the street of Wirzbwa to the southern part of the
city. They met the enemy's cavalry, at the Place of Saxony, a short
distance from the Church of the Cross. The Russians discharged their
carbines, and a brisk fire was kept up until the cry to cease firing
and attack with the bayonet was heard on all sides. They gave way
before the charge, and fled in the greatest confusion, as the infantry
had done before them. They were pursued beyond the barriers of Mokotow.
The whole city was cleared of the Russians before nine o'clock. The
walls opposite the Russian troops were manned by soldiers and armed
citizens.
While this expulsion was being effected, some of the patriots were
employed in the city in choosing a military chief. They agreed to offer
the command to Chlopicki.[14]
Towards eleven, General Chlopicki was led by the people, with
acclamations, to the hotel of the Minister of Finance, where many
senators and other persons were assembled to take measures respecting
a provisional government, the security of public order, &c. Chlopicki
was received with acclamations by the chiefs of the nation; and after
all had declared their consent, he was proclaimed Commander in Chief.
He was addressed on this occasion by Professor Lelewell, one of the
patriots, who, after drawing the picture of our past sufferings, and
comparing it with our hopes of the future, concluded with the following
words, addressed directly to Chlopicki. 'Brother--take the sword of
your ancestors and predecessors, Czarnecki, Dombrowski, and Kosciusko.
Guide the nation that has placed its trust in you, in the way of
honor. Save this unhappy country.' This ceremony concluded, Chlopicki
was shown to the assembled people from the balcony. They received him
with shouts of 'Our country and our liberator Chlopicki forever!' Many
cried, 'Chlopicki, rely on us, and lead us to Lithuania!' The general
thanked them for their confidence in him, promised never to abuse it,
and swore that he would defend the liberty of Poland to the last moment.
The patriots now proceeded to choose members of the provisional
government. Prince Adam Czartoriski,[15] Radzivil,[16] Niemcewicz, and
Lelewell were elected, and one of the old ministers, Lubecki, was
retained to assist them. This arrangement was made public about noon,
in order to tranquilize the people.
The first step taken by the new government was to send deputies to the
Grand Duke. They were instructed to demand whether he meant to depart
peaceably, or to attack the city. Among the deputies were Lubecki and
Lelewell. They found the Grand Duke encamped, with his army, in the
fields of Mokotow.
The deputies represented to Constantine the consequences that would
result from an attack on the city, as well in regard to himself as to
the nation. They informed him that the army had already joined the
people, and proposed to him that he should depart unmolested, on a
prescribed route. They promised that he should find every possible
accommodation provided on that route, for himself and his troops. The
Grand Duke demanded some time for reflection, and finally gave the
deputies the following answer in writing.
ART. I. The Grand Duke declares that it was never his intention to
attack Warsaw. In case he should find himself under the necessity of so
doing, he will give the authorities notice of his intention forty-eight
hours before the attack.
ART. II. The Grand Duke will entreat the Emperor to grant an amnesty
for the past.
ART. III. The Grand Duke declares that he has sent no orders to the
Russian forces in Lithuania to pass the frontier of the kingdom.
ART. IV. Prisoners will be exchanged.
The deputies returned to Warsaw with this answer, at three o'clock.
It was immediately published, but did not satisfy the people. They
demanded to know the day and hour of the Grand Duke's departure. If
he should refuse to obey, they declared that they would attack him.
It was finally concluded to allow him two days for his necessary
arrangements, and then to send a second deputation to insist on his
instant departure.[17]
The provisional government immediately set about restoring order to
every department of the administration. The Bureau of Police was
abolished, and a council of citizens was substituted in its place,
under the direction of the aged and worthy Wengrzecki. This man
had been president of Warsaw in the times of the grand duchy. He
was compelled to leave this office, by certain persecutions, which
he brought upon himself by not being sufficiently in the spirit of
the Russian government. At the same time the national guard was
established, and placed under the command of Count Lubinski. The guard
began their service on the very same day. They mounted guard at the
bank and the public treasury, and their patrols maintained order in
all parts of the city. Their duties were performed with the utmost
punctuality. All the shops were opened, and the city wore as peaceful
an aspect as if there had been no army before it.
At the same time the provisional government sent proclamations into all
the provinces, to inform the nation of these events. They began with
the following beautifully figurative expression: 'Poles! The eagle
of Poland has broken his chains, and will soon have burst through the
clouds into those purer regions in which nothing shall shut from him
the light of the sun.' The military government issued proclamations
to the troops at all the distant stations, ordering them to repair
forthwith to Warsaw. The divisions of chasseurs received orders in
case of an attack from the Grand Duke, to fall on his rear and cut off
his retreat. The city itself was put in a better state of defence; the
barriers were fortified, and guarded by strong detachments; all was
prepared for an attack. The government made proper provision for the
care of the Russian prisoners, of whatever rank, as well as of the
ladies of the Russian civil and military officers who had left Warsaw.
The royal palace was assigned for the residence of the officers and
ladies; the privates were lodged in barracks. At a later period they
were permitted to go about the streets and earn money by their labor,
in addition to their usual allowance. The Russians were so touched by
this generous treatment, that they swore, with tears, never to forget
it.
These details of the first day of our revolution, for the correctness
of which I pledge myself, may serve to answer the accusations of some
journalists, who have stated that the commencement of the national
struggle was marked with the greatest atrocities, and that more
than forty field officers, many subalterns, and large parties of
privates were butchered for declining to engage in the cause. These
impeachments of the Polish nation are unjust and false. As has been
said before, the foreigners in Warsaw could not sufficiently praise
the admirable order with which our first movements were conducted. Our
enemies accuse the people of having robbed the public treasuries.--I
affirm that not a gilder was lost--neither public nor private property
was pillaged.
As the enemy was still encamped before the city on the first and second
of December, and had as yet given no decisive answer respecting the
time of his departure, the people, as well as the army, were still
under arms and upon the walls. At this time the twelve companies
of students, called the Academical Legions, were organized. It was
heart-stirring to see these noble youths assembled in arms to defend
their country. Many of them had just been rescued from prison, and
could not walk without difficulty. This did not damp their ardor; the
hope of fighting successfully for the liberty of Poland renewed their
strength. The Academical Legions requested to be sent to the posts
nighest the enemy. These two days passed in entire quietness.
In the afternoon of the second of December, general Schenbek arrived
from Plock with the first regiment of chasseurs. At the same time came
colonel Sierawski from Serock, with his regiment. Both were received
with great enthusiasm. New detachments from the provinces marched into
Warsaw every day. A truly affecting sight it was to see more than a
thousand peasants, and about fifty peasant girls from the country about
Warsaw, marching into the city with clubs, scythes, and weapons of
every description. They were escorted by the shouting populace to the
Bank, and there welcomed by the national government. At the request of
the people, another deputation was this day sent to the Grand Duke,
to urge his departure, and to inform him that an attack would be the
necessary consequence of his refusal. The Grand Duke saw the necessity
of compliance, and decided to commence his march on the following
day, by the prescribed route of Pulawa. He issued a proclamation to
the Polish nation, wherein he promised never to fight against those,
'whom,' to use his own expression, 'he had always loved.' He adduced
his marriage with a young Polish lady as a proof of his affection
for the nation. At the same time he promised to entreat the emperor
to grant an amnesty, and to take, in general, the mildest measures.
He begged the Poles to deal gently with the Russian prisoners, their
families, the ladies, and in short with all Russian subjects remaining
in Warsaw.[18]
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 14: General Chlopicki, a man of rare merit, began his
career in the struggle for liberty under Kosciusko. In 1807, he was
colonel commandant of the first regiment of the legion of the Vistula,
under Napoleon. He had the command of a brigade, and afterwards of
a division, of the same legion in Spain. This general distinguished
himself at the storming of Saragossa, where the Poles performed
prodigies of valor, as well as at the battle of Saginta. Under the
Russian government of Constantine, Chlopicki left the army, not being
able to endure his commander's brutal deportment. The Grand Duke
censured the general on parade, in an unbecoming manner, saying that
his division was not in order. Chlopicki replied, 'I did not gain my
rank on the parade ground, nor did I receive my decorations there.' He
asked his discharge the next day. In later times the emperor Alexander
and the Grand Duke himself endeavored to induce him to return to the
service, but Chlopicki never consented. He preferred a retired life
to the splendor of Russian slavery. This gained him the esteem of the
whole nation.]
[Footnote 15: Prince Adam Czartoriski was born on the 14th of June,
1770. He is the oldest son of Prince Casimir Czartoriski, Palatine
of Russia, and Princess Elizabeth Fleming, daughter of Count George
Fleming, first treasurer of Lithuania and Palatine of Pomerania. The
Czartoriski family are descended from the Gedamines, who reigned over
Lithuania in the thirteenth century, a descendant of whom, Jagelon,
reigned long and gloriously in Poland. At the last partition of
Poland, Adam Czartoriski and his brother Constantine were sent to St
Petersburgh as hostages. While residing in the Russian capital, Prince
Adam was on terms of friendly intimacy with the Grand Duke Alexander.
This friendship influenced, perhaps, his political career. He was sent
as an ambassador to the court of Sardinia, and when Alexander ascended
the throne, he was recalled, and entrusted with the portfolio of
foreign affairs. He declined this charge for a long time, and at last
accepted it at the earnest entreaty of Alexander, on condition that he
should be allowed to retire as soon as the discharge of his official
duties should militate against the interests of his country. At the
same time, he was appointed Curator of the university of Wilna, and yet
another important duty devolved on him, which was the establishment of
schools in all the Russian provinces of Poland. Though the Russians
cannot see a Pole in so honorable a station without jealousy, the
conduct of Prince Adam was so noble as to win the hearts of all. He did
not surround himself with parasites; his course was plain and upright,
and he scorned the idea of receiving rewards from government. He would
not even accept a salary.
In 1808, Czartoriski resigned his ministerial office, but retained
his place over the university, hoping to do more good in it. He
increased the number of elementary schools and those of all classes of
instruction. He reformed the antiquated institutions of the university,
and gave the whole course of instruction a more simple and convenient
form, which was also better adapted to the wants of the middle classes
of the people. By these means he hoped to develope and elevate the
national character, in these classes.
The events of 1812 showed but too plainly that the misfortunes which
then befell France was owing to the same cause to which the previous
distress of Russia was attributable; viz. the non-existence of Poland.
If Poland had remained independent in her original extent, the two
gigantic powers could not have come in contact, and the equilibrium
of Europe, now entirely lost, would have been preserved. It was,
then, a true and necessary policy to bring forward the question of
the independence of Poland again. This was the object Prince Adam
Czartoriski kept in view during the war between France and Russia, and
it was in the hope of effecting it that he accompanied Alexander to
Paris in 1814. He was not anxious without reason. The Emperor Alexander
satisfied him, in part, and proposed to the Congress of Vienna to erect
the grand duchy of Poland into a Kingdom. This kingdom received a
constitution and several other national institutions. An entire freedom
of trade with the remaining Polish provinces under Russia, Austria,
and Prussia, was assured to it. All these promises were published and
confirmed by Alexander at Warsaw in 1816. Yet, in the very act of
confirmation, several privileges which the Emperor had promised to
Czartoriski were retracted; and this was owing to the influence of the
other powers, and the principles of the Holy Alliance. Russian policy
made these restrictions more and more sensibly felt, and unfortunate
Poland beheld, one after another, the institutions so solemnly
guarantied to her, vanishing away.
Indignant at these breaches of promise on the part of Russia, Prince
Czartoriski resigned the Curatorship of the university of Wilna,
in 1824, in which he had been the means of effecting much good,
particularly in the cause of patriotism and liberty; and in order to
free himself from all connection with the intriguing cabinet of Russia,
he went, with his whole family, on a journey to foreign countries.
This prince was proprietor of the beautiful town of Pulawa, which
Nature and Art have united to make one of the finest in Europe. The
reader will, perhaps, be pleased with a short description of this
place, which no traveller in the north of Europe will fail to visit.
The little town of Pulawa is situated about eighteen leagues south of
Warsaw, on the main road to Lemberg in Gallicia, on the right bank
of the Vistula. The windings of this noble stream are so happily
turned as to present a prospect of both its sides, till it reaches
the horizon. The breadth of the river near this town is nearly three
English miles. Its shores are broken into little hills covered with
wood, in the intervals of which fine villages meet the eye, and in the
distance are seen the picturesque ruins of Casimir. The town of Pulawa
itself is situated on the declivity of a high bank, which declines
toward the river in the form of an amphitheatre. This declivity is laid
out as a garden in the purest taste, terminating, toward the river,
in extensive meadows, planted with groves of oaks and poplars, and
enlivened by herds of Tyrolese cattle, cottages, shepherds' cabins, &c,
in various styles of building. This garden surrounds Pulawa, and is
itself surrounded by great parks, which extend several leagues beyond
it in every direction. These are intersected by beautiful avenues of
linden trees. Among the many works in marble, statues, obelisks, &c,
the temple of Sibylla, with its magnificent statue of alabaster, is
distinguished, as is also the statue of a nymph in one of the grottos,
a masterpiece of sculpture. The palace, consisting of a main building
with two wings, is a noble piece of architecture. Its apartments are
rich and splendid. Prince Czartoriski has the largest library in
Poland, and the greatest private library in Europe, which is open to
the public.
Czartoriski happened to be in Pulawa when the revolution broke out.
Summoned to the helm of the state by the nation, he hastened to devote
his exertions to his country. Laudable as his previous career had
been, it was excelled by his conduct during the struggle, in which he
represented the _beau ideal_ of virtue and patriotism. Through all the
stormy changes of popular opinion he continued firm and unwavering,
having but one view, one aim, the good of his country. He carried
to the chief magistrate's seat the same calmness, the same mildness
which had characterised his private life. He was never actuated by
passion. He considered all Poles as brethren. Though in the sixtieth
year of his age, he did not shrink from the fatigues of war, but
constantly accompanied Skrzynecki, to whom he was much attached, in his
marches, and was at his side in many battles. His whole character was
essentially noble.]
[Footnote 16: Prince Michael Radzivil was born in Lithuania, on his
family estate called Nieswiez. He is nephew of Prince Anthony Radzivil,
governor-general of the grand duchy of Posen, and brother-in-law of the
king of Prussia. This prince was commander of a brigade in the time of
Napoleon, and distinguished himself at the siege of Dantzic. He retired
from service under the Russian government, and lived privately in
Warsaw. He was a man of quiet character, and a sincere patriot, but not
of eminent military talents.]
[Footnote 17: The Grand Duke's army at Mokatow, consisted of the
following regiments.
|Infantry.|Cavalry.|Artillery.
1. Infantry grenadiers, two battalions | 2000 | |
2. Light Infantry | 2000 | |
3. Battalion for instruction | 1000 | |
4. Cuirasseurs of Podolia 4 squadrons | | 800 |
5. Hulan, Cesarowicz 4 ' | | 800 |
6. Hussars of Grodno 4 ' | | 800 |
7. Battery of Horse Artillery | | |12 pieces.
8. Battery of Foot Artillery | | |12 "
+---------+--------+----------
Total, | 5000 | 2400 |24 "
+---------+--------+----------
Of Polish soldiers, he had six companies of grenadiers of the foot
guard, and one regiment of chasseurs of the guard. These regiments,
however, returned to Warsaw and joined the nation on the second of
December. The true cause of the Grand Duke's demand for time was, that
he hoped to exert a secret influence on those of the Polish troops who
had not yet joined the people. This fact was confirmed by two captured
spies, one of whom he had despatched to the light-horse in Lowicz,
and the other to the division of hussars of Siedlec. The letters they
carried to the commanders of these forces urged them, with promises of
great rewards, to join the Grand Duke.]
[Footnote 18: These proclamations, which were immediately published
in the Warsaw papers, contain clear proof that the Grand Duke had no
injuries on the part of the Polish nation to complain of, and that he
himself felt that the Poles were constrained to revolt.]