THE ENGLISH PRISONERS IN MEXICO.[147]
Florez, the Viceroy, who had sent the Nootka expedition, had no news
from Martinez until late in the summer. Shortly after the arrival
at San Blas of the first prize, the _Argonaut_, the commandant of
that port dispatched a special messenger to Mexico. This messenger
arrived August 26, bearing Martinez’s letters and the papers from the
captured ships. The Viceroy’s anxiety was far from being relieved
when he found himself involved, not with the Russians, but with the
English. The question now was what should be done with the prizes
sent for his adjudication. He was embarrassed by the fact that he
was to retire from the viceroyalty within a few weeks, and whatever
measures he might determine upon would have to be carried out by
his successor. He decided to take no decisive step without the new
Viceroy’s concurrence. Within a day after the messenger’s arrival the
more important documents had been copied and Florez had written his
report. They were hurried off to the Government at Madrid. In this
report he told briefly of Martinez’s voyage to Nootka, of his taking
formal possession of the port and fortifying it, of his finding the
American vessels and allowing them to continue their voyage, and of his
seizing the _Iphigenia_ and the _Argonaut_, releasing the former on
bond and sending the latter as a prize. To this account he added some
reflections concerning the importance of retaining the port of Nootka.
He would send reënforcements and supplies to Martinez at once. The
question as to whether the vessels were good prize he would leave to
his successor.[148]
Two days after sending this account to the home Government, Florez
sent orders to the commandant and commissary at San Blas for the
temporary disposition of the prize. The officers and men were to be
kindly treated and supplied with lodgings and other accommodations
according to their rank. Fresh food was to be furnished at public
expense, an account being kept of the cost. All of their clothing was
to be turned over to them, but no arms. They were to be given complete
liberty within the port, but were to be closely watched to see that no
one abused his privileges. A complete inventory should be made in the
presence and with the help of the English captain. The latter should
sign it and receive a copy for his security and protection, whatever
the fate of his vessel. The perishable part of the cargo was to be
sold and the rest deposited separately in the royal storehouses. The
ship, after being unloaded, was to be examined, cleaned, and repaired
at governmental expense, with the approval of the English commander,
who should have a copy of the account.[149] The fact is not stated in
this order, but in a letter to Madrid it appears that the ship, when
repaired, was to be used in collecting supplies and reënforcements for
Martinez at Nootka.[150] From Colnett’s published account, it seems
that the Englishmen were induced to do the work on the ship in the
false hope of an early release. He says:
Under a promise that our detention could not be long, they persuaded
us to heave down and repair the _Argonaut_, new copper her bottom,
and fit new rigging. The idea of release stimulated us to work on
the ship with great alacrity. So much so that our exertions threw
several into fevers; and on the vessel being nearly ready, the
Government threw off the mask, informing us she was to be employed
for their use, and laughed again at our credulity.[151]
After receiving news of the arrival at San Blas of the second English
prize, the _Princess Royal_, Viceroy Florez wrote again to the
Madrid Government. This letter was dated September 26, and told of
the steps taken with regard to the captured ships since his account
written a month before. He had considered the matter carefully, and,
although he had decided to leave the disposition of the prizes to his
successor, yet he gave his own conclusions. He knew of no precedent
for the capture except the conduct of the Viceroy of Peru toward the
governor of Juan Fernandez, on account of the latter’s not having
detained the American ship _Columbia_ when he found she was bound
for California.[152] This, he said, was based on the royal order of
1692, a copy of which he inclosed.[153] He added that conditions had
changed in a century. However, he would not disapprove the conduct of
Martinez, since, he said: “Article 11 of my instructions, ‘to repel
force by force and to prevent hostile ships from making establishments
and trading with the Indians of our coasts,’[154] could not have been
enforced without detaining the vessels.” He concluded: “For the sake of
economizing expenses and avoiding hard feelings between our court and
that of London, it seems to me best to allow both vessels to return to
Macao, placing their commanders under bond, as Martinez did the captain
of the _Iphigenia_.” Everything taken from the vessels he would restore
or pay for, deducting the cost of keeping the men and the expense for
repairing the ship. He had not time to attend to this, but would leave
it to his successor, if that official approved.[155]
On August 27, the day that Florez had written his first hurried
account to the home Government, he had also written an account to
Revilla-Gigedo, who was soon to succeed him in the viceroyalty. The
correspondence that followed is valuable as showing the divided
opinion in official circles regarding the justice of the seizures,
and as illustrating the evolution of the new Viceroy’s final decision
regarding the prizes. In the first letter Florez explained briefly
that, as a result of the last expedition ordered by the King, he had,
without loss of time, sent Martinez to take possession of Nootka. He
then recounted the grave consequences, which made it necessary to take
most prudent measures, and added:
For my part I have not ventured to enter upon them, in view of
the fact that I am so soon to surrender the government to your
excellency. I look upon this business as more important than any
other, and if you rank it the same I hope you will hasten your
coming.[156]
Three days later the new Viceroy, who was attending to some public
business at Veracruz, replied that he came fully instructed from the
higher authorities of all the steps taken by Florez in the Nootka
matter, of their approval by the junta of state, and the consequent
royal order. In view of the attempt to represent the English expedition
as a governmental enterprise, he especially commended Florez for
having inserted in Martinez’s instructions the order of the English
Admiralty office to Cook telling the latter not to touch at Spanish
ports except in case of necessity and then to leave as soon as
possible. He thought that that wise council would not now have sent an
expedition with such contrary instructions. He believed it had come
simply from Botany Bay or some establishment in India. He said that it
did not appear necessary for Florez to await his coming to take steps
regarding the captured ships, since Florez was so well informed. As to
the possibility of another English expedition being sent to dislodge
Martinez, he thought there was no danger. England was too remote, and
the Spanish could supply reënforcements when necessary. The English
Cabinet would not undertake anything so likely to fail. In the end the
unhappy affair would be settled between the Spanish and English Courts.
However, he would not delay his coming to Mexico a moment longer than
necessary.[157]
On September 2, the same day that Florez received the letter just
reviewed, he answered it. In his answer there is a tone of impatience
which seems to be partly because Revilla-Gigedo had not dropped
everything else to attend to the prizes, and partly because the
latter’s approval was not enthusiastic. The new Viceroy had suggested,
that since the English expedition did not appear to have been sent
by the Government it would have been better if Martinez had told the
captains to return when they chose to the parts from whence they had
come. Florez retorted: “I explained to your excellency that, according
to the documents which Martinez sent to me, these prizes have been
made with good cause, and I think your excellency will indorse my
opinion when you have given careful attention to their contents.”
He inclosed copies of them, and called attention to the positive
representations of the English captain. He continued: “Whether the
English Court had any part in the plan for occupying Nootka, or whether
it did not, we have often seen them lay claim to ports and territories
occupied by the merchants or subjects of their nation; and there is
no doubt but that they have ready naval forces incomparably greater
than those which we can send from San Blas.” He enlarged on the
insufficiency of vessels in that port for present needs, and told of
the preparations that he was making to use the captured ships to convey
reënforcements and supplies to Martinez. In closing he said: “But since
your excellency can not give it the preferential attention asked I have
suspended my orders relative to Nootka affairs until your excellency
gives me your final decision concerning the liberating or retention of
the English ships.”[158]
The loyalty with which Florez supported Martinez, and his resentment
when he found Revilla-Gigedo inclined to disavow the seizures, may have
arisen from a personal relation, since, as stated above, Colnett says
that Martinez represented himself as the nephew of Florez.[159]
After having read the copies of Martinez’s letters and documents,
which Florez had sent, Revilla-Gigedo replied, September 9, that he
was pleased to find that his opinion of the unofficial character of
the English expedition was confirmed; that Colnett had been sent,
not as a governor, but as a merchant; that he was not to establish a
fortification but a factory, which was to be located not necessarily
at Nootka, but wherever it might be with convenience, and that Fort
Pitt was simply the name to be given to the factory. Had the English
expedition taken any sort of possession of Nootka, he said that it
would doubtless have afforded some subsequent claim. But since it had
not succeeded, and since the English captain had asked permission
to sail, all such fears ought to have vanished. There was the more
reason for this, since not only had England been prevented from taking
possession, but Spain actually possessed it. Since Florez had already
referred the matter to the Spanish Court, it seemed to him that they
could take no further step until the decision of His Majesty should
arrive. He agreed that in the meantime the captured ships should be
used to convey supplies to Martinez if no others were available. He had
read with pleasure the timely and prudent orders of Florez for caring
for the captured ships and prisoners. The weakened forces at San Blas
were being strengthened and the necessary ships could be constructed.
A new commandant of that port with reënforcements had set out from
Veracruz the preceding day.[160]
In this Revilla-Gigedo maintained his former position that Martinez
had insufficient ground for making the captures. He seems not to have
considered what would have been the consequences if the English ships
had not been seized and had established a colony elsewhere on the
coast. He gave a qualified approval of the steps taken by Florez while
awaiting an answer from the home Government, but he did not definitely
commit himself on the question to which Florez had tried to elicit an
answer--that is, whether he would declare the ships good prize.
On September 16 Florez replied that he had decided to continue his
preparations for sending supplies and reënforcements to Nootka,
since Revilla-Gigedo had approved using the captured ships for that
purpose.[161]
The new Viceroy took control of the government October 18.[162] A few
days later he wrote to the home Government concerning Nootka affairs:
When my predecessor, Don Manuel Antonio Florez, surrendered this
government to me we had many extended conferences, but either
because of forgetfulness or on account of preference for other
weighty affairs, he did not mention the matter of the English ships
captured at Nootka. He ought to have done it, since he left the
business for me to settle. … My verdict has always been opposed to
the seizure of the vessels, but since my predecessor has seen fit
to refer the matter to the home Government, I have concluded that I
ought to do nothing further until I have received the decision of
the King. Since there were no others available at San Blas, he had
made use of the captured ships, he said, to bring arms from Acapulco
to that port. After their return from this trip he would send them
in January with supplies and reënforcements for Nootka. By the time
these operations should be completed the King’s orders for detention
or release would have come.[163]
About the time that the new Viceroy took possession of the government,
letters arrived from the captains of the captured English vessels.
Mention has been made of the letter which Florez wrote to the
commandant and commissary at San Blas immediately after receiving news
of the arrival of the first prize. Besides this letter giving orders
for the care of the prisoners, the repairing of the vessels, and making
an inventory of the cargo, he seems to have given instructions for
obtaining a full statement of their case from the English commanders.
Their letters were addressed to Florez. These are the accounts
of Colnett and Hudson to which frequent reference has been made
above.[164] In closing, Colnett said:
Your excellency will pardon me for venturing to write such a long
letter, in which I have dwelt on affairs of such little importance.
But if I have done so, it has been at the instance of the commandant
of this port, who has told me that it was your excellency’s wish.
As reflecting the treatment received at San Blas [he said], I beg
permission to add that all of the bad treatment which I received
at Nootka and the cruelty which was practiced on me in my passage
from thence hither has been entirely wiped out by the attentions
and humanity of the official whom I find here in the position of
commandant, Don José Comancho.[165]
This letter bears no date, but that of Hudson which accompanied it is
dated September 18.[166] Inclosed with these letters was a copy of an
inventory giving the original cost of each article. It was signed by
Colnett and Duffin, and apparently included the cargo of the _Argonaut_
only. On October 1 Colnett wrote another letter, in concluding which he
said:
The climate of San Blas has proved to be very bad for me and my
officers and crew. We should consider it a great favor if you would
permit us to make a journey on horseback some miles inland, or allow
part of us to pass a few days at some distance from the port.[167]
It fell to the lot of Revilla-Gigedo to answer the letters. On October
21 he wrote to Colnett:
I have read the representations which you and Captain Hudson made
to my predecessor, the Most Excellent Señor Don Manuel Antonio
Florez. He has turned over to me all of your complaints against the
proceedings of the commandant of Nootka, Don Estevan José Martinez.
My dealings shall be based on the laws of reason, equity, and
justice. This is all that I can or should say at present. I assure
you and Captain Hudson that yourselves and all the people of your
vessels shall be treated with such attention as is demanded by the
friendship and harmony existing between our Sovereigns.[168]
Having thus temporarily disposed of the question of the captured ships,
the Viceroy busied himself about carrying out a “royal order of the
14th of last April for sustaining with vigor our new establishment
at Nootka.” He wrote to his superior at Madrid how he had planned to
send, in the following January, a new expedition of three vessels
with complete equipment, supplies, and reënforcements. It was to
be commanded by a military official. He was to succeed Martinez as
commandant of Nootka, and was to receive from Martinez complete
instruction regarding the country and its inhabitants. This would
contribute the greatest possible security to the establishment in that
port. But the plan had been completely overthrown by the return of
Martinez with all of his ships to San Blas December 6.[169] At first
this had caused the Viceroy great inquietude, but soon he had modified
his plan and was again pushing it to completion. The new commandant was
to be Eliza, and Martinez should accompany him in the office of pilot.
The Spanish possession of Nootka was to be vigorously maintained if any
foreign power should attempt to dispute it. One of the three ships was
to be the captured _Princess Royal_. The _Argonaut_ had already gone
to Acapulco and returned to San Blas loaded with artillery to furnish
armament for the expedition.[170] This new enterprise may be dismissed
for the present to follow the fate of the English prisoners.
Before turning to the dealings of the Viceroy with the Englishmen it is
interesting, though not essential to the narrative, to notice the final
exit of Martinez from the stage that his rashness had brought into
prominence. In a letter of February 26, 1790, the Viceroy mentioned a
royal order of October 13, 1789, “informing me that at the instance of
Doña Gertrudis Gonzales, wife of Don Estevan José Martinez, ensign of
the navy, the King had resolved that I should arrange to transfer this
official to those dominions [Spain], or that in case his continuance at
San Blas was necessary to the service that I should withhold a third
part of his salary, to be applied to the support of his wife and of one
daughter 17 years old.”[171] Thus it appears that while Martinez was
getting himself and his Government into trouble in America his family
in Spain was in trouble because he had neglected their support. The
Viceroy gave orders at once for Martinez’s return from Nootka on the
first vessel coming to San Blas, in order that he might go to Spain and
rejoin his family. His services were no longer necessary, it was said,
there being enough officials without him. It should be noticed that
this order was given more than two months before news reached Spain of
Martinez’s operations at Nootka. So that could have had no influence on
his recall.
The request for a change of climate made by Colnett in his second
letter to the Viceroy, mentioned above, was granted. In Colnett’s
published account he says: “We were removed 60 miles up the country;
here we were allowed great liberty and better treatment,”[172] and
permitted to remain “the six latter months of our captivity.”[173] This
was at a place called Tepic. Not only was this favor granted, but the
English commanders were allowed to go in person and plead their case
before the Viceroy. Speaking of Bodega y Quadra, the new commandant of
San Blas, Colnett says:
To this officer I am greatly indebted for his kind attention and
obtaining permission for me to go to Mexico to claim redress for our
past treatment.[174]
In Revilla-Gigedo’s first account of the matter to the home government
he had mentioned the English captain’s complaint of the bad faith and
worse treatment of Martinez. He said he had offered to give them a
hearing in court, but it would be impossible to do this without giving
Martinez a hearing at the same time.[175] When writing this he supposed
that Martinez was at Nootka and would remain until relieved of his
command. But although Martinez returned to Mexico shortly thereafter,
still the trial was not held, since he had to go again to Nootka as
pilot of the expedition under Eliza. The Viceroy, in his published
“Informe,” tells of the promised trial and why it was not held:
The captain of the _Argonaut_, James Colnett, and that of the
_Princess Royal_, Thomas Hudson, his subaltern, asked and I gave
them permission to come to this capital. They produced their
complaints against Martinez and I ordered the case to be drawn up.
But it could not be continued, because the defendant and some of the
witnesses were necessarily employed in the royal service and the
plaintiffs wished to be set free as soon as possible.[176]
Speaking of his stay at the capital, Colnett says:
On my arrival at Mexico and during my residence there I was treated
by the Viceroy, Don Revilla-Gigedo, with greater politeness and
humanity, and, indeed, by all ranks of people in that city.[174]
The time of the arrival of the English captains at Mexico seems to have
been about the first of the year. They received no definite answer
to the question whether their ships should be condemned or released
until late in April. The Viceroy was waiting for an answer from the
home Government to the first account of the seizures which Florez
had written the previous August. This account had not reached the
Government until December 30.[177] Florez’s second account was received
three days later.[178] Thus by the second day of the new year the
Government had a full account of the seizures and copies of all of the
documents. No reply was made until January 26. When this reply reached
the Viceroy, greatly to his surprise and disappointment, it gave him
no advice, but instead it asked for his determinations concerning the
question whether the ships were good prize.
Revilla-Gigedo resolved to wait no longer for advice, and so took the
responsibility upon himself. In answer to the request from Madrid, he
wrote, on May 1, 1790, his conclusions, as follows:
They have been to liberate the English prisoners on the conditions
shown by inclosed letters. Colnett, who came to Mexico with my
consent to present his complaints, will now return to San Blas,
where he will receive his ship, the _Argonaut_. Embarking there
with all of the English and Chinese,[179] he will return to
Macao or wherever he wishes. At Nootka he will receive from the
commandant, Don Francisco Eliza, the sloop _Princess Royal_, which
will be turned over to her master, Thomas Hudson. These foreigners
are warned not to delay, trade, nor establish themselves on our
Spanish coasts under threat of punishment for violation. I have
felt compelled to release them, considering that I ought not to
hold as good prize a few little vessels found on a distant and
deserted coast of our colonies of California; and considering the
uselessness of burdening the royal treasury with some 60 men, whose
scanty sustenance has to be provided for in the feeble and expensive
establishment of San Blas in order that the just sentiments of
humanity might not be violated, and that the plans of my predecessor
might be carried out.[180]
This action of Revilla-Gigedo and the grounds here given for the
release of the English ships are consistent with the position taken
by him as soon as he heard of the affair, namely, that the vessels
ought never to have been seized. It will be interesting to notice the
subsequent change in his position.
Colnett had been informed of the decision of the Viceroy on April
27.[181] On the same day orders were sent to San Blas for carrying it
out. The commandant, Bodega y Quadra, was to surrender the _Argonaut_
to Colnett in good condition, and was to give orders to Eliza at Nootka
to surrender the _Princess Royal_ to Hudson in the same condition.
The small schooner, since it could not be taken apart to be put on the
larger vessel, was to be paid for. All belongings were to be returned
to the prisoners. The supplies deposited in the royal storehouses were
to be given back, an equivalent was to be given for everything applied
to the royal service, and whatever had been lost was to be paid for.
All this was to be done in such a manner as to avoid complaint.[182]
Besides having all of their belongings restored, the commissary was to
pay wages to all, extending from the day of their capture until they
were released. Colnett was to be paid as a lieutenant of the navy, and
all others according to their rank as regulated by the scale of wages
for the South Sea. A general account was to be made of all expenses
occasioned by the captured ships.[183] The Viceroy argued, in a letter
to the home Government, that the English South Sea Company, under whose
license Colnett was navigating, should repay to the royal treasury of
Spain all expenses occasioned by the captured ships. His reason was
that their agents made the seizure necessary by coming to the coast of
California, where they could neither establish themselves nor enjoy
commercial advantages by right.[184]
In the packet which Revilla-Gigedo sent on May 1 he inclosed a letter
from Colnett to the British ambassador at Madrid, presenting his
complaints against Martinez.[185] The Viceroy added that he hoped these
would be considered when Martinez reached Spain.
The Viceroy considered that he was treating Colnett very liberally,
and it does seem that he had allowed about all that could be expected
if his orders should be faithfully carried out. Colnett, however, was
not fully satisfied and presented a number of formal requests. He
enumerated a list of things which he requested should be sent from
Mexico to fit out his ships. These were granted. He asked that all of
the wages of both crews be paid to him as commander, which was granted
also. He demanded payment for himself as commandant of an expedition,
but he was allowed pay only for a lieutenant, which was less than half
as much. He demanded the return of the schooner which he had brought in
the _Argonaut_, but which Martinez had taken. He was to have pay for
it. He wished the _Princess Royal_ to return to San Blas for her crew,
but he was compelled to wait until he should get to Nootka for her. He
demanded a money payment of not more than £3,000 to reimburse himself
for personal valuables and nautical instruments lost. The Viceroy
refused this, since he had ordered that all of these should be returned
or paid for at San Blas. He asked for a special interpreter to be
appointed for him, but this was refused as unnecessary. His request for
the return of his servant, a Sandwich Islander, was at first refused,
but later granted. The Viceroy was attempting to keep this man, who was
said to be chief of one of the islands, ostensibly that he might be
converted to the Catholic religion; but probably the real reason was to
use him in getting an opening for a Spanish settlement on the Sandwich
Islands. He had flattered the vanity of the savage by promising to send
him to see the King of Spain. Colnett’s persuasion prevailed. The most
important request was that for a passport which should allow greater
privileges than the Viceroy’s order for his release had granted.[186]
The Viceroy had forbidden the Englishmen to make any establishment,
to trade, or even to tarry on the coast; and in his first reply to
Colnett’s demands he repeated the prohibition. Three days later
Colnett wrote again, using very plain language. He called attention
to the instructions under which he had sailed with a license from the
British Government. Those instructions required him to trade with the
Indians and to form an establishment for that purpose. The Viceroy’s
instructions had ordered him to sail directly to Macao, without
stopping on the coast. He pointed out the inconsistent position in
which he was placed. The right of Spain to the coast was a point to be
settled--he hoped, in a friendly manner[187]--between the Cabinets of
Madrid and St. James. It was clear that the right was not recognized
by the English, as was shown by the patent and instructions which he
bore. That same year the privilege granted to his company would expire.
Let Spain see, in a friendly manner, that it should not be renewed, but
the Viceroy should not oppose the pacific execution of a commercial
undertaking attempted in good faith and at so great an expense. He
demanded a passport with only one prohibition, namely, to trade with
Spanish ports.[188]
Colnett’s arguments had the desired effect. On May 11 the Viceroy sent
him a passport with only the one prohibition and expressly stating that
he might carry on his operations in places not actually under Spanish
dominion.[189] In the letter inclosing the passport he trusts that they
will not think of making an establishment on the coast or of trading to
the prejudice of the Spanish nation.[190]
It is noteworthy that in this passport the Viceroy reversed his
decision of ten days before and declared that Martinez’s seizure of
the vessels was well founded. He cited laws and royal orders which he
said not only absolutely forbade the navigation, establishment, and
trade of foreign nations on the American coasts of the South Sea, but
ordered them to be looked upon and treated as enemies. His reason for
freeing the English ships, he now said, was to preserve harmony and a
good understanding between the subjects of His Catholic Majesty and the
King of Great Britain. The change in his mental attitude seems to have
been brought about by the stubborn persistence with which Colnett urged
his demands in the meantime. By the latter part of May, when he wrote
again to the home Government, the Viceroy had formulated his decision.
He declared:
The coasts north of California are truly and justly the dominions of
our Sovereign. According to the royal order of November 25, 1692,
of which my predecessor sent a copy, and according to the treaty,
to which it refers, of 1670, ratified and confirmed by article 2 of
that of 1783, all of the vessels which Don Estevan José Martinez,
ensign of the royal navy, found in Nootka were legitimate prizes.
The release of the packet boat _Argonaut_ and the sloop _Princess
Royal_ has been the result of pure generosity.[191]
This is a complete reversal of his decision quoted above from his
letter of twenty-six days earlier. In his “Informe” of three years
later the Viceroy cited in addition as grounds for his decision an
article of the orders of the royal navy, and also a royal order of
October 18, 1776, “to detain, seize, and prosecute any foreign ship
which arrives in our ports of the South Sea.”[192]
A royal order had been finally given, March 23, definitely instructing
the Viceroy to liberate the captured ships. In a letter of June
26 Revilla-Gigedo said that the royal order of March 23 had been
completely satisfied by his accounts of May 1 and 27. He was pleased
that he had conformed so happily to the decisions of the King.[193]
According to Colnett’s published account, he found on his return to
San Blas that the _Argonaut_ was in a bad condition on account of the
treatment she had received. He says that the Viceroy’s liberality in
allowing wages was counterbalanced by the charges for maintenance,
traveling expenses, medical assistance, and an allowance of eight
months’ provisions. He says also that before he was allowed to sail he
was compelled to sign a paper expressing his complete satisfaction with
their usage.[194] That paper was signed July 8, 1790, and is as follows:
I have the honor of informing your excellency that to-day I have
been dispatched from San Blas; and I also have the satisfaction of
adding that I have reason to be content with the treatment of the
commandant and commissary of this department.
With all proper submission, I ask permission of your excellency to
add that the money which I have received here is little more than
the amount of my individual loss, and is not the fifth part of the
damages by the most moderate calculation. Since I shall have to
turn matters over to the company which employs me, I hope that
your excellency will have consideration in keeping with your known
generosity, and will not allow them to suffer such losses.[195]
This, if true, indicates that Colnett’s apprehensions of illiberal
treatment at San Blas were well founded. On his arrival at Nootka
the _Princess Royal_ was not there. June 11 of the next year she was
dispatched from San Blas to be surrendered to Colnett or some other
representative of the company in China.[196] Colnett fell in with her
and she was handed over at the Sandwich Islands.[197]
This closes the Nootka affair as far as events on the American
continent are concerned. Before the Viceroy had finally decided to
liberate the prisoners, the matter had been taken up by the home
Governments, and all Europe was ablaze with excitement over an expected
war. The center of interest now shifts to the diplomatic controversy,
which is the most important phase of the Nootka incident.[198]
What has been discussed so far might be briefly summarized as follows:
As far as discoveries and explorations, which could give definite
claims, are concerned, the Spanish were the earlier; but the English
were made in ignorance of the Spanish, and the results of the English
were published first. Spain could claim a prescriptive title from the
fact that she had maintained for so long an undisputed claim, and from
the additional fact that the land was contiguous to her settled Mexican
dominions; but the English were the first to attempt to develop the
country by exploiting the fur trade. The first actual establishment
was made by the English, and, although it was temporarily abandoned in
the autumn, it was with the evident intention of renewing, enlarging,
and making it permanent in the spring; but unfortunately for what
was, in the autumn of 1789, an unquestionably superior claim, it was
counterbalanced by the arrival of a Spanish expedition in the spring
of 1790, a few days before the English returned to resume their
occupation, and when there were no signs of previous or intended
occupation. The fact that the Spanish expedition was public while the
English was private, favored the former. From these recapitulations it
is plain that there was abundant ground for disputing the respective
rights.
As to the justice or injustice of the seizures at Nootka, there is also
room for dispute. The _Iphigenia_, by pretending to be a Portuguese
when she was really an English ship, aroused a just suspicion, and what
was probably a harmless trick, meant solely to deceive the Celestials,
assumed a grave appearance when the added suspicion of piracy was
aroused. But this suspicion of piracy was based on a mistake made by
the Spaniard in translating the ship’s instructions. Having seized her
on the ground of this double suspicion, for the sake of consistency
and to hide his blunder, Martinez justified his rash act on a totally
different ground, but one which was plausible from the Spanish view.
When the _Argonaut_ arrived her captain made the mistake of rashly
declaring his purpose before he knew his opponent’s strength, and
of manifesting too much impatience to get out of the power of a man
who would probably have allowed him to depart in peace had he been
patient. Then a quarrel, caused largely by the mistakes of a blundering
interpreter, ended in the Spaniard’s making another rash seizure, this
one without so much as having had the Englishman’s papers translated.
When the matter was transferred to the officials in Mexico, the
outgoing Viceroy, instead of shouldering the responsibility and acting
at once, attempted to shift it to his successor. The failure of the
two to agree led to an awkward delay of several months. Then after the
new Viceroy finally declared that the vessels were not good prize, a
quarrel with the liberated Englishman led him to reverse his decision,
so far as the principle was concerned, though his change did not affect
the fact of the Englishman’s freedom.
The whole episode to this point seems to have been a series of
blunders, and would not merit careful consideration had not the
consequences been so serious for the home Governments.