THE QUARREL AND SEIZURE.
The English ship from China, the _Argonaut_, Captain Colnett, whose
equipment and instructions have already been discussed, arrived at
Nootka late in the evening of July 2, 1789. She had neared the coast
some distance north the previous evening. Sailing southward, she was
visited in the morning by some Indians, who told of five vessels in
Friendly Cove, but could not identify them. The officers conjectured
that the ships belonged to Mr. Etches, one of the merchants interested
in their proposed colony. They hastened to join them. As their vessel
approached the entrance they saw the sloop _Princess Royal_ pass out
and sail away. This increased their confidence, since she was their
consort. Shortly after they passed the sloop they saw two launches
approach in the growing darkness. A voice in Spanish asked permission
to come on board and was answered in the affirmative. The leader of the
party was the Spanish commander, Martinez. Two hours earlier he had
been notified from the port of the approach of a ship. Thinking it to
be the _Aranzazu_, which he had been anxiously expecting for some weeks
from San Blas with provisions, he had hastened to welcome her in.
The events that follow this meeting of Martinez with Colnett, the
commander of the English expedition, are the real genesis of the Nootka
controversy. Had the vigorous measures of the Spanish commander stopped
with the seizure of the two vessels already discussed, the matter
would probably never have reached the cabinets of London and Madrid.
Since these events are so important, a detailed account is given. This
is drawn from five separate narratives, all written by men who were
present and took part in them. One is the letter of Martinez, written
at the close of the events, giving his official account to the Viceroy.
Another is a letter from Colnett to the same official, written some
three months later. These two are unpublished. The third is a second
account by Colnett, written nine years later, appearing as a footnote
to his published narrative of a subsequent voyage. The fourth is a
series of letters, written while the events were in progress, by
Duffin, second in command to Colnett, but really in control during most
of the time. The fifth is the letter, written three years later, by the
American captains, who were eyewitnesses of most of the events.[130]
At the first meeting each commander was disappointed at finding the
other very different from the person whom he expected. Martinez
at once presented to Colnett a letter from Captain Hudson, of the
_Princess Royal_, saying that the bearer was commander of two ships of
His Catholic Majesty anchored in Friendly Cove; that the writer had
received all possible aid from him and had departed. The letter had
been written that very morning, and put Colnett somewhat at his ease.
He invited Martinez and his party, among whom were the officers of the
American ships, down into the cabin, where they drank freely together.
The Spaniard was very courteous, declared that the vessels under his
command were in great distress from the want of provisions and other
necessaries, and urged the English commander to go into port in order
to supply their needs, inviting him to stay for some time. Colnett, in
his letter to the Viceroy, says that he consented to stay, provided he
should be permitted to build a sloop, for which he had the materials on
board; but this being refused, he said that he could not stay longer
than the next day.
On the other hand, Martinez says that Colnett claimed to have come
under authority from the King of England, with orders to take
possession of Nootka, construct a fort, establish a factory, and
plant a colony, for which he had brought 29 Chinese laborers; that
having learned this his interpreter made the Englishman understand
that Martinez had already taken possession of the port in the name and
under an order of the King of Spain; that thereupon the English captain
claimed the land for His Britannic Majesty on the ground of Cook’s
discovery, adding that his company had purchased the rights to the
place which were acquired the previous year by the Portuguese company,
their vessels, the _Iphigenia_ and the _North-West America_, being also
included in the purchase. To refute the Englishman’s arguments, the
Spaniard declared that a Spanish expedition had discovered the port
four years earlier than Cook;[131] that he himself had accompanied the
expedition, and from him the spoons had been stolen which Cook tells
of purchasing; that the Portuguese company had done wrong in selling
land which was not theirs but belonged to the King of Spain, not only
this port being the property of that Crown, but all the coast as far as
Prince Williams Sound. Colnett, the Spaniard continues, was unable to
reply to these well-founded arguments. The American captains say:
Colnett asked if he would be prevented from building a house in the
port. The commodore, mistaking his meaning, answered him he was at
liberty to erect a tent, get wood and water, etc., after which he
was at liberty to depart when he pleased; but Captain Colnett said
that was not what he wanted, but to build a blockhouse, erect a
fort, and settle a colony for the Crown of Great Britain. This was
refused.
Colnett, in his published account, says that he hesitated, being
uncertain whether to enter the port, but--
The Spaniard, observing my unwillingness to comply with his request,
assured me on his word and honor, in the name of the King of Spain,
whose servant he was, and of the Viceroy of Mexico, whose nephew he
declared himself to be, that if I would go into port and relieve his
wants I should be at liberty to sail whenever I pleased.
Martinez’s plea of distress and his solemn promise, with Hudson’s
letter, the Englishman says, influenced him to enter the harbor,
and, as there was a calm, he allowed the Spanish boats to assist in
towing his vessel into the cove. Among the party that had come out in
the launches was the pilot of the captured English schooner. He told
Colnett of the situation in the cove--the Spanish war ships, the fort,
the formal possession, the seizure of the _Iphigenia_ and _North-West
America_, and the arrival and departure of Captain Hudson. He advised
Colnett to anchor outside the cove until morning, but the latter,
depending on the Spaniard’s honor, entered and brought up between the
Spanish ships at about midnight.
The next morning, July 3, everything seems to have been harmonious.
Colnett visited the fort and other Spanish establishments, and on
invitation of Martinez took breakfast on board the Spanish vessel,
the Spanish commander returning the compliment by dining on board the
Englishman’s ship. The latter was urged to delay his departure for a
day, but being unwilling to do so it was arranged that the Spaniard
should send a launch in the afternoon to tow the English vessel out,
and on the return of the boat Colnett should send the supplies, a list
of which had already been agreed upon. The launch not coming as soon
as expected, a request was made that it be sent at once. Martinez
asked to see Colnett’s papers before the latter should depart. After
some hesitation the Englishman took them on board the Spanish ship.
The Spaniard was still in doubt whether he should allow the _Argonaut_
to depart, sometimes saying that she could, at other times that she
could not. Finally he declared that she could not go that day. He
produced a book in which he showed what he said was an order from the
King of Spain to seize all English vessels found on the coast. Colnett
declared that he would sail at once, with or without permission,
unless the Spaniard fired on him, in which case he would haul down
his colors and surrender. Thinking it presumption for Colnett to talk
as if he were an agent of the English King, though he was really sent
only by a commercial company, Martinez declared himself the personal
representative of the King of Spain and commander in chief of the port.
Colnett replied that he had been in His Britannic Majesty’s service for
twenty years, and that he then carried a governmental license, which
he produced. He endeavoured to show the injustice of the Spaniard’s
conduct, reminding him of his promise on his word and honor, made
the evening before. Warm words followed, and each commander seems
completely to have lost his temper. Each tells of violence, either
threatened or inflicted, by the other. At Martinez’s order Colnett was
seized and made a prisoner.
From the accounts it is impossible to decide which officer was the
more at fault in the quarrel. It was the unfortunate outcome of anger
on both sides, and doubtless was not premeditated by either. The real
explanation appears to be that given in the letter of Duffin. Eight
days after the quarrel he wrote: “I have every reason to suspect there
was a misunderstanding between the two parties, for the linguist
spoke English very imperfectly, and in all likelihood interpreted as
many words wrong as right.” It seems, then, to have been a faulty
translation that caused the quarrel which later threw two continents
into a feverish excitement in anticipation of war.
After the seizure had been made, however, a plausible excuse was not
wanting to the Spaniard. He says that he imprisoned Colnett because the
latter would likely have gone elsewhere on the coast and established a
post from which it would have been impossible to dislodge the English
without the force of arms. This is doubtless exactly what would have
happened, and in view of Martinez’s instructions and of what he knew to
be the policy of his country with regard to the coast, he was entirely
justified, from the Spanish standpoint, in preventing by force what
he could not have prevented otherwise. Indeed, had he allowed the
English expedition to depart unmolested, and had the English colony
been established elsewhere, he probably would have been seriously
taken to task for not attempting to prevent it. Martinez’s account
to the Viceroy was such as to make it seem that he at no time had
any intention whatever of allowing Colnett to leave. He says nothing
of his promise and pledge to that effect which the English commander
says that he made. But though the Spaniard concealed the fact from his
superiors, the other accounts indicate unmistakably that he really
intended, at first, to allow the _Argonaut_ to depart, and that his
promise to her commander was made in good faith. Possibly he had begun
to doubt whether the Viceroy would approve his proceedings respecting
the two vessels already seized, and did not wish to involve himself
further until he had that official’s decision. In view of this he may
have concluded to let all other vessels pass without scrutinizing them
too closely. His treatment of the _Princess Royal_ indicates such
intent, and his promise to Colnett was consistent with it. After a
day’s consideration, he may have concluded to go through the form of an
investigation, at least, that he might make a plausible report of it,
but with the deliberate intention of closing his eyes to anything that
might prove derogatory to Spain. However the fact may be accounted for,
it is clear that Martinez was wavering between two opinions and that
the quarrel forced his decision. Duffin, in his letter of July 12 [11],
which seems to be the fairest of all the accounts, speaking of events
after the seizure, says:
The commodore’s passion now began to abate a little, and he sent
for me from the _San Carlos_, where I was imprisoned. When I came
to him, he seemed to profess a very great friendship for me, and
appeared to be exceedingly sorry for what, he said, his officers
compelled him to do. He declared to me that he had given Colnett
permission to depart, and would have assisted him all in his power
but that Captain Colnett insisted on erecting a fort opposite his.
A little further on, after telling of Colnett’s turning over to him all
control of affairs, the same writer continues:
I have endeavored to convince the Spaniards, had we known this place
had been taken possession by the King of Spain, we would not, on any
consideration, have come near it; I have likewise wished to persuade
him to peruse the South Sea Company’s grant and our instructions,
which he refuses, and tells me it would avail nothing now to do it,
as his officers insist on his going on with what he acknowledges he
too rashly and hastily began, and without deliberating what might
hereafter be the consequence.
That the English captain was somewhat to blame for what had occurred is
clear from his own behavior, as related in Duffin’s letter of July 14
[13]. The writer, speaking of Colnett, says:
I have endeavored to persuade him to draw out every particular
concerning our being captured, to send to his employers, which he
refuses. His objection is that he has involved himself and everyone
else in difficulties that he is not able to extricate himself from,
and therefore declares to me that he will have no more concern with
the charge of the vessel.
This refusal to give the particulars of his arrest occurred after his
recovery from what Duffin spoke of at the time as insanity, but what
Colnett himself refers to as delirium. Meares’s publication of Duffin’s
statement concerning the commander’s insanity caused some hard feeling
when Colnett learned of it; and the statement was publicly denied later
by Meares.[132] Whatever it may be called, the immediate cause was his
capture. The malady lasted for ten days. As a result of it, the whole
control was left in the hands of Duffin, the second in command. The
latter’s statement concerning the captain is as follows:
Captain Colnett has been in such a state of insanity ever since the
vessel has been captured by the Spaniards that we are obliged to
confine him to his cabin. Yesterday morning he jumped out of the
cabin window, and it was with great difficulty his life was saved.
His constant cry is that he is condemned to be hanged. I sincerely
hope for his speedy recovery, but am apprehensive he never will
recover his former senses again. I understand from the boy, Russell,
that it is a family disorder and that they all have symptoms of
madness more or less.
The next day he wrote: “Captain Colnett is much better to-day, and, in
general, discourses very rationally.” It was at this time that Duffin
made his vain attempt to draw out the particulars of the capture.
Duffin seems to blame Colnett.
On the afternoon of July 3, immediately after seizing Colnett, Martinez
had taken possession of the _Argonaut_, had run up the Spanish flag,
and had imprisoned all of the officers and crew, removed them from
their own ship, and confined them on board the two Spanish vessels. Of
the events that followed during the next ten days, while preparations
were being made to send the vessel to San Blas for the Viceroy to
decide whether she was good prize, there are greatly divergent
accounts, as in the case of the other captured ships. It is significant
that the further the writing was removed from the event the blacker is
the picture drawn in the English accounts of the Spaniard’s cruelty.
Doubtless the most authentic is the one first written--the letters of
Duffin, already referred to.
After a little time Colnett and Duffin, with two other officers,
were allowed to return to their own ship. On the 11th Duffin wrote:
“I am at present in possession of my cabin, as are also the rest of
us, and the commodore behaves with great civility, by obliging us
in every liberty that can be expected as prisoners.” This is pretty
strong evidence that there was nothing very barbaric about Martinez’s
treatment, since Duffin had no motive for concealing the truth. What he
wrote had to be by stealth, he says, and was taken by Mr. Barnett, an
Englishman of the crew of the _North-West America_, who was going to
China on board the American ship. Under these circumstances he would
probably not have represented the Spaniard’s conduct more favorably
than it deserved. Many of the supplies and stores on board the English
ship were appropriated by the Spaniards; but not without arrangement
for compensation, as would be inferred from later English accounts.
Speaking of their appropriation, Duffin says:
They have taken of our stores to themselves all our pitch, tar,
canvas, twine, some provisions of all kinds, guns, ammunition,
the chief of our copper, and many other articles that we were not
acquainted with, all the officers being prisoners, some on board one
vessel and some on board the other. We have great expectations that
the vessel will be delivered up at San Blas. The commodore promises
me, if she is, everything that he has taken to himself shall be
replaced at that port; but there has been a number of things taken
out of the vessel by theft that he knows nothing of. Nevertheless,
if any, and the vessel is returned, they must undoubtedly make it
good.
According to the same writer, Martinez tried to buy all of the copper
on board, offering to give bills for the same, but it was refused on
the ground that if his orders allowed him to capture the vessel they
would undoubtedly allow him to capture the cargo also. The Spaniard, he
says, wanted the copper to trade for furs, which he shipped to Macao
by Captain Kendrick [of the American ship _Columbia_], who traded for
him on shares. This is the way in which the man in command at the time
spoke of what later accounts designate as plundering by the Spaniards.
That the promise of compensation was made in good faith is proved by
the documents which Martinez submitted to the Viceroy. One is dated at
San Lorenzo de Nootka, July 5, 1789, and is a “List of the provisions
and other stores which have been taken at the expense of the royal
treasury from the captured English packet boat _Argonaut_, for my
subsistence in this port; all of which are to be restored to Capt.
James Colnett from the royal treasure of the department of San Blas,
in case the Most Excellent Señor Viceroy of New Spain releases the
vessel.” An itemized statement carefully describing each article is
given. Another document dated July 13 is a “List of the artillery,
balls, and other armament found on board the captured English ship
_Argonaut_, belonging to the free commercial company of London, which
remain in my possession at the disposal of his excellency, awaiting his
superior determination.” Inclosed with these is a “List of the names
of the captain, officers, crew, and passengers which the _Argonaut_
carried.” Among the officers there were 12 Englishmen and 1 Spaniard;
of the sailors, 4 were English, 7 Portuguese, and 3 Filipinos; the
passengers were 29 Chinese; to these were added Colnett’s servant, who
was a Sandwich Islander, and Duffin’s, who was a Bengalese. In all,
there were 58 persons. Another list includes only the 16 Englishmen,
and states that they are to be sent to San Blas on board the captured
ship _Argonaut_. Still another list includes the Portuguese, the
Filipinos, the Chinese, and the two servants, who were to be sent on
the _Aranzazu_ and the other vessels that might come from San Blas. The
one Spaniard had entered the service of Martinez.[133]
* * * * *
On July 13, after the above documents relating to the capture of the
_Argonaut_ were sealed up and the vessel was ready to be sent as a
prize to San Bias, the _Princess Royal_, which had left ten days
before, returned and was seized by Martinez. He says that his motive
for the seizure was his wish to prevent her from carrying news of the
capture of the other vessel to the company, and thus to forestall their
taking measures against him before he could be reënforced.[134] This
seems a poor excuse since the Englishmen shipped on board the American
vessel could carry the news just as well.
Hudson’s letter to the Viceroy gives his account of the seizure. On
leaving Nootka on July 2 he had intended to sail northward, but a
storm had driven him southward and he had been unable to return for
several days. On July 13 he had succeeded in getting back opposite the
entrance to Nootka Sound, and being anxious to know whether Colnett had
arrived, and, if he had, wishing to get from him some needed supplies
and instructions for his future conduct, he determined to enter in his
launch, leaving his vessel in the open. He had no fears of maltreatment
since Martinez had dealt so liberally with him before. He was met by
a Spanish launch, was told that Colnett was there and was sick and in
trouble, was requested by Martinez to enter the port, and was invited
on board the Spanish launch. He found it completely armed. His own
pistol was taken from him and his launch was taken into possession.
When he reached the _Princesa_ Martinez informed him that he was a
prisoner, as was also Colnett, and that the fault was all the latter’s.
Hudson was urged to give orders for his ship to come in, but refused,
and the Spaniards prepared to take her by force. Seeing the futility of
resisting, he advised his lieutenant to surrender. The vessel was taken
at midnight and brought in the next morning. Captain Hudson does not
mention here his brutal treatment at the hands of the Spaniards, which
is related in other English accounts.[135] He says that he was allowed
to go on board his own ship or anywhere else in the port that he chose.
* * * * *
The two English vessels left Nootka for San Blas, where they were to
await the disposition of the Viceroy. The _Argonaut_ sailed July 13, in
charge of Tovar as prize captain. In Colnett’s letter to the Viceroy he
tells of the hardships that he suffered on the voyage. His belongings
had been transferred to the mate’s cabin, a very small room. Each night
at 8 o’clock he was locked in this, and the door was not opened until
morning. He was not allowed to have any intercourse with his officers
except in the daytime. The commandant at Nootka had either asked or
taken all of his chickens and other fresh provisions, so that he had a
slight attack of scurvy. His mouth, he said, ulcerated, and the captain
of the prize refused to allow him to have his bread toasted for fear
of destroying his teeth! Whenever there was a storm the hatchways were
closed, and he almost smothered. The heat increased each day. One night
he asked repeatedly for a glass of water, but it was too great a favor,
and he had to wait until morning. His own condition was bad enough,
but when he got to San Blas he learned that the men of his crew had
suffered much more than he. They had been closely confined in irons for
many days, though there were only 8 of them and four times as many to
guard them.[136] Their chests had been broken into, and most of their
clothes and personal belongings had been taken. Colnett had lost many
articles that he valued very highly. After their arrival at San Blas,
August 15, they received better treatment.[137] The _Princess Royal_
arrived at San Blas on August 27, just a month after she had left
Nootka. She carried 12 English and 2 Portuguese prisoners.[138]
On August 29, Hanson, second pilot of the _Argonaut_, committed
suicide. The only known cause was melancholy, according to the
statement of the Viceroy drawn from a detailed account sent to him by
the commandant of San Blas.[139] In Colnett’s published account he
says that it was because of Hanson’s despair at the treatment which he
had received. The same writer states that several others became sick
and died.[140] Colnett may have exaggerated somewhat the hardships
of the voyage, but the letter seems to be a truthful account. Their
condition, at the best, was a bad one, and they were probably confined
more closely than was necessary and their wants not attended to as they
might have been. It is likely, however, that most of the harsh measures
taken by the prize crew were the result of excessive caution rather
than wanton cruelty.
Martinez’s operations at Nootka after sending his prizes to San
Blas are of minor interest. He carried on some explorations in the
neighborhood, studied the customs of the natives, and made, in his
diary, a full report of the country and its inhabitants. On December 6
he reached San Blas, having returned in consequence of an order from
Florez dated February 25, 1789.[141] This date shows that the events at
Nootka during the summer had nothing to do with his recall, since the
order was given shortly after the expedition had sailed.
When Martinez reached San Blas he had with him an American ship and
schooner which he had captured just as he was leaving Nootka. He had
hesitated for some time, uncertain whether he should set them free,
but had finally decided to take them to San Blas to be acted on by the
Viceroy. Revilla-Gigedo, who had succeeded Florez in the viceroyalty,
set them free, on the ground that the Americans had not molested the
Spanish settlements.[142] The names of the vessels do not appear in
this letter. They were doubtless the _Eleanora_ and the _Fair America_,
under Captain Metcalf.[143]
Martinez also brought with him the 29 Chinese that he had taken from
the _Argonaut_. To save the expense of keeping them the Viceroy said
that he had decided to have them brought to Mexico, liberated, and
given employment; or, if they preferred, they would be sent to the
colonies and mission settlements of California.[144] Meares, in his
memorial, declared that these Chinese laborers were detained at Nootka
by Martinez and put to work in the mines that had been opened on the
land belonging to Meares. Nothing appears in the Spanish documents
concerning any such mines. It has been stated elsewhere that Meares
gave 70 as the number of Chinese taken to Nootka by Colnett. This is
probably an exaggeration, since the number 29 is repeated several times
in the Spanish documents, and in two places a complete list of their
names is given.[145] From what will be stated later, it seems that
the Viceroy’s scheme for liberating them in Mexico was not carried
out.[146]