THE CLOSE OF THE YEAR 1914.
I had a long discussion with the Prime Minister at Walmer. Mr. Asquith
possesses the rare quality of being able to discuss the most difficult
and threatening situation with the utmost calmness and deliberation.
He is a very attentive listener, and as he quickly appreciates and
understands all that is told him, it did not take him long to become
fully acquainted with the entire situation.
As I have said before, all the Cabinet were at this moment very
anxious as to the general outlook, but neither by word nor gesture did
the Prime Minister display the least want of hope and confidence.
During my sojourn in France I had received several most kind and
encouraging letters from Mr. Asquith, in which he expressed his warm
appreciation of all that we had done, and said how truly he realised
the very trying circumstances which surrounded us. He personally
reiterated these kindly sentiments; but it was evident that the
Government had just begun to entertain doubts and fears which had
induced them to call me into council. It was the faith inspired by
this constant kindly sympathy, and his power as Prime Minister, which
helped me to believe that the shortage in guns and ammunition which
threatened ultimate destruction would be overcome. The glorious troops
under my command had gone valiantly to their death when a few more
guns and a few more shells would have many times saved their
sacrifice. And still no sufficient supplies came.
The question of munitions and the fear of invasion formed
the basis of our long conversation at Walmer. After lunch, I left with
Kitchener and travelled by motor to London. With deep sorrow I recall
the fact that this was the last of all the many days of happy personal
intercourse which I spent with my old South African chief. As a
soldier and a commander in the field I had always loved and venerated
him; in his capacity as a politician and Minister my sentiments and
feelings towards him were never the same.
I am willing to admit that our differences--which were great and
far-reaching--may have been to some extent my own fault; but, be that
as it may, our subsequent relations, down to the time of his tragic
death, were always clouded by a certain mistrust of one another.
It rejoices my heart, and alleviates the pain and regret which I feel,
to look back upon this one day spent almost entirely _tete-a-tete_
with him. On our way to London we had to pass by his country place at
Broome, and he insisted on stopping for an hour to show me round it.
To describe what I saw would only be a repetition of what is already
very well known. As he stood in the midst of its beautiful scenery and
surroundings, the true spirit of the great soldier shone out as
distinctly and clearly as it ever did in the many and varied
experiences we went through together in the South African War.
The eloquent and touching tribute paid to this great soldier's memory
by Lord Derby in the House of Lords in June, 1916, brought out with
telling force and happy expression Kitchener's deep affection for his
"beloved Broome."[2]
[Footnote 2: A short speech which I made on this
occasion in the House of Lords expressed my great
appreciation of Lord Kitchener's capacity as a
leader in the field.
I told the House that, after I received intimation
of my appointment to command in France, my first
act was to seek out my old South African Chief and
suggest to him that we should repair together to
the Prime Minister and ask that he might be
appointed to command, with me as his Chief of
Staff. He could not be persuaded to do this.
He was then on the point of leaving to return to
Egypt, and had no idea that he was to be Secretary
of State for War.
I do not think Lord Kitchener was always credited
by the country with the talent for command in the
field which I know he really possessed, whilst, on
the other hand, a _role_ for which he was not well
fitted was thrust upon him. As Commander-in-chief
in France it would have helped him very much to
have had a Secretary of State _other than himself_
to deal with.]
Indeed, beneath that seemingly hard and stern exterior there
existed a mighty well of sensitive feeling and even of romance, which
it appeared to be the one endeavour of his life to conceal from the
observation even of his most intimate friends.
All the next day, and far into the following, my whole time was
employed in discussing the situation with the War Cabinet.
The principal ground for all their fears proved subsequently, in the
course of the year 1916, to be only too well founded as regards the
Eastern front. But the reports of large movements of German troops to
the West, which really induced Mr. Asquith to send for me, were not
true. Constant reports, however, continued to reach the Government
from secret and reliable sources, that the Russians were even then
running very short of ammunition, and that their condition, as regards
the supply of war material generally, would certainly oblige them to
evacuate the enemy territory they had already won, and even
necessitate a retirement behind the Vistula, if not the Bug, with the
loss of Warsaw and other important fortresses. The home authorities
were undoubtedly influenced in forming this opinion by reports which,
however, did not emanate from any part of the Western theatre of war,
and I believe their judgment was generally hampered and warped by
paying too much regard to unauthorised statements. The divergence of
views which existed on various dates during the month of December is
curiously illustrated by the following quotations from letters and
telegrams.
On the 2nd, Kitchener wired to me:--
"It is reported new corps are arriving in Russia and that some of the
old corps lately between La Bassee and the sea have disappeared from
that front. Can you ascertain what truth there is in this? It is
thought possible the Germans may be replacing active corps by immature
formations along northern portion of Allied lines so as to use their
best troops in the Eastern theatre, where they are apparently
developing great strength."
On the 18th he writes:--
"The Russian news is very serious. I fear we cannot rely on them for
much more for some time."
On the 26th I received the following telegram from him:--
"I think before you see Joffre it may be useful for you to know I am
inclined to think Russians have been bluffing to a certain extent. I
cannot get answers to my questions from Petrograd which would clear up
the situation. For instance, amount of reserve ammunition in hand,
which, according to Military Attache here, who is kept entirely in the
dark by his Government, ought to be very considerable.
"A reason for a certain amount of bluff on their part might be that
they are now negotiating to obtain from us a loan of forty millions.
Anyway, their action in the field does not look as if they were as
badly off as they make out."
All kinds of reports continued to arrive, insisting that masses of
German troops were passing through Luxemburg and Belgium _en
route_ to the Western front; but these turned out subsequently to be
either greatly exaggerated or to have no foundation whatever in fact.
The upshot of it all was that I received directions from the Prime
Minister to seek out Joffre as soon after my return as possible, put
these views and fears of the War Cabinet before him, and to report to
them what he was prepared to do in order to meet the supposed threat.
Before leaving I was received in audience by His Majesty the King.
On my journey back to the front, I pondered long and anxiously over
all that had passed in London. I had plainly told the War Cabinet that
I did not share these alarmist views, which I considered were not
founded on any definite or reliable information, and I had warned them
that these views disagreed altogether with our appreciation of the
situation at the front. I by no means liked my mission to Joffre; but
the orders received were imperative.
On the morning of the 24th, I had a long conference with Murray and
Macdonogh, and we once more thoroughly examined the situation in all
its bearings.
The daily official reports tended to show that the Russians were still
holding their own well, and that there was no immediate fear of a
retirement behind the Vistula. Even if pessimistic views held in
London were warranted by the actual facts, it did not appear that
there was any reasonable probability of the Germans ever being able to
mass a sufficient force in the Western theatre to enable them to break
through our line.
In accordance with the Prime Minister's decision, I arranged a meeting
with Joffre at Chantilly for the 27th.
I found things were going on better in the north on the Yser. The
Belgians had been able to resume active hostilities, and the
5th Belgian Division had made good the ground on the right bank of the
river about Dixmude.
I began the last of the six Christmas days I have during my life
passed in the field by visiting Foch. I told him of my mission to
Joffre, and discussed with him the situation in the East. He said he
felt sure that the Russians were exaggerating their deficiencies in
ammunition, rifles, etc., in their representations both to the British
and French Governments. He thought that they were afraid that the
troops in the West were not displaying sufficient energy, and their
idea was to stimulate this. Moreover, he said he was confirmed in this
view by what the Russians were then doing in Poland and Galicia, which
was also confirmed from German sources. He could not believe that, if
they were, as they said, so short of ammunition, they could continue
these aggressive tactics. He went on to speak of the work of the
French at Arras, and said they had been much hampered by weather
conditions, but that they were making some slight progress everywhere.
He thought we might shortly find some opportunity for action in the
neighbourhood of La Bassee.
On my return to Headquarters I met Haig and Smith-Dorrien, who had
come to lunch, and I discussed with them my wish to form "Armies"
immediately. I wished Haig to command the 1st, 4th, and Indian Corps
as the 1st Army, and Smith-Dorrien the 2nd, 3rd, and 5th Corps as the
2nd Army. The cavalry was to remain at my immediate disposal. Orders
to this effect came out on Christmas night.
Although I have never heard it actually confirmed, I believe a
suggestion was made by the Pope to all the belligerent Powers that an
armistice should be arranged for Christmas Day. It was further
reported that the Central Powers had signified their assent, but that
the Allied Governments refused to entertain the proposal.
The suggestion was certainly never referred either to Joffre or to me.
Whether this statement was true or not, it is certain that, soon after
daylight on Christmas morning, the Germans took a very bold initiative
at several points along our front, in trying to establish some form of
fraternisation. It began by individual unarmed men running from the
German trenches across to ours, holding Christmas trees above their
heads. These overtures were in some places favourably received and
fraternisation of a limited kind took place during the day. It
appeared that a little feasting went on, and junior officers,
non-commissioned officers and men on either side conversed together in
"No Man's Land."
When this was reported to me I issued immediate orders to prevent any
recurrence of such conduct, and called the local commanders to strict
account, which resulted in a good deal of trouble.
I have since often thought deeply over the principle involved in the
manifestation of such sentiments between hostile armies in the field.
I am not sure that, had the question of the agreement upon an
armistice for the day been submitted to me, I should have dissented
from it. I have always attached the utmost importance to the
maintenance of that chivalry in war which has almost invariably
characterised every campaign of modern times in which this country has
been engaged. The Germans glaringly and wantonly set all such
sentiments at defiance by their ruthless conduct of the present war;
even from its very commencement.
Judging from my own experience, we never had a more chivalrous or
generous foe than the Boers of South Africa, and I can recall numerous
proofs of it.
For instance, I was in charge of the operations against
General Beyers in the Western Transvaal during the latter part of
December 1900. On the afternoon of Christmas Eve a flag of truce--that
symbol of civilisation and chivalry in war which has been practically
unknown during this war with Germany--appeared at our outposts, and a
young Dutch officer was brought to my Headquarters carrying a request
from Beyers regarding the burial of his dead.
Some important movements were then in progress, and I told him we must
of necessity detain him there till the next day, but I hoped we would
be able to make him as comfortable as possible. When he started back
to his General on Christmas morning, I gave him a small box of cigars
and a bottle of whiskey, asking him to present them to Beyers as a
Christmas offering from me.
I had forgotten the incident when, a few days later, two cavalry
soldiers who had been taken prisoners by the enemy marched back into
camp with horses, arms and equipment complete. They brought me a note
from Beyers, thanking me for my gift on Christmas Day and telling me
that, although he had no whiskey or cigars to offer in return, he
hoped I would regard his liberation of these men in the light of a
Christmas gift.
When I told this story at the end of the war to my old friend and
redoubtable opponent, General Christian Smuts, he expressed himself as
very displeased with Beyer's improper use of what was not his own but
his country's property. I pointed out to Smuts that it was the spirit
which Beyers displayed which mattered--that spirit which was never
more conspicuously displayed throughout the war than in the conduct of
this same great soldier and statesman, General Smuts himself.
In the swift and kaleidoscopic changes which occur in world
politics, the friend of to-day may be the enemy of to-morrow. Soldiers
should have no politics, but should cultivate a freemasonry of their
own and, emulating the knights of old, should honour a brave enemy
only second to a comrade, and like them rejoice to split a friendly
lance to-day and ride boot to boot in the charge to-morrow.
It is satisfactory to know that some such kindly and chivalrous spirit
has at least made itself felt at times between the opposing flying
services in the present war, for I have heard authentic stories which
go to show that this has been the case.
On the 26th I met Willcocks and discussed the recent fighting of the
Indian Corps with him. I considered that a certain amount of blame
attached to the commanders of the units engaged, for embarking in an
attack on trenches so far away from their own line before ensuring
adequate support, especially in view of the muddy condition of the
ground, and knowing, as they did, the exhausted state of the Indian
troops and the effect of cold upon them. At first the General tried to
combat this view; but he soon acknowledged the justice of my
criticism.
I decided, regretfully, to make a change in the command of the Lahore
Division. A commander very often, after having directed operations of
a critical nature, needs rest and change of occupation to restore him
to his full capacity for command.
I met Joffre at Chantilly on the morning of the 27th, as arranged.
I explained the mission I had from the British Government, and told
him of their fears of impending severe Russian defeats and of the
possibility, which they thought might be open to the enemy, of
withdrawing large numbers of troops and massing a force on
the Western front strong enough to break our line and attain, after
all, their original objectives, namely, Paris and the Channel ports. I
told Joffre that the English Government were anxious to hear his views
and ideas on the points raised.
The French Commander-in-Chief was much astonished to hear that such a
view of the situation could be really and seriously entertained. But
he added that, of course, the French General Staff had plans ready to
meet any eventuality. He expressed the opinion that the time was not
now opportune for the discussion of such contingent possibilities as
these.
We then talked over the reported Russian deficiencies in munitions of
war, and he entered into some most interesting details as to the state
of the French manufacture of ammunition and guns. He told me that they
were producing almost entirely high-explosive shells and hardly any
shrapnel, and that an enormous improvement was being made in the
pattern of fuze, from which great results were expected. The latest
manufactured ammunition for the "75" gun had shown wonderful results,
particularly in the matter of destroying wire entanglements.
Joffre went on to say that the Russians were in close touch with the
French factories, and were benefiting greatly by the experiments which
had been carried out. Moreover, the French were able to supply the
Russians with a considerable quantity of munitions of war. It took a
long time to transmit; but he entertained great hopes that Roumania
and Bulgaria would soon be in such sympathy with the Allies as to
permit the transport of material to Russia _via_ Salonika. The reports
he had received indicated that the Russians had sufficient ammunition
at hand, if they remained on the defensive, for six weeks.
He expressed himself as fairly satisfied with the Russian position and
outlook, and thought the Germans were being so heavily punished that
whole corps would have to be reorganised.
These views were subsequently embodied in a memorandum which I sent to
Lord Kitchener for the information of the War Cabinet.
I then arrived at an understanding with Joffre as to future plans. I
again urged strongly upon him my conviction that an advance on the
extreme north, in co-operation with our Navy, was the proper _role_
for British troops to fulfil, and went over all the old arguments. In
effect he rejected my plans again, although holding out hopes that, at
a later stage, the French Army might co-operate in such an advance.
In the absence of support from my own Government, it was hopeless to
say anything more. Joffre's plan was as follows. He meant to break
through the enemy's line from the south at Rheims and from the west at
Arras. He desired to mass as many French Corps as possible behind
these two points; therefore, at all other points of the line the
_roles_ must be twofold: (1) to economise troops as much as possible
in the trenches, so as to spare more men for action at decisive
points, and (2) to organise good local reserves to keep the enemy in
the front employed and prevent his sending troops to threatened points
in the line.
As the history of the operations during 1915 will show, this general
strategic idea was the foundation of all our efforts throughout that
year. It brought about for the British Army the Battles of Neuve
Chapelle, Ypres (second), Festubert, and Loos; and for the
French other important actions, which, although local successes, did
not result in achieving any appreciable advance towards the objectives
which the plans sought to attain.
Those objects were not clearly defined till September, when we began
our last combined attack to attain them and practically failed.
The attitude of our War Office in failing to speed up the manufacture
of munitions of war and the practical collapse of the Russian Armies
were to some extent responsible for the lack of success of our
endeavours. But the detailment of troops and war material to the
Dardanelles was undoubtedly the chief cause.
There was no other course for me to take, under the circumstances,
than to fall in with Joffre's view; and in accordance with his plan I
agreed to take over, in conjunction with the Belgians, the whole line
from La Bassee to the sea, but only by degrees as troops became
available.
Although Joffre at the time agreed in my wish to work the northern
section entirely with the Belgian Army, it would appear that the
French Government still insisted on keeping some hold on that part of
the line with French troops.
On returning to my Headquarters I sent for Bridges, who was now my
representative with His Majesty the King of the Belgians. On the
morning of the 28th, we had a long conference on the subject of
co-operation with the Belgian Army.
I had evolved a scheme in my own mind of amalgamating the Belgian and
British Armies. I wanted to see Belgian brigades of infantry embodied
in our own Army Corps at convenient sections in the line, and to apply
the same process to the cavalry and artillery. This apparent
surrender of independence was no doubt a heavy trial to impose upon
the Belgian General Staff; but I believed it to be the surest and best
method to adopt if we wished to get the highest efforts out of the two
Armies.
When all is said, it must be acknowledged that the standard of
training and war efficiency was higher in our troops than in the
Belgian. This applied particularly to the leaders and the Staff; and,
in spite of the drastic experiences of the Belgian Army during August
and September, our own higher ranks certainly possessed a wider and
more extensive experience in the field.
It can indeed hardly be doubted that a Division composed of two
British infantry brigades and one Belgian would probably have done
more, either in attack or defence, than such a unit composed entirely
of Belgian troops.
Whatever views may be held on this point, it must be allowed that the
scheme I proposed would have ensured a much greater unity of effort.
I talked it all over at great length with Bridges, and on leaving me
he went back to put the proposal before the King of the Belgians. I
entertained little hope of getting a favourable hearing; for, although
I knew the King's lofty spirit and generous impulses would prompt him
to make any personal sacrifice to attain greater power and efficiency
for our united forces, yet I was also well aware of his difficulties
with his own Ministers.
Two days later Bridges brought me His Majesty's answer. He told me it
was possible the King himself might fall in with my suggestion. Ten
thousand rifles would have to be retained for the "inundated" line,
leaving 40,000 rifles available for the proposed amalgamation. This, I
thought, would at once render the united Armies strong enough in the
north to justify me in allowing Joffre to remove the 9th and 20th
French Corps to the points where he so much needed strength for his
own line.
This amalgamation of the British and Belgian Armies would certainly,
have effected a great economy of force and fighting power, and have
perhaps led to important results; but the scheme never came to
fruition, both because the King of the Belgians was unable to gain the
consent of his Government and because the French would not agree to
the plan. Finally, I could get no support or help from our own people
at home.
On the 27th, the French had some success at Carency (north of Arras),
capturing several German trenches and advancing the line some 500
yards.
* * * * *
In spite of the "growls" in which I have so freely indulged, the close
of 1914 yet found me in a hopeful and sanguine frame of mind.
When the state of affairs which might have been came to be compared
with the situation as it was, there was really very little reason for
pessimism. We had scored one great offensive and another great
defensive victory, and we had suffered no severe defeat.
The Germans were bound down behind their entrenchments from the North
Sea to the Swiss frontier, and under the highest trial, the Allies had
proved their ability to hold their actual lines inviolate.
Our Fleet had gained command of the sea, from which they had finally
and completely driven the German flag. The spirit of the Allied
nations was high and confident. On the other hand, had the enemy shown
more of the skill and intrepidity of those great leaders of the
past--Frederick, Napoleon, and von Moltke (whose teachings
German writers of to-day claim that their commanders have so closely
assimilated)--and the Allies a little less watchfulness and keenness,
we might have seen Paris and the Channel seaboard in the enemy's
hands, the British Army, irretrievably separated from its Allies,
driven to the coast, and the French holding the southern provinces of
the Republic with their capital at Bordeaux.
Finally, Russia, our great hope and mainstay for the future, was
inspiring the utmost hope and encouragement amongst the Allies by the
splendid deeds with which she heralded the close of the year.
The last entry in my diary--December 31st, 1914--is as follows:--
"Our night conference showed more and increasingly important Russian
successes."
It was good to end the year with courage born of hope and confidence
in the future. Time works wonders in all directions. Just as we could
not foresee the utter collapse and failure of our great Eastern ally,
so we could not discern the hidden forging of that sword of justice
and retribution whose destined wielders were even then stirring from
their fifty years of slumber and dreams of everlasting peace, to rise
like some giant from the shores of the Western Atlantic and, with
overwhelming force, to stride eastward and help lay low the German
dragon once and for all time in the dust.