THE OPERATIONS OF DECEMBER 14TH-19TH, 1914.
For the plan sketched out in the last chapter, a certain amount of
naval co-operation was secured. The Admiralty were always strongly in
favour of my original proposal, and did not at all like the
half-hearted operation which Joffre was substituting for it. They
urged, with great force and reason, that the risks run by the ships in
co-operation on the Belgian coast were increasingly great owing to the
powerful fortifications erected by the Germans, and the presence of
enemy submarines at Zeebrugge. Whilst, therefore, those risks might
well be run in support of a real, strenuous, and powerful endeavour to
wrench the coast-line from the enemy's grasp, the Admiralty felt that
the Navy could not afford to sacrifice strength in hanging about day
after day exposed to such risks, in the sole hope of rendering some
slight help to an attack which had no great or decisive object in
view. In proof of this, I quote the following telegrams which were
received from the Admiralty. On December 20th, 1914, they wired as
follows:--
"We are receiving almost daily requests from the French for naval
support on the Belgian coast. We regret we are unable to comply. The
small vessels by themselves cannot face the new shore batteries, and
it is not justifiable to expose battleships to submarine perils unless
to support a land attack of primary importance.
"If such an attack is delivered, all the support in my
Memorandum forwarded to you through Secretary of State for War will,
of course, be afforded. I would be glad if you would explain this to
Gen. Foch, as it is painful to the officers concerned to make repeated
refusals."
A previous wire had arrived on the 18th, the last few lines of which
ran as follows:--
"It is not justifiable to expose 'Majestic' to submarine risks unless
to support a real movement, in which case every risk will be run and
ample support provided."
And before this, on the 12th, the following was received:--
"Will you please put us in communication with the French General who
will conduct the operation.... Meanwhile, all our preparations as
outlined are proceeding, ... but the serious risks to our ships, both
from batteries and submarines, ought not to be incurred except in an
operation of the first importance."
Admiral Hood, who afterwards fell so gloriously in the hour of victory
at the Battle of Jutland, was then in command at Dover. He was
responsible for the naval co-operation arranged for, and came to my
Headquarters on the 13th to discuss plans. It was arranged that at
daybreak on the 15th the advance from Nieuport was to be supported by
two battleships, three monitors and six destroyers.
I urged the Quartermaster-General to do his utmost to provide more
machine guns. At that time we had considerably less than one per
company, and it was an arm in which the Germans were particularly well
found. They must at that time have had at least six or seven to our
one.
In the operations now under discussion, this disability was
felt very severely. In discussing the progress of the fight with
General d'Urbal on the 15th at Poperinghe, he told me that the slight
and disappointing advance made by the French was due to their being
everywhere held up by machine-gun fire. He said the enemy had received
large machine-gun reinforcements, and he was then sending down special
guns in armoured motors to endeavour to crush them.
From all parts of the line the same complaint came of the
preponderance of the enemy's machine-gun fire.
The operations opened on the morning of the 14th by a combined attack
on the line Hollebeke--Wytschaete ridge. It began when it was hardly
daylight, at 7 a.m., by heavy artillery bombardment. At 7.45, the
French right (five regiments of the 16th Corps) moved forward and
captured the enemy's advance trenches on our left flank.
The 2nd Batt. Royal Scots and 1st Batt. Gordons (of Bowes' 8th
Brigade, 3rd Division) then advanced on Petit Bois and Mendleston
Farm. The Royal Scots seized and held the wood, which in the evening
they entrenched on the eastern side. They captured about sixty
prisoners, including some officers.
The Gordons at dusk had captured the enemy's trenches surrounding
Mendleston Farm, but were again driven out of them by a powerful
machine-gun counter-attack. They had to fall back on their own
trenches.
The French 32nd Corps attacked to the north of the 16th on the line
Klein Zillebeke--Zillebeke, and advanced some 200 to 300 yards. They
repulsed a German counter-attack from Zandvoorde and captured the
trenches in front of the chateau of Hollebeke.
As the French had not established themselves in the position
agreed upon, the 3rd Division was unable to advance further, whilst
the 5th Division (right of 2nd Corps) and all the 3rd Corps were
confined the whole day to demonstration and holding the enemy.
I visited the _Poste de Commandement_ of the 3rd Division Commander
(Haldane) on the Scherpenberg--a hill near Bailleul, surmounted by a
windmill--in the afternoon, and witnessed the fighting for some time.
It struck me that the enemy artillery fire was much weaker than ours.
The operations were continued on the 15th, and I again spent some time
on the Scherpenberg watching the progress of the fight, so far as the
weather permitted any view; we were again prevented from advancing
owing to the delay of the French on our left. Our joint plan was that
successive points had to be taken from north to south. It is obvious
that the movement had to commence on the French left, but from the
first our Allies failed to execute their task and we had to wait for
them.
The weather was terrible and the ground simply quagmire, whilst the
rain, cold, and the awful mud of the holding soil paralysed any
energetic attempt to drive the enemy back. A desultory fire was kept
up at all points along the line; but no great activity appeared to be
possible. The _role_ of the 2nd Corps was quite plain and clear: it
had to wait for the 16th French Corps to reach its allotted points.
Later in the day I went round to the 3rd Corps Headquarters and there
met the Corps Commander (Pulteney), Du Cane, his Chief of Staff, and
Allenby, Commanding the Cavalry.
I discussed the general course of the operations with them. I had in
my mind the possibility of giving some impetus to the general advance
by making an attack with troops of the 3rd Corps across the River
Douve, and thus directly supporting an advance by Smith-Dorrien's
right, perhaps supported by the cavalry. The mud and water in the
valley of that river, however, presented insuperable difficulties.
During the night of the 15th-16th, troops of the 5th Division captured
some trenches to the south of Messines.
I was much perturbed at the slow progress we were making, as no better
reports came from anywhere along the whole of the Allied line.
On the 16th I again visited the Scherpenberg, where I was met by
Smith-Dorrien and Haldane. Smith-Dorrien assured me that the
understanding between himself and the Commander of the 16th French
Corps on his left (General Grosetti) to provide for mutual support and
co-operation had been complete.
As our great aim was now to reduce the enemy's machine-gun fire, I
directed Smith-Dorrien to send his pack artillery, which had recently
been given him, close down behind the trenches and dig them well in.
De Maud'huy's attack north of Arras was begun on the 16th by a heavy
artillery bombardment. The infantry attack followed on the 17th, but
the results were disappointing, although a little ground was gained
near Notre Dame de Lorette. Some slight progress was made by the
French 21st Corps.
I tried to see Foch, but he was away from his Headquarters with de
Maud'huy. I sent Henry Wilson after him to explain my views, namely,
that our present plan must be modified, owing largely to the fact that
we had considerably under-estimated the enemy's strength, particularly
in the matter of machine guns. Foch sent Wilson back to tell
me that he agreed in thinking that the present operations had not
proved a success. He proposed to break them off as soon as we could
reconsider our arrangements. He begged me, however, to continue
demonstrating all along my front as much as possible, with a view to
supporting the attack upon which de Maud'huy was now embarked.
It was at this time that one of the many instances occurred of the
evils which attend divided command. There was undoubtedly a great
opportunity on and about December 18th for a powerful attack opposite
Wytschaete. I proposed to mass the 16th French and 2nd British Corps
at this point, when I discovered that the 16th Corps was practically
melting away on my left flank. Two brigades had been despatched to the
north, and other units had been sent away to support de Maud'huy's
attack on Arras. I was in complete ignorance of these moves until they
were accomplished facts. I therefore had to give up all idea of a
joint attack on any large scale for the present, and issued orders to
Corps Commanders enjoining them to demonstrate on their immediate
front, to keep the enemy occupied and seize any opportunity which
might offer to capture hostile trenches.
Colonel Thomson (liaison officer with General de Castelnau) told me
that the 2nd French Army had made some progress, the first line of the
enemy trenches near Albert had been taken and the ground made good.
Progress was also made near Roye.
Captain Spiers (11th Hussars), who was now my liaison officer with
General de Maud'huy, came to me. He told me that a German
counter-attack on Notre Dame de Lorrette had regained all ground lost
by the enemy on the day before, but that the attack on Givenchy-les-La
Bassee had succeeded only to the extent of capturing a trench west of
the village, and that progress was being slowly made to the north. The
ground won at St. Laurent was retained in spite of repeated German
counter-attacks. Some trenches north of Notre Dame de Consolation
(east of Vermelles) were also taken and held.
I have had occasion to mention Spiers' name before. He has since
deservedly risen to much higher rank. In my mind I always used to
class him with Captain Colquhoun Grant of Peninsular fame--one of
Wellington's most trusted scouting officers.
I have a most vivid and grateful recollection of the invaluable
services performed by this intrepid young officer. He is possessed of
an extremely acute perception, and is able to express himself and
deliver his reports in the clearest and most concise terms. He was
always exact and accurate, and never failed to bring me back the
information I most particularly wanted. I seldom knew him at fault. He
was a perfect master of the French language and was popular with the
staffs, and made welcome by the various generals to whom he was
attached. His unfailing tact, judgment and resource were very marked.
His reckless, daring courage often made me anxious for his safety,
and, indeed, he was severely wounded on at least five separate
occasions.
I remember well his coming back to report to me late one evening. He
spoke with his usual confidence and decision, and the information
which he gave me proved to be very important and accurate, but I
noticed that his voice was weak and he looked very tired and worn in
the face. I sent him away to his quarters as quickly as possible,
thinking he wanted rest. All this time he had a bullet in his side,
and in that condition he had travelled back several miles to
make his report. He fainted after leaving my room, and lay in
considerable danger for several days.
To resume my narrative. The 3rd, 4th, and Indian Corps were all
energetic in carrying out my latest orders, and demonstrated with
considerable activity. On the 19th the 8th Division captured some
trenches at Neuve Chapelle, and the 7th Division at Rouges Bancs, but
of the latter, the 2nd Batt. Scots Guards, in the 20th Brigade, were
driven back by a counter-attack; as also were the Devons.
Attacks were made very early in the morning by the Garhwal, Sirhind,
and Ferozepore Brigades. Each was successful, and parts of the enemy's
trenches were captured.
The Garhwal Brigade captured two machine guns and some prisoners, but
had to return to their own trenches in the evening.
The 11th Brigade of the 4th Division, under Hunter Weston (1st Batt.
Somerset L.I., 1st Batt. E. Lancs Regt., 1st Batt. Hampshire Regt.,
1st Batt. Rifle Brigade), made a concerted attack on the morning of
the 19th on the edge of Ploegsteert Wood. Some houses were captured,
but the mud and the wet made progress difficult. However, they
maintained their position well.
The success of the Indian Corps was destined to be of but short
duration. During the night of the 20th the enemy regained all the
trenches they had taken except some sap-heads near Givenchy. The
Germans attacked at daybreak all along the line between
Givenchy-les-La Bassee and la Quinque Rue. The Sirhind Brigade were
driven back on Festubert, and Givenchy was lost, but retaken in the
afternoon.
On the front of the Meerut Division only the Garhwal Brigade
on the left held its ground, and in the evening the situation was
serious, the Germans occupying nearly all our line between Givenchy
and Richebourg, whilst the Corps reserves were all engaged. In the
evening the three brigades of the Indian Cavalry Corps were thrown
into the fight.
At night Sir James Willcocks reported his troops as much exhausted,
and urged their immediate relief; the 1st Corps was therefore ordered
to send two brigades (1st and 3rd) up to the line occupied by the
Indian Corps.
At 2.35 p.m. these two brigades advanced and partially restored the
situation on the front Givenchy--Festubert, driving the enemy out of
Givenchy. The 2nd Brigade (2nd Batt. R. Sussex Regt., 1st Batt. N.
Lancs, 1st Batt. Northants Regt., 2nd Batt. K.R.R.) had now also been
ordered up, and advanced in support of the Lahore Division.
On the evening of the 21st the 1st Corps were ordered to take over the
Indian Corps' line. In the early hours of the 22nd the 1st Brigade
(1st Batt. Coldstream Guards, 1st Batt. Scots Guards, 1st Batt. Black
Watch, 1st Batt. Cameron Highlanders) made Givenchy secure. The 3rd
Brigade (2nd Batt. R. Munster Fusiliers, 1st Batt. S. Wales Borderers,
1st Batt. Gloucester Regt., 2nd Batt. Welsh Regt.) was unable to
re-establish the original line on the left of the 1st Brigade, but
occupied a line thrown slightly back.
The 2nd Brigade endeavoured to gain the old line at la Quinque Rue,
but was unable to do so, and secured a position with its right in
touch with the Meerut Brigade and in front of Festubert.
At 1 p.m. on the 22nd Sir Douglas Haig (commanding the 1st Corps)
assumed command in this area.
On the 23rd the 27th Division, which had been despatched from
England, completed its detrainment and concentrated in the area about
Arques (near St. Omer).
On the 17th I received a letter from Kitchener from which I gleaned
that the Cabinet were much perturbed by rumours of a contemplated
invasion by the enemy, which apparently emanated from the Admiralty.
The authorities at home were far from happy about the whole situation
on the Western front, and it was greatly feared that our line might
still be broken through by a determined German offensive.
I received orders to go home and consult with the Cabinet, and arrived
at Folkestone about 11 a.m. on Sunday the 20th. Lord Kitchener met me
there with his motor and we drove together to Walmer Castle, where the
Prime Minister (Mr. Asquith) was then staying. I had not seen
Kitchener since our memorable meeting at Paris, early in September,
but he met me in the most friendly manner, and said many kind things
about our work in France, of which he clearly appreciated the
difficulties. We discussed the situation fully _en route_, and I
remember his putting many questions to me about all the principal
members of the Headquarters Staff. Whilst assuring him of my entire
satisfaction with each and all of them, I reminded him that, if any
fault was to be found, I and no one else was responsible.
In this and many subsequent conversations of a similar kind, I always
maintained that a Commander-in-Chief can only be held in contempt who
allows any member of his staff, or, indeed, any officer under his
orders, to bear blame which must always most properly belong to _him_
and to _him alone_. A chief in supreme command has always the
absolute power of replacing any officer who fails in his
duty. To _him_ comes the principal credit and reward when things go
well, and to _him_ and him alone must the blame be apportioned when
they do not. Until any officer under him is found by _him_ to be unfit
for his position, it is contrary to all efficient discipline to allow
such officer to be censured or removed by any outside authority.
This principle is one of the most sacred traditions of the British
Army. It is the foundation upon which there has been slowly and
carefully built up that mutual confidence which exists between
officers and men, which is the real secret of their wonderful fighting
power. I recalled to Kitchener's memory our service together in South
Africa, and reminded him how truly and faithfully he had always kept
up this tradition in his own exercise of command.
After four months of the most ruthless war the world has ever seen, it
was a curious sensation to find myself once again on English soil and
in the midst of peaceful surroundings. It was one of those mild, balmy
days which we very seldom get in the month of December, and the usual
English Sunday atmosphere of rest and repose was over every object,
animate and inanimate.
I could not help feeling deeply the extraordinary contrast which the
scene presented to that which I had left behind me a few hours before.
Except that one noticed a few men in khaki, there was nothing to
indicate the terrific war which was raging all the time just across
the Channel.
The people of this country have never truly realised the wonderful
immunity from the horrors of war which they alone of all the
belligerent countries have enjoyed. I wonder if it has really struck
any large number of them that, after more than four years of desperate
strife, we are the only people in Europe who can proudly claim that no
enemy has ever occupied one square inch of all our vast Empire
throughout the world, except for a short time in East Africa. The soil
of Germany, Austria, Hungary, Turkey, Bulgaria, France, Russia, Italy,
Serbia, and Roumania has been repeatedly violated. It is truly a great
record when we come to think that the sun never sets on the British
flag.
On arriving at Walmer Castle I was very kindly and cordially welcomed
by the Prime Minister. Entering the historic old stronghold, where the
great Iron Duke breathed his last, I remember being at first seized
with a pang of regret; for I thought his spirit would have rested in
greater peace, if, under that famous roof, I could have told the first
Minister of the King that we had once again planted the British flag
in the face of the enemy on the field of Waterloo. It was a dream I
had indulged in from the first, but, alas! like many others, it was
destined never to be realised.