confess it, would not have known to whose hands the fate of France
might be entrusted; and the part it took, that of waiting the issue of
events in the capital, if not the most dignified, was at least the
wisest and most prudent.
The representatives of the people, on their part, far from showing
themselves docile to the advice of Wellington and of Blucher,
displayed with more energy than ever the principles and sentiments
that animated them. They collected round the tri-coloured flag; and,
though the army had laid down its weapons, they were still resolved to
contend in defence of liberty, and the independence of the nation.
On the very day when the convention of Paris was notified to them by
the government, they exposed, in a new bill of rights, the fundamental
principles of a constitution, which alone, in their opinion, could
satisfy the wishes of the public: and declared, that the prince called
to reign over them should not ascend the throne, till he had given his
sanction to this bill and taken an oath to observe it, and cause it to
be observed.
Informed almost immediately by sinister rumours, that soon they would
be no longer allowed to deliberate, they resolved, on the motion of M.
Dupont de l'Eure, solemnly to express their last will in a kind of
political testament, drawn up in the following words.
"_Declaration of the Chamber of Representatives._
"The troops of the allied powers are about to occupy the capital.
"The chamber of representatives will nevertheless continue to sit amid
the inhabitants of Paris, to which place the express will of the
people has sent its proxies.
"But, under the present serious circumstances, the chamber of
representatives owes it to itself, owes it to France and to Europe, to
make a declaration of its sentiments and principles.
"It declares, therefore, that it makes a solemn appeal to the fidelity
and patriotism of the national guard of Paris, charged with the
protection of the national representatives.
"It declares, that it reposes itself with the highest confidence on
the moral principles, honour, and magnanimity, of the allied powers,
and on their respect for the independence of the nation, positively
expressed in their manifestoes.
"It declares, that the government of France, whoever may be its head,
ought to unite in its favour the wishes of the nation, legally
expressed; and form arrangements with the other governments, in order
to become a common bond and guarantee of peace between France and
Europe.
"It declares, that a monarch cannot offer any real guarantees, if he
do not swear to the observance of a constitution, formed by the
deliberations of the national representatives, and accepted by the
people. Accordingly any government, that has no other title than the
acclamations and will of a party, or is imposed on it by force; any
government, that does not adopt the national colours, and does not
guarantee,
"The liberties of the citizens;
"Equality of rights, civil and political;
"The liberty of the press;
"Freedom of religious worship;
"The representative system;
"Free assent to levies and taxes;
"The responsibility of ministers;
"The irrevocability of sales of national property, from whatever
source originating;
"The inviolability of property;
"The abolition of titles, of the old and new hereditary nobility, and
of feudal claims;
"The abolition of all confiscation of property, the complete oblivion
of opinions and votes given up to the present day;
"The institution of the legion of honour;
"The recompenses due to the officers and soldiers;
"The succour due to their widows and children;
"The institution of a jury; the indefeasibleness of the office of
judge;
"The payment of the public debt;
"Would not ensure the tranquillity of France and of Europe.
"If the fundamental principles, announced in this declaration, should
be disregarded or violated, the representatives of the French people,
acquitting themselves this day of a sacred duty, enter their protest
beforehand, in the face of the whole world, against violence and
usurpation. They entrust they maintenance of the arrangements, which
they now proclaim, to all good Frenchmen, to all generous hearts, to
all enlightened minds, to all men jealous of liberty, and, in fine, to
future generations."
This sublime protest was considered by the assembly as a funeral
monument, erected to patriotism and fidelity. All the members arose,
and adopted it spontaneously, with shouts a thousand times repeated of
"Long live the nation! Liberty for ever!" It was resolved, that it
should be sent immediately to the chamber of peers: "It must be made
known," said M. Dupin, "that the whole of the national representation
shares the noble sentiments expressed in this declaration. It must be
made known to all worthy and reasonable men, the friends of judicious
liberty, that their wishes have found interpreters here, and that
force itself cannot prevent us from uttering them."
At the same moment M. Bedoch announced, that our plenipotentiaries
were returned; and that one of them, M. Pontécoulant, had affirmed,
that "the foreign powers, and particularly the Emperor Alexander, had
shown favourable dispositions he had frequently heard it said and
repeated, that it was not the intention of the allied sovereigns, to
put any constraint on France in the choice of a government; and that
the Emperor Alexander would be at Nancy in a few days[90]."
[Footnote 90: The plenipotentiaries, who set out from
Laon on the 26th of June, arrived on the 1st of July at
Hagueneau, the head-quarters of the allied sovereigns.
The sovereigns did not think fit, to give them an
audience; and Count Walmoden was appointed on the part
of Austria, Count Capo d'Istria on that of Russia,
General Knesbeck on that of Prussia, to hear their
proposals. The English ambassador, Lord Stewart, having
no powers _ad hoc_, was simply invited, to be present at
the conferences.
Lord Stewart did not fail, as was foreseen in the
instructions given to the plenipotentiaries, to dispute
the legality of the existence of the chambers and of the
committee; and asked the French deputies, by what right
the nation pretended to expel their King, and choose
another sovereign. By the same right, answered M. de la
Fayette, as Great Britain had to depose James, and crown
William.
This answer stopped the mouth of the English minister.
The plenipotentiaries, warned by this question of the
disposition of the allies, exerted themselves less for
obtaining Napoleon II., than for rejecting Louis XVIII.
They declared, I am told, that France had an insuperable
aversion to this sovereign and his family; and that
there was no prince, it would not consent to adopt,
rather than return under their sway. In fine, they
hinted, that the nation might agree to take the Duke of
Orleans, or the King of Saxony, if it were impossible
for it to retain the throne for the son of Maria Louisa.
The foreign ministers, after some insignificant
discourse, politely put an end to the conference; and in
the evening the French plenipotentiaries received their
dismissal by the following note:
_Hagueneau, July the 1st._
"According to the stipulation of the treaty of
alliance, which says, that none of the contracting
parties shall treat of peace or an armistice, but
by common consent, the three courts, that find
themselves together, Austria, Russia, and Prussia,
declare, that they cannot at present enter into any
negotiation. The cabinets will assemble together,
as soon as possible.
"The three powers consider it as an essential
condition of peace, and of real tranquillity, that
Napoleon Bonaparte shall be incapable of disturbing
the repose of France, and of Europe, for the
future: and in consequence of the events, that
occurred in the month of March last, _the powers
must insist, that Napoleon Bonaparte be placed in
their custody_.
(Signed) WALMODEN.
Capo d'ISTRIA.
KNESBECK."
General Sébastiani confirmed these explanations. The chamber, feeling
its hopes revive, immediately ordered, that its declaration should be
carried to the foreign monarchs by a deputation of its members. "They
will understand our language," said M. Dupont de l'Eure, with a noble
feeling: "it is worthy of them, and of the great nation we represent."
Thus, at the very moment when the chamber was about to expire, its
dying looks were still turned with pleasing confidence toward the
foreign kings, whom the inconstancy of fortune had rendered the
arbiters of France. It appealed particularly, in all its wishes, to
that loyal and magnanimous prince, who had already preserved the
French from the calamities of conquest, and who appeared destined to
preserve it from evils still more deplorable. His name, uttered with
respect, with gratitude, issued from every mouth; it was sufficient,
to calm disquietude, allay grief, and revive hope; it seemed to be the
pledge of peace, independence, and happiness, to the nation. O
Alexander! this high esteem, this tender confidence, of a whole people
not thy own, doubt not, will be placed by posterity in the first rank
of thy claims to glory.
The committee, however, dissuaded the representatives from applying to
the sovereigns. It remonstrated to them, that the foreign powers
refused to acknowledge the legal character of the chambers, and this
step would expose them to humiliations unworthy the majesty of the
nation. The representatives, convinced of their mistake, did not
persevere: they tranquilly resumed their labours on the
constitution[91], and continued, while the despotic sword of kings
hung over their heads, stoically to discuss the imprescriptible rights
of the people.
[Footnote 91: This constitution, founded on the
additional act, differed from it only in abolishing
hereditary mobility. M. Manuel, however, who displayed
talents of the first order in this discussion, was of
opinion, that the order of nobility should not be
suppressed, being essentially necessary in a monarchy.
Had I to draw up an eulogy of the additional act, or a
charge against those who hold it in contempt, I would
only refer them to his constitution.]
The Duke of Wellington, when the convention was signed, had expressed
a desire, to confer with the Duke of Otranto on its execution. The
committee did not oppose their interview. It was a certain means of
knowing definitively what was to be depended on, with regard to the
dispositions of the allies. It was agreed, that the president of the
committee should reproduce the arguments of the letter of the 1st of
July; that he should endeavour, to keep out the Bourbons, and turn the
temporary vacancy of the throne to the advantage of the nation and of
freedom.
The Duke of Otranto, on his return, informed the committee, "that
Wellington had formally declared in favour of Louis XVIII.; and had
said, that this sovereign would make his entrance into Paris on the
8th of July.
"That General Pozzo di Borgo had repeated the same declaration in the
name of the Emperor of Russia; and had communicated to him a letter
from Prince Metternich, and from Count Nesselrode, expressing the
resolution, to acknowledge only Louis XVIII, and to admit no proposal
to the contrary." He added, "that the Duke of Wellington had conducted
him to the King: that he had gone _for his sake_ (_pour son compte_);
that he had left him ignorant of nothing with respect to the situation
of France, or to the disposition of people's minds against the return
of his family. That the King had listened to him with attention, and
with approbation that he had manifested an inclination, to add to the
charter fresh guarantees, and to remove all idea of reaction. _That,
as to the expressions in the proclamations, they would rather furnish
opportunities for clemency, than means of severity._" In fine, he
added, "that he had spoken of the tri-coloured cockade, but that all
explanation had been refused: that the opposition appeared to him, to
proceed less from the King, than from those about him, and from M. de
Talleyrand."
After this interview, the Duke of Otranto appeared to act separately
from his colleagues; and no longer made his appearance with
punctuality at their frequent meetings.
The newspapers soon made public, that he was appointed minister of
police to the King. This he had concealed from the committee. The
royalists congratulated him on this mark of favour; the patriots
loaded him with curses, considering it as the reward of his treachery.
The King's party, which had hitherto kept itself in obscurity, was
desirous of making reparation for this long and pusillanimous
inactivity by some brilliant act. It plotted the disarming of the
posts of the national guard, under favour of night; seizing the
Tuileries, dissolving the committee and the chambers, and proclaiming
Louis XVIII.
Some precautions taken by the Prince of Essling taught the
conspirators, that their designs were known: and they prudently left
the execution of them to foreign bayonets. They had not to wait long.
On the 7th of July, at five o'clock in the afternoon, several Prussian
battalions, in spite of the convention, surrounded the palace, where
the government was sitting. An officer of the staff delivered to the
committee a demand from Prince Blucher of a contribution of a hundred
millions in cash, and a hundred millions in articles for the troops.
The committee declared with firmness, that this requisition was
contrary to the convention; and that it would never consent, to make
itself an accomplice in such exactions. During this debate, the
Prussians had forced the gates of the Tuileries, and invaded the
courts and avenues of the palace. The committee being no longer free,
and not choosing to become an instrument of oppression, ceased its
functions.
Its first care was, to record by an authentic protest, _that it had
yielded only to force, and that the rights of the nation remained
intact_. The Duke of Otranto, the docile composer of the public papers
of the government, took up the pen for this purpose: but the
committee, fearing the effects this protest might have on the public
tranquillity, thought it better, to content itself with sending to the
two chambers the following message.
"Mr. President,
"Hitherto we had reason to believe, that the allied sovereigns were
not unanimous in their intentions, respecting the choice of a prince
to reign over France. Our plenipotentiaries gave us the same assurance
on their return. The ministers and generals of the allied powers,
however, declared yesterday in the conferences they held with the
president of the committee, that all the sovereigns had engaged, to
replace Louis XVIII. on the throne; and that this evening, or
to-morrow, he would make his entry into the capital.
"The foreign troops are come to occupy the Tuileries, where the
government sits. In this state of things, we can do nothing, but put
up prayers for our country; and, our deliberations being no longer
free, we think it our duty to separate."
This message, the last testimonial of the audacious duplicity of the
Duke of Otranto, now become a minister of the King, contained in
addition what follows. "Fresh guarantees will be added to the charter;
and we have not lost the hope of retaining the colours so dear to the
nation:" but this paragraph, of which I give only the substance, was
afterwards suppressed.
The chamber of peers, which had received with coldness the bill of
rights, and the declaration of the chamber of representatives,
separated without a murmur[92].
[Footnote 92: This chamber, after the abdication of
Napoleon, was merely a superfetation. The departure of
those peers, who formed part of the army, completed its
reduction to an absolute nullity. Without patriotism,
without energy, it confined itself to sanctioning with
an ill grace the measures adopted by the
representatives. M. Thibaudeau, M. de Ségur, M. de
Bassano, and a few others, alone raised themselves to a
level with the state of affairs. M. Thibaudeau in
particular distinguished himself, on the 28th of June
and the 2d of July, by two speeches on our political
situation; which were considered then, as they long will
be, as noble specimens of courage, patriotism, and
eloquence.]
The chamber of deputies received its sentence of death with heroic
tranquillity. When M. Manuel, repeating the memorable words of
Mirabeau, exclaimed: "We are here by the will of the people; we will
not depart, till compelled by the bayonet: it is our duty, to devote
to our country our last moments; and, if necessary, the last drop of
our blood:" all the members of the assembly rose, in testimony of
their assent; and declared, that they would remain firm at their
posts.
But they were not allowed, to fulfil this glorious resolution. The
president, M. Lanjuinais, betraying their courage, and despising their
will, dissolved the sitting, and retired. "M. President," said General
Solignac to him, "the muse of history is here, and will record your
conduct."
The next morning, they found the avenues of their palace occupied by
foreigners, and the doors of the assembly closed. M. de Cazes, at the
head of some royal volunteers, had taken away the keys. This act of
violence, against which they protested, at length removed the bandage
from their eyes: they perceived the error they had committed, in too
hastily removing Napoleon from the throne, and blindly entrusting to
other hands the fate of their country[93].
[Footnote 93: I repeat here a preceding observation,
that I confine myself to a relation of facts, without
deciding upon them.]
Thus terminated, after a month's existence, that assembly, which the
French had chosen, to confirm the imperial dynasty, to secure their
liberties and their tranquillity; but which, through precipitancy,
want of foresight, and an excess of zeal and patriotism, had given
rise to nothing but convulsions and calamities.
The dissolution of the chambers, and of the government, put an end to
all illusions.
The tri-coloured flags, that had been retained, disappeared.
The shouts of "Long live the nation!" and "Liberty for ever!" ceased.
M. Fouché went to announce to his new master, that the whole was
consummated.
And on the 8th of July Louis XVIII. in triumph took possession of his
capital[94], and of his throne.
[Footnote 94: On the 8th of July M. de Vitrolles caused
the following official article to be inserted in the
Moniteur.
"Paris, July the _7th_.--The committee of
government made known to the King, by the mouth of
its president, that it had just dissolved itself."
This article, written with the intention, to make
France and Europe believe, that the committee had
voluntarily deposited its authority in the hands of
the King, called forth strong remonstrances from
the Duke of Vicenza. Incapable of paltering with
his duty, or with the truth, he went immediately to
the King's minister, the Duke of Otranto;
reproached him severely with having compromised the
committee and declared, that he would not quit his
house, till he had obtained a formal disavowal of
it. The minister protested, that the article was
not written by him; and consented to disavow it.
Count Carnot, Baron Quinette, and General Grenier,
having joined the Duke of Vicenza, the latter
wrote, in the Duke of Otranto's closet, the letter
subjoined; the boldness and firmness of which, I
trust, it is unnecessary to remark.
"Monsieur le Duc.--As the committee of government,
on its retiring, neither ought nor could charge
your excellency with any mission, we desire you, to
cause the article inserted in the Moniteur of this
day, the 8th of July, to be disavowed; and to
procure the insertion of our last message to the
two chambers.
(Signed) CAULINCOURT.
CARNOT.
QUINETTE.
GRENIER."
The Duke of Otranto answered this letter by the
following declaration:
"Gentlemen.--The committee of government having
dissolved itself on the 7th of July, every act
emanating from it posterior to its message to the
chambers is null, and ought to be considered as not
having taken place.
"Your remonstrance against the article inserted in
the Moniteur of the 8th of July is just. I disavow
it, as totally unfounded, and published without my
authority.
(Signed) The Duke of OTRANTO."]
At the moment when this prince re-entered the Tuileries, Napoleon was
busied at Rochefort on the means of quitting France. His presence
excited such enthusiasm among the people, the mariners, and the
soldiers, that the shore uninterruptedly resounded with shouts of
"Long live the Emperor!" and these shouts, repeated from mouth to
mouth, could not but teach those, who had flattered themselves with
having mastered the will of Napoleon, how easy it would be for him, to
shake off his chains, and laugh at their vain precautions. But
faithful to his determination, he firmly resisted the impulse of
circumstances; and the continual solicitations made him, to put
himself at the head of the patriots and the army. "It is too late," he
incessantly repeated: "the evil is now without remedy: it is no longer
in my power, to save the country. A civil war now would answer no
end, would be of no utility. To myself alone it might prove
advantageous, by affording me the means of procuring personally more
favourable conditions: but these I must purchase by the inevitable
destruction of all that France possesses of most generous and most
magnanimous and such a result inspires me with horror[95]."
[Footnote 95: The words recorded by M. de Lascases.]
Up to the 29th of June, the day when the Emperor quitted Malmaison, no
English vessel had been seen off the coast of Rochefort, and there is
every reason to believe, that Napoleon, if circumstances had allowed
him to embark immediately after his abdication, would have reached the
United States without obstruction. But when he arrived at the
sea-coast, he found every outlet occupied by the enemy, and appeared
to retain little hope of escaping.
The 8th of July[96] he went on board the frigate la Saale, prepared to
receive him. His suite was embarked on board the Medusa; and the next
day, the 9th, the two vessels anchored at the Isle of Aix. Napoleon,
always the same, ordered the garrison under arms, examined the
fortifications most minutely, and distributed praise or blame, as if
he had still been sovereign master of the state.
[Footnote 96: At the same moment Louis XVIII. entered
Paris. It was another remarkable singularity, that the
King entered the capital the first time on the same day,
on which the Emperor went on board the brig, that
conveyed him to Porto Ferrajo.]
On the 10th, the wind, hitherto contrary, became fair; but an English
fleet of eleven vessels was cruising within sight of the port, and it
was impossible to get to sea.
On the 11th, the Emperor, weary of this state of anxiety, sent Count
de Las Cases, now become his secretary, to sound the disposition of
the English admiral; to inquire, whether he were authorised to allow
him liberty, to repair to England, or to the United States.
The admiral answered, that he had no orders: that still he was ready,
to receive Napoleon, and convey him to England: but that it was not in
his power, to answer whether he would obtain permission to remain
there, or to repair to America.
Napoleon, little satisfied with this answer, caused two half-decked
vessels to be purchased, with intention, under favour of night, to
reach a Danish smack, with which he had contrived to hold
intelligence.
This step having failed, some young midshipmen, full of courage and
devotion, proposed to him, to go on board the two barks; and swore
they would forfeit their lives, if they did not convey him to New
York. Napoleon was not deterred by so long a voyage in such slight
vessels: but he knew, that they could not avoid stopping on the coasts
of Spain and Portugal, to take in water and provision; and he would
not expose himself and people, to the danger of falling into the hands
of the Portuguese or Spaniards.