solemn, every employment of force, in favour of the King, by these
armies, on that part of our territory, which is solely in their power,
will be considered by France as an avowal of the formal design of
imposing on us a government against our will. We may be allowed to ask
your lordship, whether you have received any such authority. Besides,
force is not a pacificator: a moral resistance repelled the late
government, that the King had been made to adopt: the more violence is
employed toward the nation, the more invincible would this resistance
be rendered. It cannot be the intention of the generals of the
besieging armies, to compromise their own governments; and to revoke
in fact the law, that the allied powers have imposed on themselves.
"My lord, the whole question lies in the compass of these few words.
"Napoleon has abdicated, as the allied powers desired: peace is
therefore restored: who the prince shall be, that is to reap the fruit
of this abdication, ought not even to be brought into the question.
"Is our state of possession to be altered by force? The allied powers
would not only violate their promises, promises made in the face of
the whole world, but they would not obtain their end. Is the change to
come from the will of the nation? Then it is necessary, in order to
lead this will to declare itself, for the allied powers first to make
known their formal refusal, to let our present government subsist. An
armistice, therefore, is indispensable.
"The full force of these considerations, my lord, it is impossible not
to perceive. Even in Paris, should the event of a battle open its
gates to you, I should still hold to your lordship the same language.
It is the language of all France. Were rivers of blood made
causelessly to flow, would the pretensions, that gave rise to them, be
more secure, or less odious?
"I hope soon to have an intercourse with your lordship, that will lead
us both to the work of peace, by means more conformable to reason and
justice. An armistice would allow us, to treat in Paris: and it will
be easy for us to come to an understanding on the great principle,
that the tranquillity of France is a condition inseparable from the
tranquillity of Europe. It is only from a close inspection of the
nation and of the army, that you can judge, on what the quietness and
stability of our future condition depend.
"I beg, &c. &c."
Though in this letter the Duke of Otranto pleaded the cause of
Napoleon IL, and pretended to be ignorant of the dispositions of the
allies, it was nevertheless very easy to perceive, that he considered
the question as irrevocably decided in favour of the Bourbons. Their
name, which he had long avoided mentioning, was incessantly on his
lips: but always the same, always inclined naturally and
systematically, to have more strings than one to his bow, he appeared
to incline alternately _for the younger branch, and for the reigning
branch_. At one time the former seemed to him to offer preferably, and
in a higher degree, all the guarantees the nation could desire: at
another he insinuated, that it would be possible, to come to an
accommodation with the King, if he would consent, to dismiss certain
dangerous persons, and make fresh concessions to France.
This change, too sudden not to be noticed, drew on his conduct more
than ever the scrutinizing eyes and reproaches of the antagonists of
the Bourbons.
He was accused of encouraging by impunity the newspaper writers and
pamphleteers, who openly advocated the recall of the ancient dynasty
of protecting the royalist party; and of having restored to liberty
one of its most subtle agents, Baron de Vitrolles.
He was charged with holding nocturnal conferences with this same M. de
Vitrolles, and several eminent royalists; and with daily sending
emissaries, unknown to his colleagues, to the King, to M. de
Talleyrand, and to the Duke of Wellington.
Two of the deputies, M. Durbach and General Solignac, went to him, and
declared, that they were acquainted with his manoeuvres; that his
ambition blinded him; that no compact could ever subsist between Louis
XVIII. and the murderer of his brother; and that sooner or later
France would take vengeance on this treason.
An old minister of state, M. Deferment, reproached him to his teeth
with privately selling the lives and liberties of the French.
Other accusations, not less serious, or less virulent, were addressed
to him by M. Carnot, and by General Grenier. "If he betray us," said
the latter, "I will blow his brains out."
The Duke of Otranto, accustomed to brave political storms, coolly
repelled these imputations. He reminded his accusers of the numerous
pledges he had given to the revolution. He offered his head as the
guarantee of his fidelity. His protestations, his oaths, and the
imperturbable assurance, with which he answered for the safety and
independence of the nation, if he were suffered to go on his own way,
allayed the storms: but he had too much penetration, not to be aware
of the ground on which he stood; he could not but feel, that he was
lost, if he did not hasten to a conclusion; and there is every reason
to believe, that he rejected _no means_ of arriving speedily at a
decisive result[83].
[Footnote 83: If we may believe the declaration of M.
Macirone, confirmed by the testimony of two other secret
agents, MM. Maréchal and St. Jul***, the Duke of Otranto
wrote to Lord Wellington, by a letter of which M.
Macirone was the bearer, and which he concealed in his
stockings, that the enthusiasm of the federates and
Bonapartists was at the height; and that it would be
impossible, to restrain them any longer, if the Duke of
Wellington did not hasten, to come and put an end to
their fury by the occupation of Paris.]
Blucher, however, to whom only a shadow of defence was opposed, had
crossed the Seine at the bridge of Pecq, which had been preserved by
the care of a journalist named Martainville, and appeared to intend,
to spread his troops round the south-west of Paris[84]. Our generals,
witnessing this adventurous march, were unanimously of opinion, that
the Prussians had compromised themselves. They summoned the Prince of
Eckmuhl to attack them; and he could not avoid assenting to it.
[Footnote 84: It was just at this moment, that the
Emperor declared to the government, that he was certain
of crushing the enemy, if they would entrust him with
the command of the army.]
The whole army, generals, officers, soldiers, were still animated with
a devotion, that nothing could rebut. Proud of the confidence placed
in them by the national representatives, they had answered their
appeal by an address full of spirit and patriotism; they had sworn to
each other, to die in defence of the honour and independence of the
nation; and they were impatient, to fulfil their oaths.
General Excelmans was sent after the Prussians with six thousand men.
A corps of fifteen thousand infantry, under the command of General
Vichery, was to follow him by the bridge of Sevres, and connect its
movements with six thousand foot of the 1st corps, and ten thousand
chosen horse, who were to march by the bridge of Neuilly. But at the
moment of executing these movements, the success of which would
unquestionably have ensured the destruction of the Prussian army,
counter-orders were issued by the Prince of Eckmuhl, from what motives
I know not. General Excelmans alone maintained the battle. He attacked
the enemy in advance of Versailles, drove them into an ambuscade, cut
them to pieces, and took from them their arms, baggage, and horses.
Generals Strulz, Piré, Barthe, and Vincent, colonels Briqueville,
Faudoas, St. Amand, Chaillou, Simonnet, Schmid, Paolini, and their
brave regiments, performed prodigies of valour, and were intrepidly
seconded by the citizens of the neighbouring communes, who had
preceded as sharpshooters the arrival of our troops on the field of
battle, and during the battle proved themselves worthy, to fight by
their side.
This victory filled the Parisian patriots with hope and joy. It
inspired them with the noble desire of imitating the fine example,
that had just been set them. But when it was known, that a general
engagement had been unanimously desired and agreed upon; and that the
enemy, had it not been for counter-orders, surprised and cut off,
would have been annihilated, this intoxication was changed into
depression, and a cry was raised on all hands of infamy and treason.
Excelmans and his brave men, not being supported, were obliged to
retreat. The Prussians advanced, the English moved out to support
them; they formed a junction, and came and encamped together on the
heights of Meudon.
The committee hastened to inform the commissioners of the critical
situation of Paris, and desired them, as the Duke of Wellington was
incessantly sending them from Caiphas to Pilate, to endeavour to see
Prince Blucher. They answered, "that they had never been able to have
any communication with the marshal; and that they could not establish
a conference with him, unless through the intervention of Lord
Wellington, without the risk of occasioning a rupture."
They added to their despatch a fresh letter, by which his lordship
announced to them, that "Prince Blucher continued to express to him
the greatest repugnance to the conclusion of an armistice," &c. &c.
The government no longer doubted the ill will of the English general.
Count Carnot said, "that they must address themselves definitively to
the brutal frankness of Blucher, rather than live in the uncertainty,
in which they were kept by the civilities of Wellington."
The Duke of Vicenza thought the same, that the only way of coming to a
conclusion was by bluntly making a proposal without the knowledge of
the English. He remarked to the committee, that the great repugnance
shown by Marshal Blucher to concluding an armistice, no doubt, arose
from his being probably unwilling, to negotiate under the direction
and influence of Wellington, to whose head-quarters he apparently
avoided paying a visit. That he would be much more tractable, if he
were addressed directly. That, by taking this step, they would also
have the advantage of removing the negotiations from the place, where
the Bourbons were; and of being able more easily to avoid the
political question, on which Wellington seemed far more decided than
Blucher. The commission, influenced by these observations, adopted the
advice of M. Carnot; and the Prince of Eckmuhl was ordered, to address
to Marshal Blucher direct proposals, founded principally on the
armistice concluded with the chiefs of the Austrian forces.
The prince immediately answered:
"If Marshal Frimont have thought himself authorised, to conclude an
armistice, this is no reason for our doing the same. We shall follow
up our victory: God has given us the means, and the will.
"Consider what you have to do. Do not precipitate a city anew into
calamities; for you are aware to what lengths an enraged soldiery may
go, if your capital be taken by assault. Would you draw down on your
head the curses of Paris, as you have those of Hamburgh?
"_We are resolved to enter Paris, to secure the honest people there
from the plunder; with which they are threatened by the populace_[85].
It is only in Paris, that we can conclude a secure armistice."
[Footnote 85: From this passage it appears
unquestionable, that Wellington had communicated M.
Fouché's letter to Prince Blucher.]
This letter was revolting to the committee; but however great its just
indignation, there was now no middle path: _the commander in chief had
refused, to avail himself of a palpable fault of the enemy: the
opportunity of victory had been let slip: it was necessary, to
sustain a siege, or capitulate._
The committee, sensible of all the importance of the part it should
take, was desirous of having recourse to the skill, the councils, and
the responsibility of the most experienced men. It sent for the
immortal defenders of Genoa and Toulouse, the conqueror of Dantzic,
Generals Gazan, Duverney, and Evain, Major-General Ponton of the
engineers, who had distinguished himself at the siege of Hamburgh, and
in fine the presidents and committees (_bureaux_) of the two chambers.
Count Carnot, who had been to examine our positions and those of the
enemy in company with General Grenier, made a report on the situation
of Paris to the assembly.
He stated:
That the fortifications erected on the right bank of the Seine
appeared sufficient, to secure Paris against any assault on that side.
But that the left bank was entirely open, and presented a spacious
field to the enemy's attempts.
That the English and Prussian generals had moved the greater part of
their armies to this vulnerable point _with impunity_: and appeared
disposed, to attempt an attack with open force. That, if they failed
the first time, they might return to the charge a second; and renew
their attempts, till they rendered themselves masters of the capital.
That they would have fresh troops, to oppose to us continually; while
ours, obliged to be constantly on their guard, would soon be exhausted
with fatigue.
That the arrival of subsistence was becoming difficult; and that a
corps of sixty thousand Bavarians would apparently block up the way
between the Seine and Marne in the course of a few days.
That the enemy, already masters of the heights of Meudon, and the best
surrounding positions, might entrench themselves there, cut off our
retreat, and reduce Paris and the army, to surrender at discretion.
The president of the committee, after having called the attention of
the members of the assembly to these serious considerations, requested
them to give their opinions.
It was observed to him, that it appeared necessary, previously to make
known the present state of the negotiations. This the committee did
not refuse: but the communication having brought on a discussion
respecting the Bourbons, the committee reminded them, that they ought
to confine themselves to the military question; and that the point
was, purely and simply to decide, whether it were advisable or
possible, to defend Paris.
The Prince of Essling, being called upon, said, that this city would
be impregnable, if the inhabitants would make of it a second
Saragossa: but there was not sufficient harmony in their sentiments,
to think of a resolute resistance and the most prudent part would be,
to obtain a suspension of hostilities at any price.
The Duke of Dantzic declared, that he did not think it impossible, to
prolong their defence, by rapidly accelerating the works begun in the
plains of Montrouge.
The Duke of Dalmatia maintained, that the left bank of the Seine was
not tenable: that it was even very hazardous, since the occupation of
Aubervilliers, to remain on the right side: that if the line of the
canal, that joins St. Denis to Lavillette, should be forced, the enemy
might enter by the barrier of St. Denis pell-mell with our troops.
Some of the members, agreeing in opinion with the Duke of Dantzic,
demanded, that positive information should be procured respecting the
possibility of putting the left bank into a state of defence, previous
to coming to a decision. In fine, after some debate, it was decided,
that the assembly was not competent, to determine such a question:
and that it should be submitted to the examination and decision of a
council of war, which the Prince of Eckmuhl should convene for the
night following.
The occupation of Paris by the foreigners was the object of the
impatient wishes of the royalists, and of the men who had sold or
devoted themselves from policy, ambition, or fear, to the party of the
Bourbons. Persuaded, that it would decide the fate of France in 1815,
as it had done in 1814, they had omitted beforehand no step, no
promise, no threatening insinuation, that could tend to accomplish
their wishes and their triumph by the surrender of the city.
The Duke of Otranto, whether he were in concert with the royalists, or
considered the speedy capitulation of Paris necessary to his own
security; or were desirous of making a merit, at some future day, of
having brought France under the sway of its legitimate sovereign
without effusion of blood; appeared to consider it of great importance
that the defence of Paris should not be prolonged. "Every thing is on
the point of being settled," said he to the members, who had most
influence in the chambers and in the army: "let us be very careful
not to sacrifice a secure present to an uncertain future. The allies
are agreed, that we shall have _a_ Bourbon; but it is necessary, that
he submit to the conditions imposed on him by the nation. The chamber
will be retained, the generals will remain at the head of the army;
all will go well. Is it not better to submit, than to expose France to
be partitioned, or delivered over to the Bourbons bound hand and foot?
A prolonged resistance would have no other result, than to retard our
fall. It would rob us of the price of a voluntary submission, and
authorise the Bourbons to be implacable." If little disposition were
shown, to share his confidence and his sentiments; he imposed silence
on the refractory by all the forms of the most lively interest. "Your
opposition," he said to them, "astonishes and grieves me: would you
pass for an incendiary, and incur the penalty of being exiled? Let us
go on our own way, I conjure you: I will answer for the future."....
An internal presentiment warned the hearers, that this future would be
far from answering the expectations of M. Fouché: but his political
life, his great talents, his connexions with the foreign ministers,
the attention paid him in 1814 by the Emperor Alexander and the king
of Prussia, gave such weight, such an ascendancy, to his words, that
they ultimately did violence to their own reason, and gave themselves
up, though not without murmuring, to confidence and hope.
The council of war assembled on the night of the 1st of July at the
head-quarters at Lavillette, under the presidentship of the Prince of
Eckmuhl. Care was taken, it appeared, to keep away some suspected
generals; and not to neglect calling those officers, whose principles,
moderation, or weakness, was known. All the marshals present in the
capital were admitted; and they, who had lately refused to fight, did
not refuse to come to capitulate.
The committee, in order to prevent all political discussion, had
stated the questions, to which the members of the council were to
confine their deliberations: but this precaution, as might be
supposed, did not prevent their entering familiarly into the moral and
political considerations, that might influence the defence or
surrender of the place besieged. Marshal Soult pleaded the cause of
Louis XVIII.; and was eagerly seconded by other marshals, and several
generals, who, though they entered into the council under the
national colours, would willingly have gone out of it with the white
cockade.
It is impossible, to recapitulate the opinions, given in turn or
confusedly by the fifty persons, who were called to take a share in
this great and important deliberation. Their speeches, or rather their
conversation, turned alternately on Paris and on the Bourbons.
"We are told," said the partisans of Louis XVIII. and the
capitulation, "that Paris, covered without by an army of eighty
thousand men; and defended within by the federates, the sharpshooters,
the national guard, and an immense population; might resist the
efforts of the allies for twenty days at least. We are told, that its
immense extent will render the arrival of provision easy. We admit the
possibility of all this: but what will be the ultimate effect of this
resistance? To allow the Emperor Alexander, and the Emperor of
Austria, time to arrive.... The allies, we know perfectly well,
promise to leave us the power of choosing our sovereign: but will they
keep their promises? and what conditions will they annex to them?
Already Wellington and Blucher have announced, that they will require
guarantees, and fortified towns, if Louis XVIII. be rejected. Is not
this equivalent to a formal declaration, that the allies are resolved,
to retain that sovereign on the throne? Let us voluntarily rally round
him, therefore, while we still can. His ministers led him astray, but
his intentions were always pure: he knows the faults he has committed;
he will be eager to repair them, and to give us the institutions yet
necessary, to consolidate the rights and liberties of the people on
bases not to be shaken."
"This reasoning may be just," answered their opponents; "but
experience, of more weight than any reasoning, has convinced us, that
we must not rely on empty promises. The hopes you have conceived rest
on conjecture, or on the word of the agents of the Bourbons. Before we
surrender ourselves into the hands of the King, he must make known to
us the guarantees, by which we are to be secured. If they be agreeable
to us, then we may deliberate but if we open our gates without
conditions, and previous to the arrival of Alexander, Wellington and
the Bourbons will make a jest of their promises, and oblige us to
submit to the will of the conqueror without pity. Besides, why should
we despair of the safety of France? Is the loss of a single battle,
then, to decide the fate of a great nation? Have we not still immense
resources, to oppose to the enemy? Have the federates, the national
guard, and all true Frenchmen, refused to shed their blood in defence
of the glory, the honour, and the independence of their country? While
we are fighting under the walls of the capital, the levy in mass of
the patriots will be arranged in the departments: and when our enemies
see, that we are determined to defend our independence, they will
rather respect it, than expose themselves to a patriotic and national
war for interests not their own. We must refuse, therefore, to
surrender; and place ourselves in a situation, by a vigorous defence,
to give the law, instead of receiving it."
"You maintain," it was replied, "that we may raise in mass the
federates and the patriots. But how will you arm them? we have no
muskets. Besides, can a levy in mass be organised on a sudden? Before
you could have a single battalion at your disposal, Paris would have
under its feeble ramparts sixty thousand Bavarians, and a hundred and
forty thousand Austrians more to fight. What will you do then? You
must ultimately surrender: and the blood you will have shed will be
lost without return, and without utility. But will not that we shall
have spilt of the enemy fall on our own heads? Will they not make us
expiate our mad and cruel resistance by a disgraceful capitulation? If
the allies, at the present moment, think themselves strong enough to
refuse you a suspension of hostilities, what will they do, when they
have their twelve hundred thousand soldiers on our territory? The
dismemberment of France, the pillage and devastation of the capital,
will be, perhaps, the fruit of the rash defence you propose to us."
These considerations, the force of which was generally felt, were
unanimously approved. It was acknowledged, that it would be
unquestionably most prudent, not to expose the capital to the
consequences and dangers of a siege, or of being taken by assault. It
was acknowledged, too, at least by implication, that, the return of
the Bourbons being inevitable, it was better to recall them
voluntarily, under good conditions, than to leave to the allies the
act of restoring them. But the members did not think proper, to
explain themselves on this delicate subject; and accordingly confined
themselves to laconic answers of the questions proposed by the
committee.
_Questions proposed by the Committee of Government to the Council of
War, assembled at la Villette, July the 1st, 1815._
"1st. What is the state of the intrenchments raised for the defence of
Paris?--_Answer._ The state of the intrenchments, and their supply of
ordnance, on the right bank of the Seine, though incomplete, is in
general satisfactory enough. On the left bank the intrenchments may be
considered as null.
"2d. The army, can it cover and defend Paris?--_Ans._ It may: but not
indefinitely. It ought not to expose itself to a want of provision, or
to have its retreat cut off.
"3d. If the army were attacked on all points, could it prevent the
enemy from penetrating into Paris on one side or the other?--_Ans._ It
would be difficult for the army to be attacked on all points at once:
but should this happen, there would be little hope of resistance.