the political situation of France with respect to the
allies. It appeared to me not very interesting, and I
thought I might dispense with a particular account of
it. It gave rise, however, to a remarkable incident. M.
Manuel, who had the principal hand in drawing it up, had
not thought proper, to speak of the Emperor's successor
in it; and the chamber decided, to add in the address,
that Napoleon II. had been called to the empire.]
"Plenipotentiaries have been sent to the allied powers ... the success
of the negotiations depends on you. Close round the tri-coloured flag,
consecrated by glory and the wishes of the nation. You will see us, if
necessary, in your ranks; and we will convince the world, that
twenty-five years of glory and sacrifices will never be effaced, and
that a people, who wills to be free, must ever remain so."
The attitude of the chamber and of the government did not remove the
apprehensions of the Prince of Eckmuhl. He returned to the charge; and
wrote to the president of the committee, in the night of the 29th,
"that he had vanquished his prejudices and opinions, and found, that
no means of safety existed but in concluding an armistice, and
immediately proclaiming Louis XVIII."
The president answered him:
"I am as well persuaded as you, M. marshal, that nothing better can be
done, than to treat with promptitude of an armistice: but we must
know, what the enemy wants. An injudicious conduct would produce three
evils:
"1st, That of having acknowledged Louis XVIII. previous to any
engagement on his side:
"2d, That of being equally compelled, to admit the enemy into Paris:
"3d, That of obtaining no conditions from Louis XVIII.
"I take upon myself, to authorize you, to send to the advanced posts
of the enemy, and to conclude an armistice, making every sacrifice,
that is compatible with our duties, and with our dignity. It is better
to give up fortified towns, than to sacrifice Paris."
The Duke of Otranto having laid this letter before the committee, it
thought, that the answer of its president _decided implicitly the
question of the recall of Louis XVIII._, and allowed the Prince of
Eckmuhl too great latitude. It made him write immediately a
supplementary letter, saying: "It is unnecessary to remind you, M.
marshal, that your armistice must be purely military, and must contain
no political question. It would be proper, that this demand of an
armistice should be made by a general of the line, and a major-general
of the national guard."
Thus in the space of the twenty-four hours, that preceded and followed
the Emperor's departure, the committee had to repel, and did repel,
the instigations more or less culpable of the minister at war, the
general in chief of the army, and the president of the government[81].
[Footnote 81: The reader will be aware, that I reason
here, as well as every where else, on the principles of
the mandate given to the committee.]
The army, however, had arrived step by step at the gates of Paris.
Marshal Grouchy, dissatisfied and disconcerted, gave in his
resignation on the score of his health.
The Prince of Eckmuhl, who, by an air of sincerity, and reiterated
protestations of devotion and fidelity, had regained, thanks to the
Duke of Otranto, the confidence of the majority of the members of the
committee, was invested with the command in chief of the army.
On the 30th of June a message informed the chambers, that the enemies
were within sight of the capital; that the army, re-organized,
occupied a line of defence, by which Paris was protected; that it was
animated with the best disposition; and that its devotion equalled its
valour.
Deputations from the two chambers immediately set out, to carry to the
defenders of their country the expression of the principles, the
sentiments, and the hopes of the national representation. Their
patriotic language, their tri-coloured scarfs, and the name of
Napoleon II., which they took care to employ, electrified the
soldiery; and completely restored to them that confidence in
themselves, and that resolution to conquer or die, which are the
infallible presages of victory.
The moment for marching to battle was propitious. The Prince of
Eckmuhl solicited peace.
The Duke of Albuféra had just concluded an armistice with Marshal
Frimont, commander of the Austrian forces. The prince informed the
Duke of Wellington of it; and demanded of him, to cause a cessation of
hostilities, _till a decision of congress should take place_. "If I
appear on the field of battle with the idea of your talents," he
added, "I shall carry with me the conviction, that I am fighting for
the most sacred of causes, that of the defence and independence of my
country; and, whatever may be the result, my lord, I will merit your
esteem."
If, instead of holding a language more suitable to a man half
vanquished, than to a French general accustomed to conquer, another
chief, differently inspired, had declared with noble firmness, that he
was ready, if a stop were not put to unjust aggressions, to give to
his eighty thousand brave soldiers the signal of victory or death; the
enemy would unquestionably have desisted from pursuing a war, now
become without object, without utility, and without glory. But the
Duke of Wellington, faithfully informed of the true state of things,
knew that the Prince of Eckmuhl, satisfied with having surmounted his
prejudices and opinions, appeared more disposed to neutralize the
courage of his troops, than to put it to the proof; and Wellington
refused the suspension of hostilities proposed. It entered into the
policy of the princes, who had taken up arms for legitimacy, to compel
us to receive Louis XVIII. _cap in hand_: and the consequence of this
was, that the allied generals avoided treating; as the sentiments of
the president of the committee, and of the general of the French army,
fully satisfied them, that they might wait without any risk, till
circumstances or treachery compelled us, to submit to the law of
necessity.
Wellington had rejected the proposal of Marshal Davoust, under the
frivolous pretence, that the Emperor had resumed the command of the
army. It is naturally to be presumed, that the committee had not
neglected, to give the commissioners immediate information of the
departure of Napoleon, and of the circumstances, that had preceded it.
But it had hitherto received no communication from them. Their
correspondence, intentionally fettered by the allies, had been farther
prevented by our advanced posts; who, considering the persons
appointed to hold a parley as machinators of treason, stopped their
way with their muskets. The committee resolved, therefore, to obtain
news of them at any price: and, on the recommendation of the Duke of
Otranto, it despatched to them M. de Tromeling. It was not ignorant,
that this emigrant officer, a Vendean, and long detained in the Temple
as the companion of Sir Sidney Smith and Captain Wright, little
merited the confidence of the patriots. But the double-faced agents of
M. Fouché alone could open the enemy's lines; and it was obliged, in
spite of itself, to make use of them.
M. de Tromeling set out. Instead of delivering his despatches to the
commissioners, he was afraid of their being taken from him by the
enemy, and he destroyed them. The committee thought, that he had
rather deceived himself by his cunning; but it readily excused this
error, to attend wholly to the news he had brought.
Our commissioners arrived at the English head-quarters on the 28th,
and were eager to solicit a suspension of arms.
Lord Wellington informed them, that he wished to consult with Prince
Blucher on this point; and on the 29th of June, at half after eleven
in the evening, he sent them the following answer.
Head quarters of Prince Blucher,
June the 29th, 1815, 11-1/2 at night.
"Gentlemen,
"I have the honour to acquaint you, that having consulted Marshal
Prince Blucher on your proposal for an armistice, his highness has
agreed with me, that, under present circumstances, no armistice can
take place, while Napoleon Bonaparte is in Paris, and at _liberty_;
and that the operations are in such a state, that he cannot stop them.
"I have the honour, &c.
"WELLINGTON."
On the 1st of July in the morning, they had a conference, of which
they gave an account to the government by the following despatch,
addressed to Baron Bignon, secretary of state, assistant to the
minister of foreign affairs.
"Louvres, July the 1st, 1815, forenoon.
"Monsieur le Baron,
"The despatches, Nos. 1, 2, and 3, which we have had the honour to
address to you, remain unanswered[82]. We are absolutely deprived of
the knowledge of what is passing at Paris, and in the rest of France.
To whatever cause this want of communication is to be ascribed, it
renders our situation painful, and is detrimental to the activity of
our proceedings. It may render them useless: we request you, to remedy
this as speedily as possible.
[Footnote 82: As these despatches are now uninteresting,
I have not inserted them.]
"At present we are authorized to think, that, as soon as you have made
known, that Napoleon Bonaparte is at a distance, a suspension of
hostilities for three days may be signed, in order to adjust an
armistice, during which a treaty for peace may take place.
"Directed by the instructions given us, to listen to what may be said
to us, and make you acquainted with it, we have to inform you, the
Duke of Wellington has repeated to us several times, that as soon as
our government has a head, peace will speedily be concluded.
"Speaking, as he says, merely as a private individual, but supposing
however, that his opinion may be taken into consideration, he more
than objects to the government of Napoleon II.; and thinks, that,
under such a reign, Europe could enjoy no security, and France no
repose.
"They say, that they do not pretend to oppose the choice of any other
head to the government. They repeat on every occasion, that the powers
of Europe do not pretend, to interfere in this choice: but they add,
that, if the prince chosen were such, as by the nature of his
situation to excite apprehensions for the tranquillity of Europe, by
rendering that of France problematical, it would be necessary for the
allied powers to have guarantees; and we have reason to believe, that
these guarantees would be cessions of territory.
"One person alone, Louis XVIII. seems to unite all the conditions,
that could prevent Europe from demanding guarantees for its security.
"Already, they say, he resides at Cambray. Quesney has opened its
gates to him. These places, and other towns, are in his power; either
by having delivered themselves up, or having been put into his hands
by the allies.
"The Duke of Wellington admits and enumerates a considerable part of
the faults committed by Louis XVIII. during his government of a few
months. He puts in the first rank his having given to the princes of
his family entrance into his council; his having had a ministry
without union, and without responsibility; his having created a
military household, not chosen from the soldiers of the army; and his
not having placed about him persons, who were truly interested in the
maintenance of the charter.
"It seems to him, that, by making known our grievances, _without
settling conditions_, engagements might be formed with the public,
which would remove its apprehensions for the future, by giving France
the guarantee, it might desire.
"If a discussion of conditions take place, others beside the actual
authorities might deliberate, resumed the Duke.
"If any time be lost, generals of other armies might interfere in the
negotiations; and they would be rendered more complicated by
additional interests.
"We add two proclamations of Louis XVIII. &c.
(Signed) "ANDRÉOSSY,
"Count BOISSY D'ANGLAS,
"FLAUGERGUES,
"VALENCE,
"LABESNARDIER."
M. Bignon's despatch, announcing the departure of Napoleon, having
reached them after the conclusion of this first conference, they
hastened to communicate it to Lord Wellington; and to claim a
suspension of hostilities, in order to conclude an armistice, to which
the presence of Napoleon had hitherto been the only obstacle.
Lord Wellington answered them: "that it was necessary for him, to
confer with Prince Blucher, and that he would give them an answer in
the course of the day."
In the evening they had a fresh conference with this general, which
gave occasion to the following despatch:
"Louvres, July the 1st, half after 8 in the evening.
"Lord Wellington has communicated to us a letter from Manheim, written
in the names of the Emperors of Russia and Austria by MM. de
Nesselrode and de Metternich. This letter strongly urged the
continuance of operations; and declares, that, if any armistice be
entered into by the generals, who are at this moment near Paris, their
majesties will not consider it as putting any stop to their march, but
will order their troops, to approach Paris.
"The Count d'Artois has just arrived at the head-quarters of the Duke
of Wellington, who received us alone in his saloon. We did not
perceive the prince; he was in a separate apartment.
"We insisted on the execution of the promise given us. The Duke of
Wellington answered, that he had always declared to us, he could enter
into no definitive engagements, till he had conferred with Marshal
Prince Blucher; to whom he would go, to prevail on him to join with
him in agreeing on an armistice.
"He added, he would not conceal from us, that the Field Marshal had an
extreme aversion to every thing, that would stay his operations, which
extended already to the left bank of the Seine; and that he could not
avoid supporting his movements, if he could not bring him to agree in
his opinion.
"He communicated to us a proposal for an armistice, made by the Prince
of Eckmuhl, which he had just received.
"He assured us, that, as soon as he had seen Prince Blucher, he would
return, and join us at Louvres; and sent to request us, to repair to
Gonesse.
"In talking on the possible conditions of an armistice, he insinuated,
that he should require the army to quit Paris; which we declined,
objecting, that on the contrary it was proper for the army of the
allies, to take remote positions; otherwise it would be impossible, to
deliberate freely on the important interests of our country, the
influence of which on those of Europe he appeared to acknowledge.
"The conference thus terminating, we have some reason to think, that
Lord Wellington will give the Count d'Artois to understand, that he
ought to remain at a much more considerable distance from Paris."
To this Baron Bignon immediately sent the following answer:
"_To Messieurs the Commissioners charged with the Armistice._
July the 1st.
"You announced to us, gentlemen, that you were authorized to believe,
that, if Napoleon Bonaparte were away, a suspension of hostilities
might be signed, during which a treaty for peace might be entered
into. _The desired condition being fulfilled_, there is at the present
moment no motive, that can oppose a suspension of hostilities, and an
armistice. It is strongly to be desired, that the suspension of
hostilities, instead of being for three days only, should be at least
for five.
"We do not think, that the English and Prussians alone will attempt to
force our lines. It would be gratuitously incurring useless losses.
According to their own account, they can be joined by the Bavarians
only in the first fortnight of this month: so that it may be
convenient to them to wait for this reinforcement, which is an
additional reason for their not refusing an armistice, that will be
attended with as much or more advantage to themselves than to us. In
fine, if the allies do not choose, to forget altogether their solemn
declarations, what do they now require? The only obstacle, that,
according to them, opposed the conclusion of peace, is irrevocably
removed: thus nothing any longer opposes its re-establishment; and, to
arrive at peace, nothing is more urgent than an armistice.
"The committee of government has had laid before it all the
particulars, that you have transmitted, of the language held to you by
the Duke of Wellington. It desires, gentlemen, that you will persist
in distinguishing the political question of the form of government of
France from the actual question, the conclusion of an armistice.
Without repelling any of the overtures made you, it is easy, to give
the Duke of Wellington to understand, that, if, in the present state
of affairs, the political question of the government of France _must
inevitably become the subject of a sort of discussion between France
and the allied powers_, the general interest of France, and of the
powers themselves, is to do nothing precipitately; and not to decide
on a definitive part, till after having maturely weighed what will
offer real guarantees for the future. It is possible, that the allied
powers themselves, when better informed of the sentiments of the
French nation, will not persevere in the resolutions they may have
formed from different data. Napoleon is no longer at Paris, and has
not been for nearly a week. His political career is at an end. If any
national disposition in favour of the Bourbons existed, this
disposition would have been loudly manifested, and their recall would
have been already consummated. It is evident, therefore, that the
re-establishment of this family is not the will of the nation. It
remains for the allied sovereigns to examine, whether, in wishing to
impose it on the nation in despite of its will, they do not themselves
act contrary to their own intentions; since, instead of securing the
internal peace of France, they would only be sowing in it the seeds of
fresh discord.
"The proclamations of Louis XVIII. are known here: and the nature of
these proclamations already destroys all the hopes, that the language
of the Duke of Wellington might give. It may be judged from the spirit
that breathes in these pieces recently published, that the present
royal ministry either could not, or would not prevent, what the French
nation might expect from that government.
"For the rest, gentlemen, you should confine yourselves to hearing
every thing: you ought to affirm, that France itself desires nothing,
but what will be of the greatest benefit to the general interest: and
that, if it would prefer any plan to the re-establishment of the
Bourbons, it is because there is none, that offers it so many
inconveniences, and so few advantages.
"You must strongly repeat, gentlemen, to the Duke of Wellington and
Prince Blucher, that, if the French government warmly insist on an
armistice, it is because it perceives the possibility of coming to a
good understanding on points, on which opinions appear to be farthest
divided. It is because the communications and connexions, established
between their head-quarters and us, enable us thoroughly to appreciate
the true spirit of France. We think in particular, that the nobleness
of the Duke of Wellington's character, and the wisdom of the allied
sovereigns, cannot lead them to a desire, to force the French nation
to submit to a government, that is repugnant to the real wishes of the
great majority of the population."
This language, so remarkable for its moderation, was corroborated by
the _ostensible_ letter below, which the Duke of Otranto thought
proper to address to each of the generals in chief of the besieging
armies.
"My Lord (or Prince),
"Independently of the course of our negotiations, I make it my duty,
to write personally to your lordship on the subject of an armistice,
the refusal of which, I confess, seems to me inexplicable. Our
plenipotentiaries have been at head-quarters ever since the 28th of
June, and we have not yet a positive answer.
"Peace already exists, since the war has no longer an object. Our
right to independence, and the engagement taken by the sovereigns to
respect it, would not the less subsist after the taking of Paris. It
would be inhuman, therefore, it would be atrocious, to engage in
sanguinary battles, that would make no alteration in the questions to
be decided.
"I must speak candidly to your lordship; our state of possession, our
legal state, _which has the double sanction of the people and of the
chambers, is that of a government, where the grandson of the Emperor
of Austria is the head of the state. We cannot think of altering this
state of things, unless the nation acquires a certainty, that the
powers revoke their promises, and that the preservation of our present
government is in opposition to their common wishes_.
"What then can be more just, than to conclude an armistice? Are there
any other means of allowing the combined powers time to explain
themselves, and France time to be acquainted with their wishes?
"It will not escape your lordship, that already one great power finds
in our state of possession a personal right to interest itself in our
interior concerns. As long as this state remains unaltered, the two
chambers have hence an additional obligation, not to consent at
present to any measure capable of altering our possession.
"Is not the step, that has been adopted on our eastern frontier, the
most natural to follow? It was not confined to an armistice between
General Bubna and Marshal Suchet: it was stipulated, that we should
return to our limits according to the treaty of Paris; because, in
fact, the war ought to be considered as ended by the simple fact of
the abdication of Napoleon.
"Field-marshal Frimont, on his part, has agreed to the armistice, to
meet by preliminary arrangements those, that may take place between
the allies. We do not even know, whether England and Prussia have
changed their minds on the subject of our independence; for the march
of the armies cannot be any certain indication of the minds of the
cabinets. Neither can the will of two powers suffice us; it is their
general agreement we want to know. Would you anticipate this
agreement? Would you oppose an obstacle to it, in order to give rise
to a new political tempest from a state of things so near to peace?
"I am not afraid, for my own part, to anticipate all objections.
Perhaps you suppose, that the occupation of Paris by two of the allied
armies will second the views you may entertain of restoring Louis
XVIII. to the throne. But can an augmentation of the evils of war,
which can be ascribed to this motive alone, be a means of
reconciliation?
"I must declare to your lordship, that every sinister attempt to
impose on us a government, before the allied powers have explained
themselves, would immediately oblige the chambers to take measures,
that would not leave the possibility of a reconciliation in any case.
It is even the interest of the King, that every thing should remain in
a state of suspension: force may replace him on the throne, but cannot
keep him there. It is neither by force, nor by surprise, nor by the
wishes of one party, that the national will can be brought to change
its government. It would even be in vain, at the present moment, to
offer us conditions, to render a new government more supportable.
There are no conditions that can be examined, as long as the necessity
of bending our necks to the yoke, of renouncing our independence, is
not proved to us. Now, my lord, this necessity cannot even be
suspected, before the allied powers are in accord. None of their
engagements have been revoked: our independence is under their
protection: it is we, who enter into their views; and, according to
the sense of their declaration, it is the besieging armies, that
deviate from them.