reconciled with our dearest interests; and they should be offered to
us as the ultimatum of our safety; messieurs the plenipotentiaries,
refraining from the expression of a premature opinion, will hasten
_to give an account of them, and to demand the orders of government_.
"Whatever may be the dispositions of the foreign powers; whether they
acknowledge the two principles, that are pointed out to messieurs the
plenipotentiaries as the bases of their mission; or the negotiations
lead to other discussions, of a nature to require enlarging upon; it
is highly important, on either supposition, that a general armistice
should be previously agreed on. The first care of messieurs the
plenipotentiaries must consequently be, to demand an armistice, and
insist on its being promptly concluded upon.
"There is one sacred duty, that the French nation cannot forget; which
is, _to stipulate the safety and inviolability of the Emperor Napoleon
out of its territory_. This is a debt of honour, which the nation
feels the necessity of acquitting toward a prince, who long covered it
with glory; and who in his misfortunes renounces the throne, that the
nation may be saved without him, since it appears, that with him it
cannot be saved.
"The choice of the place, to which the Emperor will have to retire,
may be a subject of discussion. Messieurs the plenipotentiaries will
appeal to the personal generosity of the sovereigns, to obtain a
residence to be fixed upon, with which the Emperor will have reason
to, be satisfied.
"Independently of the general considerations, which messieurs the
plenipotentiaries will have to urge to the allied sovereigns
indiscriminately, they will themselves judge of the various arguments,
which they will have to employ with respect to the different cabinets
separately.
"The interests of England, Austria, Russia, and Prussia, not being the
same; it will be proper, to exhibit under different points of view to
each of these cabinets the advantages, that the new order of things,
recently established in France, may offer them respectively. All the
powers will find in it a guarantee of the preservation of whatever
they possess, either of territory, or of influence: but, with these
general advantages, some of them must find themselves separately
benefited.
"Austria may well be supposed, not to see with pleasure the
re-establishment of one branch of the Bourbon dynasty on the throne of
Fiance, while another branch of the same house reascends the throne of
Naples.
"This circumstance, which belongs to the policy of the cabinet, may
also receive some support from family affection: the regard of his
Majesty the Emperor of Austria for his grandson may induce him, not to
oppose the high destiny offered to him. It may be, that the Austrian
cabinet may perceive in this bond of relationship a means of
strengthening its cause by the support of the French nation; and that,
alarmed at the aggrandisement of Russia and of Prussia, whose alliance
no doubt is a grievance to it, it may lay hold of the opportunity of
an advantageous reconciliation with France, so as in case of need to
find in it a powerful auxiliary against those two governments.
"Other reasons offer themselves, to incline the cabinet of Petersburg
toward us. The liberal opinions professed by the Emperor of Russia
authorize a language to be held to his minister, and even to this
potentate himself, to which few other sovereigns would be capable of
listening. There is room for thinking also, that this monarch takes
but little interest personally in the welfare of the Bourbon family,
whose conduct in general has not been pleasing to him. He had not much
reason to be satisfied with it, when he found it express its gratitude
almost exclusively to the Prince Regent of England. Besides, the
object of Russia is attained all its thirst of power, and its
self-love, are equally satisfied. Tranquil for a long time to come,
and victor without having fought, the Emperor Alexander may proudly
return to his dominions, and enjoy a success, that will not have cost
him a single man. The continuance of the war with France would now be
to him a war without an object. It would be repugnant to all the
calculations of good policy, and to the interests of his people.
Messieurs the plenipotentiaries will avail themselves of these
circumstances, and of many others also, to endeavour to neutralize a
power so formidable as Russia.
"That continental power, from which France has the least favour to
expect, is the court of Berlin: but this court is that of which the
forces have received the most violent check; and if Russia and Austria
be ever so little disposed; to enter into negotiations, Prussia will
be inevitably compelled to accede to them. Besides, even with this
court, arguments of great weight will not be wanting, to render it
more amicably disposed, if it will listen only to its real and
permanent interests.
"Messieurs the plenipotentiaries will find with the allied sovereigns
the British plenipotentiaries and it will be with these, perhaps, that
the negotiation will present most difficulties. The question with
respect to the allies is scarcely a matter of discussion: with this
power, every argument and every principle are in our favour; but it
remains to be seen, whether its will be not independent of all
principles, and of all arguments.
"The particulars noticed above were no doubt unnecessary; as every
thing there mentioned would have suggested itself to messieurs the
plenipotentiaries themselves. But these hints may not be without their
use, since their natural effect will be, to lead the minds of
messieurs the plenipotentiaries to more weighty considerations, and
more powerful motives, which they will know how to employ seasonably
for the grand purpose of the important and difficult mission with
which they are charged.
"Messieurs the plenipotentiaries will find in the reports made to the
Emperor by the Duke of Vicenza on the 12th of April and 7th of June
last, as well as in the justificatory pieces, that accompany these
reports, all the data they can require, to form a just estimate of our
situation with regard to the foreign powers, and to regulate their
conduct toward the ministers of these different powers."
On the 26th of June the plenipotentiaries had their first interview
with two Prussian officers delegated by Marshal Blucher. They gave an
account of it to the committee by the following despatch, addressed to
M. Bignon, who had the portfolio of foreign affairs.
"Laon, June the 26th, 1815,
"Ten o'clock in the evening.
"Monsieur le Baron Bignon,
"We have received the letter, which you did us the honour to write to
us yesterday the 25th, respecting the Emperor's intention of repairing
to the United States of America with his brothers.
"We have at length just received our passports, to proceed to the
head-quarters of the allied sovereigns, which we shall find at
Heidelberg or at Manheim. The Prince of Schoenburgh, aide-de-camp of
Marshal Blucher, accompanies us. We shall take the road through Metz;
and set off in an hour.
"Marshal Blucher has declared to us, by the Prince of Schoenburgh and
Count Noslitz, who was more particularly empowered by him, that France
will be in no degree restricted in the choice of a government: but in
the armistice he proposed, _he required for the security of his army
the fortified towns of Metz, Thionville, Mézières, Maubeuge,
Sarrelouis, and others_. He sets out with the principle, that he ought
to be secured against any attempts, which the party, that he supposes
the Emperor to have, may make. We combated this argument by
irrefragable reasons, without gaining any ground. You are sensible,
sir, that it was impossible for us, to accede to such demands.
"We did all in our power, to obtain the armistice on moderate terms;
but it was impossible for us, to come to any conclusion, 'because,'
said the prince, 'he is not authorized to grant one, and immense
advantages alone could induce him, to take such a step, as long as the
principal object is unattained.'
"We offered a suspension of hostilities, at least for five days. The
refusal was equally positive, and for the same motives. Count de
Noslitz has offered in the name of Prince Blucher, to receive at his
head-quarters, _and at those of the Duke of Wellington, any
commissioners you may send, who shall be exclusively employed in the
negotiations necessary to stay the march of the armies, and prevent
the effusion of blood_. It is a matter of urgency, that these
commissioners set out to-morrow even, and that they take the road to
Noyon, where orders will be given by Marshal Blucher to receive them.
Noyon will be his head-quarters. They cannot too often repeat, that
the Emperor has no great party in France; that he availed himself
rather of the faults of the Bourbons, than of any dispositions
existing in his favour; and that he could not fix the attention of the
nation, but for the allies failing to adhere to their declaration.
"We have hopes of seeing our negotiations take a successful turn,
though we cannot be insensible to their difficulties. The only means
of preventing the events of the war from occasioning their failure
absolutely consist in granting a truce of a few days. The choice of
negotiators may have some influence on this; and we repeat, there is
not a moment to be lost in sending them to the English and Prussian
armies.
"The two aides-de-camp of Prince Blucher declared repeatedly, that the
allies are in no respect tenacious of the restoration of the Bourbons:
but we have proofs, that they are inclined to approach as near as
possible to Paris, and then they may frame some pretence, to change
their language.
"All these things should only hasten still more the measures, to be
taken for re-organizing the army, and particularly for the defence of
Paris; an object to which their thoughts appear essentially turned.
"From the conversations we have had with the two aides-de-camp, it
follows definitively, and we repeat it with regret, that the person
of the Emperor will be one of the greatest difficulties. They think,
that the combined powers will require guarantees and precautions, that
he may never re-appear on the stage of the world. They assert, that
their people themselves demand security against his enterprises. _It
is our duty to observe, that his escape before the conclusion of our
negotiations would be considered as an act of bad faith on our part,
and might essentially involve the safety of France._ We have hopes,
however, that this affair also may be terminated to the Emperor's
satisfaction; since they have made few objections to his residence,
and that of his brothers, in England; which they appeared to prefer to
the scheme of a retreat in America.
"_The imperial prince has not been mentioned in any of our
conversations._ It was not our business, to start this subject, on
which they did not enter.
(Signed) "H. SÉBASTIANI.
Count de PONTÉCOULANT.
LA FAYETTE.
D'ARGENSON.
Count DE LA FORÊT.
Benjamin CONSTANT."
The committee, immediately on the receipt of this despatch, appointed
Messieurs Andréossy, de Valence, Flaugergues, Boissy d'Anglas, and
Labenardiere, to repair in quality of commissioners to the
head-quarters of the allied armies, to demand a suspension of
hostilities, and negotiate an armistice.
The Duke of Otranto, ever eager to open an ostensible correspondence,
under cover of which he might carry on secret communications if
necessary, persuaded the government, that it would be proper to pave
the way for the commissioners by a previous step; and in consequence
he addressed a letter of congratulation to the Duke of Wellington, in
which he entreated him with pompous meanness, to bestow on France his
suffrage and protection.
Copies of the former instructions were delivered to the commissioners;
and to these were added the following:
"_Instructions for Messieurs the Commissioners appointed to treat for
an Armistice._
"Paris, June the 27th, 1815.
"The first overtures made to our plenipotentiaries on the conditions,
at the price of which the commander in chief of one of the enemy's
armies would consent to an armistice, are of a nature to alarm us
respecting those, which the commanders of the armies of the other
powers might also demand, and to render the possibility of an
arrangement very problematical. However unfavourable our military
situation at the present moment may be, there are sacrifices, to which
the interest of the nation will not allow us to submit.
"It is evident, that the motive, on which Prince Blucher founded his
demand of six of our fortified towns, which were named, and some
others besides, which were not named, _the security of his army_, is
one of those allegations brought forward by force, to carry as far as
possible the advantages arising from the success of the moment. This
allegation is very easily refuted: since it may be termed an act of
derision, to demand pledges for the security of an army already master
of a considerable portion of our territory, and which is marching
without obstacle almost alone in the heart of France. There is another
declaration made on the part of Prince Blucher, calculated still more
to disquiet us: which is, that he can be induced only by immense
advantages, to take upon himself to conclude an armistice, for which
he has no authority. In this declaration there is a frankness of
exaction, that offers many difficulties in the way of accommodation.
However, though the committee of government is far from being inclined
to favour the cessions required, it does not tie itself up, by a
peremptory refusal, from entering into discussions of an arrangement,
the conditions of which are not carried beyond the bounds traced by
the true interests of the public.
"If, to arrive at a conclusion, we must submit to the cession of some
fortified town, it is thoroughly to be understood, that such a cession
ought not to take place, unless it were the guarantee of an armistice,
to be prolonged till peace is concluded. It is unnecessary to add,
that the delivery of such a town is not to take place; till the
armistice has been ratified by the respective governments.
"One of the points, that demands all the zeal of messieurs the
commissioners, is that of fixing the line, where the occupation of the
French territory by the enemy's armies is to stop.
"It would be of great importance, to obtain the line of the Somme;
which would place the foreign troops nearly thirty leagues from Paris,
messieurs the commissioners ought strongly to insist on keeping them
at least at this distance.
"If the enemy were yet more exacting, and we should be finally
compelled to greater condescension, a line traced between the Somme
and the Oise should not let them approach within twenty leagues of
Paris. The line, that separates the department of the Somme from that
of the Oise, might be taken, detaching from the latter the northern
part of the department of the Aisne, and thence a straight line
through the department of the Ardennes, which should be continued till
it reached the Meuse near Mézières.
"However, in fixing the line of the armistice, we must rely on the
ability of messieurs the commissioners, to endeavour to obtain the
most favourable arrangement.
"Their mission being to the English and Prussian armies in common,
there is no occasion to inform them, that it is indispensable for the
armistice to be common to both armies.
"It would be very important likewise, to introduce into the armistice,
as one of its clauses, that it should extend to the armies of all the
other enemies, taking for its basis the _status quo_ of the respective
armies, at the moment when information of the armistice should reach
them. If this stipulation be rejected, under pretence, that the
commanders of the English and Russian armies have no right, to make
arrangements in the names of the commanders of the armies of the other
powers; they may at least consent, to invite the others to accede to
it on the basis above mentioned.
"As even the negotiations for the armistice, from the nature of the
conditions already placed foremost, which must be the subject of more
serious debate, will inevitably occasion some delay, it is a
precaution rigidly necessary to be obtained, that, in order to treat
of an armistice, all movements should be stopped for a few days, or at
least for eight and forty hours.
"There is one precautionary arrangement, which messieurs the
commissioners must not neglect. This is, to stipulate, that the
enemy's armies shall levy no extraordinary contributions.
"Though the particular object of their mission is the conclusion of an
armistice, as it is scarcely to be imagined, that messieurs the
commissioners, in their intercourse with the Duke of Wellington and
Prince Blucher, will not hear from these generals either proposals, or
suggestions, or at least simple conjectures, respecting the views the
allied sovereigns may adopt with respect to the form of government in
France; messieurs the commissioners undoubtedly will not fail,
carefully to collect every thing, that may appear to them capable of
having any influence on the part to be taken definitively by the
government.
"The copy of the instructions given to messieurs the plenipotentiaries
appointed to repair to the allied sovereigns, which has been delivered
to them, will make them acquainted with the bases, on which the
government has been desirous hitherto of founding its negotiations. It
is possible, that the course of events may oblige it, to _extend these
bases_: but messieurs the commissioners will judge, that, if absolute
necessity compel it, to assent to arrangements _of a different
nature_, so that we cannot preserve _the principle of our independence
in all its plenitude_, it is a sacred duty, to endeavour to emancipate
ourselves from the greater part of the inconveniences, that are
attached to the bare misfortune of its being modified.
"A copy of the letter, written from Laon by messieurs the
plenipotentiaries, and dated yesterday, the 26th, is also delivered to
messieurs the commissioners. The resolutions[79], which have been
taken to-day by the government, will furnish them with the means of
answering all the objections, that may be made to them on the danger
and possibility of the return of the Emperor Napoleon.
[Footnote 79: These resolutions consisted in sending
General Beker to Malmaison, to watch Napoleon.]
"That the language of messieurs the commissioners may perfectly accord
with all that has been done by the committee of government, copies of
the letters, that have been written to Lord Castlereagh and the Duke
of Wellington, respecting the approaching departure of Napoleon and
his brothers, are hereto annexed.
"On the questions relative to the form of government of France,
provisionally, messieurs the commissioners will confine themselves to
hearing the overtures, that may be made to them; and they will take
care, to transmit an account of them, in order that, according to the
nature of their reports, government may come to such a determination,
as the safety of our country may prescribe."
From this document it appears, that the committee, already foreseeing
the impossibility of preserving the throne to Napoleon II., was
disposed to enter into a discussion with the allies on the choice of a
sovereign. Bound by its mandate, it would never have consented
willingly, to covenant with the Bourbons; but it would have had no
repugnance, at least as I conjecture, to allow the crown to be placed
on the head of the King of Saxony, or of the Duke of Orleans.
The party of the latter prince, for which M. Fouché had collected
recruits, was reinforced by a great number of deputies and generals.
"The qualities of the duke; the remembrance of Jemappes, and of some
other victories under the republic, in which he was not unconcerned;
the possibility of forming a treaty, that should reconcile the
interests of all parties; the name of Bourbon, which might have been
employed abroad, without uttering it at home: all these motives, and
others besides, afforded in this choice a prospect of repose and
security even to those, who could not see in it the presage of
happiness."
The King of Saxony had no other title to the suffrages of France, than
the heroic fidelity, which he had maintained toward it in 1814. But
after him the empire might have returned to Napoleon II.: and as a
prince, possessed of experience, wisdom, and virtue, may reign
indifferently over any people, and render them happy, the French
nation would have resigned itself to the government of a foreign
monarch, till the day when his death would have restored the sceptre
to the hands of its legitimate possessor.
The deference which the committee was prepared to pay to the will of
the allied powers, was not the effect of its own weakness. It was
enjoined it by the alarming reports, which Marshal Grouchy sent it
daily, of the defection and dejected state of the army.
The soldiers, it is true, discouraged by the abdication of the
Emperor, and the reports of the return of the Bourbons, appeared
irresolute. "Our wounds," said they, "will no longer entitle us to any
thing but proscription." The generals themselves, rendered timid by
their uncertainty of the future, spoke with circumspection: but all,
generals and soldiers, maintained the same sentiments in the bottom of
their hearts; and their hesitation, their lukewarmness, were the work
of their leader; who, in France as on the banks of the Dyle, wanting
resolution and strength of mind, did not take the trouble to conceal,
that he considered the national cause as lost, and awaited only a
favourable opportunity, to pacify the Bourbons and their allies by a
prompt and complete submission.
The committee, however, having their eyes opened by private letters,
conceived suspicions of the veracity of the marshal's reports. It
commissioned General Corbineau, to give it an account of the state of
the army. Informed of the truth, it was no longer afraid of being
obliged to submit humbly to the law of the victor: and, desirous of
preventing Marshal Grouchy, whose intentions had ceased to be a
mystery, from endangering the independence of the nation by an
inconsiderate act, it prohibited him from negotiating any armistice,
or commencing any negotiation; and ordered him, to lead his army to
Paris.
The Prince of Eckmuhl, whose want of firmness was so wretchedly
displayed in the retreat from Moscow, could not resist this fresh
blow: the example of Marshal Grouchy led him away; and, persuaded like
him, that it was necessary to submit without delay, he declared to the
government, that there was not a moment to be lost in recalling the
Bourbons, and proposed to it, to send to the king the following
offers:
1st, To enter Paris without a foreign guard:
2d, To take the tri-coloured cockade:
3d, To guaranty security of person and property to all, whatever may
have been their functions, offices, votes, or opinions:
4th, To retain the two chambers:
5th, To ensure to persons in office the retention of their places, and
to the army that of their ranks, pensions, honours, and prerogatives:
6th, To retain the legion of honour, and its institution, as the first
order in the state.
The committee, too _clear-sighted_ to be caught by this proposal, was
eager to reject it; and, faithful to its system of concealing nothing
from the two chambers, acquainted the principal members with it;
repeating to: them, that, be the event what it might, "it would never
propose to them any thing pusillanimous, or contrary to its duty; and
that it would defend to the last extremity the independence of the
nation, the inviolability of the chambers, and the liberty and
security of the citizens."
The representatives answered this declaration by placing Paris in a
state of siege, and voting an address to the army[80]. "Brave
soldiers," such were its words; "a great reverse must have
astonished, but not dejected you. Your country has need of your
constancy and courage. To you it has confided the care of the national
glory; and you will answer its expectations.
[Footnote 80: On the 2d of July the chamber voted an
address to the French.