surprise: but these precautions were superfluous; he had found,
without calling for it, an inviolable rampart against the enterprises
of his enemies in the devotion of his old companions in arms. The
soldiers, officers, and generals, posted in the direction of
Malmaison, sent him assurances, that they would watch over him, and
were ready to pour out their blood to the last drop in his defence.
One of the commanders of the red lancers of the guard, the young de
Brock, rendered himself particularly distinguished by his
indefatigable zeal.
The schemes of Blucher, and the proximity of our troops to the place
where the Emperor was detained, gave the committee the most serious
alarms.
They had at once to fear:
That Napoleon, roused by the sound of arms, and the acclamations of
his faithful soldiers, would be unable to repress the desire of coming
to fight at their head:
That the army, still idolizing its ancient general, would come to tear
him from his state of repose, and oblige him to lead it against the
enemy:
Or, lastly, that the enemy would contrive to seize his person by
surprise, or by force.
The removal of the Emperor to a distance would quiet at once this
state of anxiety: but the despatch of the plenipotentiaries stood in
the way; and the committee, restrained by the fear of offending the
allies, dared not either oblige, or even authorize Napoleon to remove.
Meantime the Duke of Wellington informed M. Bignon, "that he had no
authority from his government, to give any answer whatever to the
demand of a passport and safeconduct for Napoleon Bonaparte." Having
no longer any plausible pretence for detaining him, and unwilling to
take on itself the disgrace and responsibility of events, the
committee no longer hesitated on the path it had to pursue: it
directed the Duke Decrès and Count Boulay, to go immediately to the
Emperor (it was half after three in the morning); to inform him, that
Lord Wellington had refused the safeconducts; and to notify to him
the injunction, to depart immediately.
The Emperor received this communication without any emotion, and
promised to be gone in the course of the day.
Orders were immediately given to General Beker, not to allow him to
return:
To the prefect of the Lower Charente, to prevent his stay at
Rochefort, as far as possible:
To the commandant of the marine, not to suffer him to set foot on
shore, from the moment he should embark, &c. &c. &c.
Never was criminal surrounded with precautions more numerous, and at
the same time more useless.
If Napoleon, instead of yielding to the fear of compromising the
independence and existence of the nation, had wished to revive a
second 20th of March, neither the instructions of General Beker, nor
the threats of Marshal Davoust, nor the intrigues of M. Fouché, could
have prevented him: it would have been sufficient for him to make his
appearance. The people, the army, would have received him with
enthusiasm and not one of his enemies, the Prince of Eckmuhl at their
head, would have dared to lift their eyes, and oppose his triumph.
The moments preceding his departure were exceedingly affecting. He
conversed with the few friends, who had not deserted him, on the
great vicissitudes of fortune. He deplored the evils, which their
devotion to his person, and to his dynasty, would accumulate on their
heads; and exhorted them, to oppose their strength of mind, and the
purity of their consciences, to the persecutions of their enemies. The
fate of France, who can doubt it? was also the object of his anxious
and tender solicitude: he put up ardent prayers for its repose, its
happiness, and its prosperity.
When information was brought him, that all was ready, he pressed the
Princess Hortensia affectionately to his bosom; tenderly embraced his
friends, melting into tears; and recommended to them a new unity,
courage, and resignation. His demeanour was firm, his voice calm, his
countenance serene: not a complaint, not a reproach, escaped his lips.
On the 29th of June, at five in the afternoon, he threw himself into a
carriage prepared for his suite; and made General Gourgaud, and his
orderly officers, take that intended for himself. His eyes were
several times turned towards that last abode, so long the witness of
his happiness and his power. He thought, no doubt, that he should see
it again no more!
He had demanded, that an advice-boat should be placed under his
orders; and that rear-admiral Violette should have the command of his
convoy. The committee, which, in all its intercourse with the Emperor,
had not ceased to pay him the most respectful attention, readily
complied with these demands. Admiral Violette being absent, it was
agreed, that the command should be given to the senior captain of the
two frigates; and the following are the instructions given him.
"_Instructions for Captain Philibert, commanding the Saale, and Poncé,
commanding the Medusa._
"VERY SECRET.
"The two frigates are appointed, to carry him, who was lately our
Emperor, to the United States of America.
"He will embark in the Saale, with such persons of his suite as he
shall choose. The rest will embark in the Medusa.
"The baggage will be distributed between the two frigates agreeably to
his directions.
"If, previous to sailing, or on the voyage, the Medusa shall be found
to be a swifter sailer than the Saale, he will go on board the Medusa,
and captains Philibert and Poncé will exchange their commands.
"The profoundest secrecy is to be kept respecting the embarkation,
which will be conducted under the care of the maritime prefect, as
well as respecting the person on board.
"Napoleon travels, incognito; and he will make known himself the name
and title, by which he chooses to be called.
"Immediately after his embarkation, all communication with the shore
must cease.
"The commanders of the frigates, the officers, and the crews, will be
informed by their own hearts, that it is their duty, to treat him
personally with all the attention and respect due to his situation,
and to the crown he has worn.
"When on board, the highest honours will be paid him, unless refused
by himself. He will dispose of the interior of the frigates for his
own accommodation, in whatever manner he may deem most convenient,
without detriment to their means of defence. His table, and the
service of his person, will be conducted as he shall direct.
"Every thing that can contribute to his accommodation on the voyage
will be prepared, without regard to the expense; and the prefect has
received orders for this purpose.
"Such provision for himself and suite will be sent on board by the
prefect, as is compatible with the profound secrecy to be observed
respecting his abode and his embarkation.
"When Napoleon has embarked, the frigates will put to sea within
four-and-twenty hours at farthest, if the wind permit, and the enemy's
cruisers do not prevent their sailing.
"They will not remain in the road twenty-four hours after the
embarkation of Napoleon, unless he desire it; for it is of importance,
to depart as soon as possible.
"The frigates will proceed with all possible speed to the United
States of America; and will land Napoleon and his suite either at
Philadelphia, or at Boston, or at any other port of the United States,
that they can most easily and speedily reach.
"The commanders of the two frigates are forbidden to enter any
roadsteads, from which they might find difficulty or delay in
departing. They are authorized to do so, only if it should be
necessary for the safety of the vessels.
"They will avoid all the ships of war they may fall in with: if they
should be obliged to engage a superior force, the frigate, that has
not Napoleon on board, will sacrifice herself to detain the enemy; and
to give that, on board of which he is, an opportunity of escaping.
"I need not remind you, that the chambers and the government have
placed Napoleon under the protection of French loyalty.
"When arrived at the United States, the disembarkation will take place
with all possible celerity; and the frigates will not remain there
more than four-and-twenty hours, under any pretence whatever, unless
they be prevented from sailing by a superior force; and they will
return directly to France.
"The laws and regulations respecting the police of vessels at sea, and
the military subordination of the persons embarked as passengers to
the commanders of the vessels, will be strictly observed.
"I recommend to the captains' own sense of duty, as well as to their
delicacy, every circumstance not provided for by these presents.
"I have nothing to add to what I have said already, that the person of
Napoleon is placed under the safeguard of the loyalty of the French
people; and this trust is confided specially, on the present occasion,
to the captains of the Saale and the Medusa, and the officers and
crews of these two vessels.
"Such are the orders, which the committee of government has directed
me to transmit to captains Philibert and Poncé.
(Signed) "The Duke DECRÈS."
On the 29th of June, the committee informed the two chambers by a
message, that "the approach of the enemy, and the fear of an internal
commotion, had imposed on it the sacred duty, of causing Napoleon to
depart."
The terms, in which this message was couched, gave reason to suppose,
that the Emperor had shown some resistance. M. de Lavalette called on
the Duke Decrès to explain the facts; and it was then known, that the
Emperor had not hesitated for a moment, to submit to the fate imposed
upon him by his abdication; and that, if he did not set out before, it
was because the committee had judged it proper to defer his departure,
till the arrival of the safeconducts demanded.
The Emperor had at first expressed his intention of not stopping on
the road. When he arrived at Rambouillet, he alighted from his
carriage, and said, that he would pass the night at the castle. He
made the grand marshal write to the keeper of the moveables of the
crown, to require him to send to Rochefort, where they would be
embarked, the necessary beds and furniture for seven or eight
principal apartments. He had previously claimed the library of Petit
Trianon, M. de Visconti's Greek Iconography, and a copy of the grand
work of the Egyptian Institute. The faculty of associating thoughts
the most serious with ideas of the greatest simplicity, occupations
the most vast with cares the most minute, was one of the
distinguishing features of the character of Napoleon.
At daybreak he received a courier from M. de ****. He read his
despatches, and then said to General Beker, casting a sorrowful look
toward Heaven: "The business is finished! it is all over with France!
let us begone!"
He was received on his journey with the most lively testimonies of
interest and attachment: but nothing could equal the transports, which
the troops and inhabitants of Niort expressed at seeing him. He
recommended to General Beker, to inform the government of this. "Tell
them, general, that they knew little of the spirit of France; that
they were too hasty in sending me away; that, if they had accepted my
proposal, the face of affairs would have been changed; that I might
still, in the name of the nation, exert a great influence on the
course of political transactions, in backing the negotiations of
government by an army, to which my name would serve as a rallying
point."
The general was preparing, to forward to the committee the words of
the Emperor; and had just finished his despatch, when information was
brought that a heavy cannonade had been heard on the 30th. The Emperor
immediately made him add the following postscript, which the general
wrote from his dictation: "We hope, that the enemy will allow you
time, to cover Paris, and to see the issue of the negotiations. If,
under these circumstances, the English cruisers should prevent the
Emperor's departure, he is at your disposal as a soldier."
The Emperor continued his course; and, his journey from Niort to
Rochefort affording no remarkable incident, I resolved, though with
regret, to lose sight for a moment of this august victim, and return
to the government, that had succeeded him.
The government, impressed with the importance of its functions, had
not ceased, since its formation, to use its utmost endeavours, to
justify the confidence of the chambers. Its politics, which were
perfectly open, were included in these few words: no war, no Bourbons:
and its double resolve was, to make every concession to the allies,
necessary to obtain a peace conformable to the wishes of the nation;
or to oppose to them an inflexible resistance, if they resolved to
intrench on the independence of the nation, and impose on it a
sovereign not of its own choice.
The Duke of Otranto, president of the committee, appeared in the
council, and in public, to approve the principles and determinations
of his colleagues. In private, it was a different affair. Devoted in
appearance to all parties, he flattered and deceived them in turn, by
pretended confidential communications, and chimerical hopes. He spoke
of liberty to the republicans, of glory and Napoleon II. to the
Bonapartists, of legitimacy to the friends of the King, of guarantees
and a general peace to the partizans of the Duke of Orleans; and thus
contrived to secure himself on all sides, in case of need, favourable
chances and supporters[78]. Men familiar with his practices were not
the dupes of his artifices, and endeavoured to unmask them: but his
apparent conduct was so irreproachable, that their warnings were
considered as the result of personal prejudice, or unjust suspicion.
[Footnote 78: The Emperor, informed of the manoeuvres of
M. Fouché, said: "He is ever the same; always ready to
thrust his foot into every one's slipper."]
Besides, it was agreed on all hands, that the fate of France depended
on the negotiations with foreign powers: and it was hoped, that the
plenipotentiaries, and particularly Messrs. d'Argenson and la Fayette,
whose principles were inflexible, would render every kind of surprise
or treachery impracticable.
These plenipotentiaries had left Paris on the 25th of June. Their
instructions were as follows:
_Instructions for Messieurs the Plenipotentiaries of the Committee of
Government to the Allied Powers._
"Paris, June the 23d, 1815.
"The object of the mission of messieurs the plenipotentiaries,
appointed to repair to the allied powers, has no farther need of being
developed. It is in their hearts, as it is in the hearts of all
Frenchmen: the business is, to save their country.
"The salvation of the country is connected with two essential
subjects: the independence of the nation, and the integrity of its
territories.
"The independence of the nation cannot be complete, except the
constituent principles of the present organization of France be secure
from every foreign attack. One of the principles of this organization
is the inheritance of the throne in the imperial family. The Emperor
having abdicated, his rights have devolved on his son. The foreign
powers cannot make the least attack on this principle of inheritance,
established by our constitutions, without violating our independence.
"The declaration of the 13th, and the treaty of the 25th of March,
have received an important modification by the explanatory article,
which the British cabinet annexed to the ratification of this treaty:
an article, by which this cabinet announces, _that it has no intention
of pursuing the war for the purpose of imposing a particular
government on France_. This modification has been adopted by the
allies; it has been sanctioned by Lord Clancarty's letter of the 6th
of May, to the drawing up of which all the other plenipotentiaries
gave their assent; it has been sanctioned by a note of Prince
Metternich's, dated the 9th; and finally by the declaration of the
combined powers dated the 12th of the same month.
"It is this grand principle, acknowledged by the combined powers, to
which messieurs the plenipotentiaries ought particularly to appeal.
"We cannot conceal, that it is much to be feared, that the combined
powers will think themselves at present bound more by the
declarations, which they made before the commencement of hostilities.
They will not fail to object,
"That, if, previous to the war, they set up a distinction between the
nation and the Emperor, this distinction no longer exists, when the
nation, by uniting all its forces in the hands of this prince, has in
fact united his fate with its own:
"That, though, previous to the war, they were sincere in their
intention of not interfering in the internal concerns of France, they
are compelled to interfere in them now, precisely for the prevention
of any similar recurrence of war, and for ensuring tranquillity for
the future.
"It would be superfluous, to point out to messieurs the
plenipotentiaries the answers they may make to these objections. They
will find their best refutation in the sentiments of national honour,
which, after the whole nation had joined the Emperor, could not but
fight with him and for him; and could not separate from him, till some
act, such as that of an abdication, dissolved the ties between the
nation and its sovereign. It will be easy to them to demonstrate,
that, if this sacred duty of honour compelled the French nation, to
make war for its own defence, as well as that of the head, that was
attempted to be taken from it; the abdication of this head replaces
the nation in a state of peace with all the powers, since it was this
head alone, that they wished to remove: and that, if the declaration
made by the combined powers, of having no intention to impose on
France a particular government, were frank and sincere, this
sincerity, and this frankness, ought now to be manifested by their
respect for the national independence, when recent circumstances have
removed the only grievance, of which they thought themselves
authorised to complain.
"There is an objection of a more serious nature, which the combined
powers might bring forward first, if they be determined to avail
themselves of all the advantages, which their military position seems
to offer them. This objection would be that of an inclination to
refuse to acknowledge the committee of government, and the
plenipotentiaries, and the acts of the national representatives, as
proceeding from a state of things illegal in their eyes, because they
have constantly refused, to admit the principle, on which it is
founded. This objection, if it be strongly urged, and the combined
powers will not wave it, will leave little prospect of the possibility
of an accommodation. However messieurs the plenipotentiaries will
assuredly neglect no endeavour, to combat such objections; and they
will be in no want of arguments, to combat them with success,
particularly with respect to the British government, the present
dynasty of which reigns solely in virtue of those principles, the
application of which we in our turn have occasion to claim.
"Perhaps, too, without disavowing the independence of the French
nation, the allied sovereigns will persist in declaring, that they
have no proof, that the wishes of the nation are the wishes expressed
by the government, or even by the chambers; and that thus, in order to
know the real wishes of the nation, they must begin by restoring
things to the state in which they were before the month of March,
1815; leaving to the nation afterwards to decide, whether it ought to
retain its old government, or give itself a new one.
"The answer to these objections also will be found in that which
England itself formerly gave to the enemies, who were for disputing
its right of changing its government and its dynasty. England then
answered, that the simple fact of the possession of the sovereign
authority authorised foreign powers, to treat with him, who was
invested with it. Thus, in case the authorities actually existing in
France were not, what in fact they are, clothed in the most perfect
legality, the refusal to treat with them can be supported by no solid
argument. It would be declaring, that they are resolved to try, how
far they can carry the claims of force; and announcing to France, that
there is no security for her but in the resources of desperation.
"In fine, there is one less obnoxious chance, against which also we
ought to be provided. It is, that the combined powers, faithful at
least in part to their declaration, do not absolutely insist on
imposing the Bourbon family on France; but that, on the other hand,
they require the exclusion of the son of the Emperor Napoleon, under
pretence, that a long minority might give rise either to a dangerous
display of ambitious views on the part of the principal members
possessing the authority in France, or to internal commotions, the
shock of which would be felt abroad. Were the question brought to this
point, messieurs the plenipotentiaries would find in the principles of
the objection itself the principle of its answer; since the division
of power in the hands of a council commonly renders its authority
weaker, and the minority of a prince is always a period of slackness
and languor in the government. They would find it particularly in the
present temper of the French nation, in the want it feels of a long
peace, in the fears which the idea of a continuation or renewal of war
must inspire, and in the shackles imposed by the laws of the
constitution on the passions of the members of the government.
Besides, whatever its construction may be, they will find in all its
circumstances, and in a thousand others besides, very valid arguments,
to oppose to those, that may be alleged against the maintenance of
hereditary principles in the dynasty of the Emperor Napoleon.
"The first and most solid pledge, that the allies can give the French
nation of their intention to respect its independence, is to renounce
without reserve all design of subjecting it anew to the government of
the Bourbon family. The allied powers must now be well convinced
themselves, that the re-establishment of this family is incompatible
with the general tranquillity of France, and consequently with the
repose of Europe. If it be their wish, as they declare, to produce a
stable order of things in France and other nations, the purpose would
be completely defeated. The return of a family, strangers to our
manners, and continually surrounded by men, who have ceased to be
French, would rekindle a second time among us every kind of animosity,
and every passion; and it would be an illusion, to expect a stable
order to arise from the midst of so many elements of discord and
trouble. Thus the exclusion of the Bourbon family is an absolute
condition of the maintenance of the general tranquillity; and for the
general interest of Europe, as well as for the particular interest of
France, it is one of the points, to which messieurs the
plenipotentiaries must most strongly adhere.
"The question of the integrity of the territory of France is
intimately connected with that of its independence. If the war,
declared by the allied powers against the Emperor Napoleon, were in
fact declared against him alone, the integrity of our territory is not
threatened. It is of importance to the general balance of power, that
France should retain at least the limits assigned it by the treaty of
Paris. What the foreign cabinets themselves considered as proper and
necessary in 1814, they cannot look upon with other eyes in 1815. What
pretence can justify now a dismemberment of the French territory by
the foreign powers? Every thing in the system of Europe is altered;
all to the advantage of England, Russia, Austria, and Prussia; all to
the detriment of France. The French nation is not jealous; but it will
not be subjugated, or dismembered.
"Thus the efforts of messieurs the plenipotentiaries will have two
leading objects; the maintenance of the national independence, and the
preservation of the integrity of the French territories.
"These two objects are linked together, and mutually dependent on each
other: they cannot be separated, and no modification of either of them
can be admitted, without endangering the safety of the country.