The provisional government, influenced by M. Fouché, soon evinced,

that it had caught the true sense of M. Manuel's proposal. Two days

after, its acts were issued in the name of the French people. This

insult to the sincerity of the chamber, and to the sovereign it had

acknowledged, excited its astonishment, and its complaints. The

capital and the patriots murmured. The president of the government was

summoned, to explain and justify this strange proceeding. He answered:

"That it had never been the intention of the committee, to disavow

Napoleon II.; but this prince not having been yet acknowledged as

sovereign of France by any of the foreign powers, they could not treat

with them in his name; and the committee had thought it its duty, to

act provisionally in the name of the French people, in order to

deprive the enemy of every pretext for refusing to admit the

negotiation."

This explanation, strengthened by the hacknied support of the potent

words, our country, the public safety, foreign armies, appeared

plausible; and no more was said.

The Emperor himself, stunned by the force and rapidity of the blows,

that his enemies inflicted on him, thought no longer of defending

himself; and seemed to leave to Providence the care of watching over

him and his son. He complained: but his dissatisfaction expired on his

lips, and excited in him none of those resolutions, that might have

been expected from the fire and energy of his character.

The Duke of Otranto, however, and the deputies who had concurred with

him in pulling down Napoleon from his throne, did not look on his

residence at the Elyseum without alarm. They dreaded, lest, emboldened

by the daring counsels of Prince Lucien, by the attachment the army

retained for him, by the acclamations of the federates, and citizens

of all classes, who assembled daily under the walls of his palace, he

should attempt to renew a second 18th Brumaire. They demanded of the

chamber, therefore, by the mouth of M. Duchesne, that the _ex-Emperor_

should be desired, in the name of their country, to remove from the

capital. This demand having no effect, recourse was had to other

means. Endeavours were made to frighten him. Every day officious

advisers warned him, that attempts were making against his life: and

to give more probability to this clumsy scheme, his guard was suddenly

reinforced. Nay, one night, we were roused out of our beds by a

messenger from the commandant of Paris, General Hulin, who warned us

to be on our guard, as the Elyseum was going to be attacked, &c. But

so great was our contempt for these wretched impositions, we did not

even think it necessary, to mention it to Napoleon; and saw the return

of day, without having lost a single moment's rest. Nothing however

could have been more easy, than to carry off or assassinate Napoleon.

His palace, which ten days before could scarcely contain the bustling

crowd of ambitious men and courtiers, was now one vast solitude. All

those men, destitute of faith and honour, whom power attracts, and

adversity keeps at a distance, had deserted it. His guard had been

reduced to a few old grenadiers: and a single sentry, scarcely in

uniform, watched the gate of that Napoleon, that king of kings, who

lately reckoned millions of soldiers under his banners.

Napoleon himself, however, was aware, that his presence at Paris, and in

an imperial palace, might give the allies room to question the sincerity

of his abdication, and be detrimental to the re-establishment of peace.

He determined, therefore, to remove.

His private correspondence with the sovereigns, and some original

letters, concealed from their search in 1814, he caused to be

delivered into his own hands. He then directed us to burn the

petitions, letters, and addresses, that had been received since the

20th of March. I was employed in this business one day, when Napoleon

passed through the closet. He came up to me, and took a letter I had

in my hand. It was one from the Duke of .... He ran it over, and said

to me with a smile: "Don't burn this: keep it for yourself. It will be

an excellent recommendation, if you find yourself in any

trouble. * * * [TN: Missing words in the book] will not fail to

swear to those people, that he has maintained his fidelity toward them

inviolate; and when he knows, that you have in your hands substantial

proof of his having laid himself at my feet, and that I refused both

him and his services, he will be ready to quarter himself to serve

you, for fear you should blab." I thought the Emperor was jesting: he

perceived it, and resumed: "No, I tell you; don't burn that letter, or

any of those from persons of the same description: I give them to you

for your protection."--"But, Sire, they will accuse me of having

stolen them."--"If they complain, threaten, that you will print them

all as they are, and they will say no more: I know them."--"Since it

is your Majesty's desire, I will keep them." I did, in fact, set aside

a certain number of these letters. After the return of the king, I had

the complaisance, to restore some of them to the writers. This is not

said gratuitously: scarcely had their authors, whom I could name,

these letters in their possession, when they extolled their pretended

fidelity to the skies; and became the most virulent detractors, both

in their conversation and writing, of all who had embraced or served

the cause of the 20th of March.

On the 25th, at noon, Napoleon set off for Malmaison. He was received

there by the Princess Hortensia. This princess, so odiously

calumniated, and so worthy of respect, set us an example of courage

and resignation. Her situation, and that of Napoleon, must have

wounded her to the heart: yet she found sufficient strength of mind,

to suppress her sorrows, and console ours. She was attentive to the

Emperor, she was attentive to us, with such constant solicitude, such

perfect courteousness, that you would have supposed, she had nothing

to think of but the misfortunes of others. If the fate of Napoleon and

of France drew from us groans or imprecations, she ran to us; and,

restraining her own tears, reminded us with the wisdom of a

philosopher, and the sweetness of an angel, that we should surmount

our sorrows and regrets, and submit with docility to the decrees of

Providence.

Napoleon was roused by the shock, that his departure from the Elyseum

gave him. At Malmaison he recovered his spirit, his activity, his

energy. Accustomed to see all his wishes, all his enterprises, crowned

with success, he had not learned, to contend against the sudden

attacks of misfortune; and, notwithstanding the firmness of his

character, they threw him occasionally into a state of irresolution,

during which a thousand thoughts, a thousand designs, jostled each

other in his mind, and deprived him of the possibility of coming to

any decision. But this moral catalepsy was not the effect of a

cowardly dejection, as has been asserted. His great mind remained

erect amid the temporary numbness of his faculties; and Napoleon, when

he awoke, was but so much the more terrible, and the more formidable.

A few minutes after his arrival, he was desirous of addressing once

more his old companions in arms, and expressing to them for the last

time his sentiments and regrets. The affection he bore them, and his

despair at being unable to avenge at their head the affront received

at Mont St. Jean, made him forget in his first sketch of a

proclamation, that he had broken with his own hands his sceptre and

his sword. He soon perceived, that the impassioned style, in which he

addressed his army, was not such, as his abdication imposed on him:

and accordingly he substituted the following address in the place of

the too animated effusions of his heart.

"_Napoleon to the brave Soldiers of the Army before Paris._

"Malmaison, June the 25th, 1815.

"Soldiers,

"While I yield to the necessity, that compels me to retire from the

brave French army, I carry with me the pleasing certainty, that it

will justify, by the eminent services its country expects from it,

those praises, which our enemies themselves cannot refuse it.

"Soldiers, though absent, I shall mark your steps. I know all the

corps; and no one of them can obtain a signal advantage over the

enemy, without my doing justice to the courage it displays. Both you

and I have been calumniated. Men not worthy to judge of your actions

have seen, in the proofs of attachment you have given me, a zeal, of

which I was the sole object: let your future successes teach them,

that it was your country you served more especially in obeying me; and

that, if I had any share in your affection, I owe it to my ardent love

for France, our common mother.

"Soldiers, yet a few efforts, and the coalition is dissolved. Napoleon

will know you by the blows you strike.

"Save the honour, the independence of France: continue to the end such

as I have known you these twenty years, and you will be invincible."

The Emperor, who perhaps had intended by this proclamation, to turn

the remembrance and concern of his ancient soldiers toward himself,

inquired after the effect it had produced. He was informed, as was the

truth, that it had not been published in the Moniteur, and that the

army knew nothing of it. He showed no mark of vexation or discontent,

and began to talk of the two chambers.

Since the abdication, the peers and deputies had rivalled each other,

in their zeal and endeavours, to put France into a state, to awe its

enemies at home and abroad.

They had declared the war national, and summoned all Frenchmen to

their common defence.

They had authorized the government, to make requisitions in kind, for

victualling the army, and the conveyance of subsistence.

To raise the conscription of 1815.

To suspend the laws respecting personal liberty; and to arrest, or

place under inspection, every person charged with exciting

disturbances, or conveying intelligence to the enemy.

In fine, they had voted it an immense credit, for defraying

provisionally the expense of equipping and paying the army.

The committee, on its part, took, and executed with indefatigable

care, every measure, that circumstances demanded. Its task, it must be

confessed, was as difficult as perilous. Never was a government placed

in similar circumstances. They required, at least in the majority of

its members, great courage, great devotion, great patriotism: they

required an heroic disregard of ease, of liberty, of life, to assume

the responsibility incurred by power, and by events, towards the

nation, and towards the king.

The first act of the committee was, to replace in the hands of the

Prince of Essling the command in chief of the national guard, which

had before devolved on the Emperor. The Duke of Otranto was desirous

of taking the post of second in command from General Durosnel, whose

rectitude was embarrassing to him, in order to bestow it on M. T**,

who appeared to him no doubt more tractable. The Duke of Vicenza and

M. Carnot opposed this; and it was left with General Durosnel, to the

satisfaction of the national guard, which had already learned how to

value the excellent character of this officer.

Marshal Soult not choosing to accept the command, and General Rapp

having resigned his, the committee appointed Marshal Grouchy commander

of the army of the North.

General Reille was appointed commander of the 1st, 2d, and 6th corps,

united into one:

General Drouot commander of the guards:

Marshal Jourdan commander of the army of the Rhine.

Orders were given in all quarters, to replace the stores of the army,

remount the cavalry, march out the dépôts, and oblige the straggling

soldiers, to return to their colours.

In fine, the committee, after having had recourse to every possible

means of supporting the negotiations, by the simultaneous display of

the national forces, appointed MM. de la Fayette, de Pontécoulant, de

la Forêt, d'Argenson, Sébastiani, and Benjamin Constant, the last

being added in the character of secretary, to repair to the allied

sovereigns and their generals, to negotiate a suspension of

hostilities, and treat of peace.

The day on which these plenipotentiaries departed, M. S*** came to

congratulate Napoleon. "The allies," answered the Emperor, "are too

deeply interested in imposing the Bourbons on you, to give you my son.

My son will reign over France, but his time is not yet arrived. The

instructions given the deputies, I have been assured, are in favour of

my dynasty: if this be true, other persons should have been chosen to

defend it. La Fayette, Sébastiani, Pontécoulant, and Benjamin

Constant, have conspired against me. They are my enemies: and the

enemies of the father will never be the friends of the son. Besides,

the chambers have not sufficient energy, to display an independent

will: they obey the directions of Fouché. If they had bestowed on me

what they lavish on him, I would have saved France. My presence alone

at the head of the army would have done more, than all your

negotiations. I would have obtained my son, as the price of my

abdication: you will not obtain him. Fouché is not sincere: he has

sold himself to the Duke of Orleans. He will make fools of the

chambers; the allies will make a fool of him; and you will have Louis

XVIII. He thinks himself able, to manage every thing as he pleases;

but he is mistaken. He will find, that it requires a hand of a

different stamp from his, to guide the reins of a nation,

particularly when an enemy is in the land.... The chamber of peers has

not done its duty: it has behaved like a chicken. It has suffered

Lucien to be insulted, and my son to be dethroned. If it had stood

firm, it would have had the army on its side: the generals there would

have given it to it[69]. Its order of the day has ruined France, and

brought you back the Bourbons, I alone could repair all: but your

party-leaders will never consent to it: they would rather be swallowed

up in the gulf, than join with me to close it."

[Footnote 69: Most of the peers held commands in the

army.]

The complaints, the regrets, the menaces, that Napoleon allowed

continually to escape him, alarmed the promoters of his fall more and

more. In the first moments of their warmth they had displayed some

boldness; but after their heads had grown cool, they appeared

themselves to be astonished at their own courage. They turned pale at

the very name of Napoleon and conjured the government night and day,

to make him embark as speedily as possible.

From the very day of his abdication, the Emperor had thought of

seeking an asylum in a foreign country. Accustomed to powerful

emotions, to extraordinary events, he familiarized himself to this

idea without difficulty; and appeared to take a momentary pleasure in

calculating the hazards of the present, and the chances of the future;

and balancing the fictions of hope against the dangers of reality.

The Emperor had never confounded the English nation with the political

system of its government. He considered the heart of a Briton as the

inviolable sanctuary of honour, generosity, and all the public and

private virtues, that stamp on man loftiness and dignity. This high

opinion prevailed in his mind over the fears, with which the known

principles and sentiments of the cabinet of London could not fail to

inspire him: and his first intention was, to retire to England, and

there place himself under the protection of hospitality and the laws.

He opened his mind to the Dukes of Bassano and Vicenza. The former did

not appear to relish this determination. The latter, without

condemning of approving it, advised him, if he persisted in taking

this step, to go on board a smuggling vessel; and, as soon as he

landed, to present himself to the magistrate of the place, and

declare, that he came with confidence to invoke the protection of the

English nation. Napoleon appeared, to relish this advice; but the

counsels of other persons induced him, to incline to the United

States. He then sent to the minister of marine for an account of the

American vessels, that were in our ports. The minister sent it to him

immediately. "Take notice, Sire," he wrote, "of the vessel at Havre.

Her captain is in my antechamber; his postchaise at my door. He is

ready to depart. I will answer for him. To-morrow, if you please, you

may be out of the reach of your enemies."

M. de Vicenza pressed the Emperor, to avail himself of this

opportunity. "I am well aware," answered the Emperor, "that there are

people, who wish me already gone; who want to get rid of me, and to

have me taken prisoner." The duke gave signs of surprise and reproach.

"Ah! Caulincourt, it is not you I am speaking of." The Duke of Vicenza

replied, that his advice came from his heart; and that he had no other

motive, than to see him safe from the dangers, with which he was

threatened by the approach of the allies.--The Emperor stopped him.

"What have I to fear? I have abdicated; _it is the business of France

to protect me!_"

Several Americans, who were at Paris, wrote of their own accord to

Napoleon, to offer him their services, and assure him, in the name of

their fellow-citizens, that he would be received at Washington with

the sentiments of respect, admiration, and devotion, that were his

due. Napoleon refused their offers. Not that he had any intention of

withdrawing himself from the effects of his abdication: but he had

changed his opinion; and considered, that it was his duty, not to quit

the country, unless it were exacted of him, till it was no longer in

danger.

The government, however, yielding to the continual importunities of

the deputies, and of M. Fouché, caused it to be hinted to him, that it

was proper he should come to some decision. The Emperor then declared,

that he was ready to repair with his family to the United States; and

that he would embark, as soon as two frigates were placed at his

disposal. The minister of marine was immediately authorized, to fit

out these two frigates. Baron Bignon received orders, to demand from

Lord Wellington the necessary passports and safeconducts: but the

committee, under pretence of not exposing the _frigates_ to fall into

the enemy's hands, decreed, that they should not put to sea, till the

safeconducts were arrived: a singular condition, that cannot be

explained honourably but by the supposition, that the government was

not desirous at bottom of letting Napoleon depart; no doubt

considering his presence in France as a circumstance, that would

render the allies more docile, and less exacting.

The promise made by the Emperor, and the measures taken to ensure his

departure, were not sufficient, to quiet the apprehensions of his

enemies. They were afraid, that he would avail himself of the delay,

which must take place before the safeconducts could arrive, to seize

on the sovereign authority by main force. Accordingly, they returned

to the charge; and the government, to put an end to their importunate

fears, and answer by anticipation the objections of the foreign

powers, consented to appoint a guardian to the late head of the state.

General Count Beker, a member of the chamber of deputies, was named

commander of the Emperor's guard; and, under this pretext, directed,

to repair to Malmaison, "to watch over the preservation

(_conservation_) of the person of Napoleon, and the respect due to

him; and to prevent ill-disposed persons from making use of his name,

to excite disturbances[70]."

[Footnote 70: These are the literal terms of General

Beker's commission.]

When the general made his appearance at Malmaison, it was supposed,

that he came to arrest Napoleon. An exclamation of sorrow escaped from

every heart. Gourgaud and some other officers swore, that no one

should lay a sacrilegious hand off the Emperor. I ran to inform

Napoleon of what was passing. He came out of his closet, and appeared

to our eyes

Avec cet air serein, ce front majestueux,

Tels que dans les combats, maître de son courage,

Tranquille, il arrêtait ou pressait le carnage[71].

[Footnote 71:

With air majestic, and with brow serene,

As, master of his fire, amid the fray,

He coolly urges, or restrains the sword.]

The Emperor ordered us, to respect the person and mission of General

Beker, and let him know, that he might appear without scruple, and

without fear. But this officer had already explained the purpose of

his journey; and a person came to inform the Emperor, that the object

of his mission was, not to arrest him, but to watch over the safety of

his person, placed under the protection of the national honour[72].

[Footnote 72: I am eager here to pay the general the

homage he merits. He knew perfectly well, how to

reconcile his duty with the attentions and respect, that

were due to Napoleon, and to his misfortune.]

This declaration deceived no one. It grieved us profoundly. The

Princess Hortensia's heart was torn by it. "O, my God!" said she,

sorrowfully lifting her eyes to Heaven; "was I born, to see the

Emperor a prisoner to the French in Malmaison?"

M. Fouché and his followers did not stop at this first precautionary

step; and, to deprive the Emperor of the means "of forming plots,"

they took from him in succession, under one pretence or other, most of

the officers, on whose attachment he could depend. Some were sent for

to be about the government, others received missions or commands. All

were spoken to in the sacred name of their country, and all obeyed. I

too was not forgotten and I received orders, as well as my colleague,

Baron Fain, to repair to Paris. I informed the Emperor of it. "Go,"

said he: "you have my consent. You will know what passes there, and

will acquaint me with it. I am sorry, that we did not think of sending

you in the suite of the plenipotentiaries: you would have reminded

Metternich of what was said at Bâle: you would have informed him, that

Fouché is labouring for the Duke of Orleans, &c. &c. Perhaps it may

not yet be too late. See Caulincourt from me, and tell him, to give

you some mission."

As soon as I arrived at the Tuileries, I expressed to the president of

the committee, and to M. de Vicence, a wish to make part of the

embassy. I reminded them of the proposals of M. Werner, &c. &c. M. de

Vicence thought, that my services might be very useful. The Duke of

Otranto answered me, that I must give up all thoughts of that; and

nothing more was said about it.

Thus Napoleon remained at Malmaison almost alone[73]; and there

retired, as Achilles to his tent, he was cursing his state of

idleness, when the minister of marine came to announce to him, in the

name of the government, that the enemy was at Compiègne; that the

committee, apprehensive for his safety, dispensed with his waiting for

the safeconducts, and requested him to depart incognito. The Emperor

promised to depart: but, when he heard at a distance the first report

of a cannon, his whole body thrilled, and he lamented in a tone of

despair, that he was condemned to remain far from the field of battle.

He ordered General Beker to be called: "The enemy is at Compiègne; at

Senlis!" said he to him: "to-morrow he will be at the gates of Paris.

I cannot conceive the blindness of the government. A man must be mad,

or a traitor to his country, to question the bad faith of the foreign

powers. These people understand nothing of affairs." General Beker

made a motion with his head, which Napoleon took for a sign of

approbation, and he went on: "All is lost: is it not so? In this case,

let them make me general; I will command the array; I will immediately

demand this (_speaking in an authoritative tone_): General, you shall

carry my letter; set off immediately a carriage is ready for you.

Explain to them, that it is not my intention, to seize again the

sovereign power: that I will fight the enemy, beat them, and compel

them by victory, to give a favourable turn to the negotiations: that

afterward, this great point obtained, I will pursue my journey. Go,

general, I depend on you; you shall quit me no more."

Memoirs of the Private Life, Return, and Reign of Napoleon in 1815, Vol. II · 第 13 / 21 段