my abdication may procure the happiness of France; _but I have no
expectation of it_; it leaves the state without a head, without
political existence. The time wasted in overturning the monarchy might
have been employed in putting France into a condition to crush the
enemy. I recommend to the chamber, speedily to reinforce the armies:
whoever is desirous of peace ought to prepare for war. Do not leave
this great nation at the mercy of foreigners: be on your guard against
being deceived by your hopes. _There lies the danger._ In whatever
situation I may find myself, I shall always be at ease, if France be
happy. I recommend my son to France. I hope it will not forget, that I
abdicated only for him. I have made this great sacrifice also for the
good of the nation; it is only with my dynasty, that it can expect to
be free, happy, and independent."
The Emperor delivered this answer in such a noble and affecting tone,
that all present were deeply moved, and M. Lanjuinais himself could
not refrain from tears.
Count Regnault was congratulating himself on being the first
interpreter of the sentiments and gratitude of the nation; when the
Emperor interrupted him: "Since this deliberation is your work," said
he to him, "you ought to have remembered, that the title of Emperor is
never lost[65]:" and he turned his back upon him.
[Footnote 65: The title of Emperor had not been given
him in this deliberation. He had been called merely
Napoleon Bonaparte.]
The chamber of peers hastened, to follow the example of the deputies.
The Emperor received it with kindness, and recommended to it, not to
forget that he had abdicated only in favour of his son.
The abdication of Napoleon gave free scope to the political
speculations of the representatives every one of them thought himself
called upon, to give the state a government and a head.
The republicans, still the dupes of their own illusions, flattered
themselves with the hope of introducing a federal government into
France.
The Bonapartists, confident in the wishes of the nation, and the
promises of foreign powers, reckoned on decreeing the crown to
Napoleon II., and the regency to Maria Louisa.
The partisans of the Duke of Orleans, in whose ranks were found the
most distinguished personages and the ablest orators of the assembly,
secretly flattered themselves with seating on the throne the son of
kings and of the republic.
Some of the deputies, seduced by the brilliant reputation of the one,
or by the valour and family connexions of the other, inclined for the
Prince of Sweden, or the Prince of Orange.... In a word, they would
have any body, except the legitimate sovereign.
A small number of the deputies only remained neutral. Free from
ambition and personal interest, attentive to their country alone, they
thought of availing themselves of the passing events, only to turn
them to the advantage of liberty and the nation.
The parties, that thus divided the chamber, were not slow in entering
on their career.
M. Dupin, too skilful to manifest directly the intention of not
acknowledging Napoleon II., and declaring the throne vacant, took a
circuitous course. He proposed to the chamber, to form itself into a
national assembly to send ambassadors to negotiate for peace; to form
an executive committee, selected from the members of the two chambers;
and to give it in charge to another committee, to prepare the plan of
the new constitution, and to settle the conditions, on which the
throne might be filled by the prince, whom the people should choose.
M. Scipio Morgues, though not sitting under the same banners with M.
Dupin, took up the proposition; and, carrying it still farther, moved,
that the chamber should form itself into a constituent assembly: that
the government of the state should be entrusted provisionally to the
ministers, who should act in conjunction with a committee of five
members belonging to the chamber, with the president at their
head[66]; and that the throne should be declared vacant, till the will
of the people was known: so that the sovereign people would have had
the power of changing the established form of government, and
rendering France a republic, or a monarchy, as they pleased.
[Footnote 66: The chamber of peers was of course thus
annihilated, and excluded from any share in the
government.]
M. Regnault represented, that either of these propositions would tend
to throw the state into the labyrinth of a complete disorganization;
that they could not be adopted, without announcing to the foreign
powers, that there was no established order of things in France, no
acknowledged rights, no fixed principles, no basis for a government:
yet, soon falling himself into the error of his opponents, he
proposed, 1st, to name, instead of the council of regency, prescribed
by the fundamental laws, to which he had just referred, an executive
committee of five members, two from the chamber of peers, and three
from that of deputies, who should exercise the functions of government
provisionally.
2dly. In order not to disturb the unity of power, to leave to this
committee the choice and direction of the commissioners, to be sent to
negotiate with the allies.
In times of doubt and fear, a middle course is always most agreeable
to the majority; and the majority of the chamber adopted the sort of
conduct proposed by M. Regnier, without perceiving its inconsistency:
for, to elude the acknowledgment of the Emperor Napoleon II. was to
declare to foreigners, _what it had been desirous of avoiding_, that
there were no established rights in France, and that the throne and
even the government were vacant.
In the existing state of things there were only two courses to be
pursued: either to proclaim Napoleon II. constitutionally, as its
essence, its duty, its interest, prescribed:
Or, if, from a cowardly condescension, it would not decide any thing
without the assent of the allies, to unite the two chambers into a
national assembly, and wait the course of events. In this case it
would not have placed the fate of the revolution of the 20th of March
in the hands of five individuals; it would have acquired an imposing
and national character, which would have given to its acts, its
negotiations, and even its resistance, a degree of strength and
dignity, that the unusual kind of government, to which it had just
given birth, could never obtain.
The resolution taken by the representatives was immediately carried to
the chamber of peers.
Prince Lucien was the first who rose to combat it. He eloquently
exposed the principles, on which hereditary monarchies are founded. He
invoked the constitution, the solemn oaths taken in the _Champ de
Mai_, and conjured the peers, the faithful guardians of the fealty
sworn, and of the constituent laws of the monarchy, to reject this
unconstitutional resolution, and proclaim Napoleon II. Emperor of the
French.
M. de Pontécoulant strongly resisted this proposal; declaring, that he
never would consent to acknowledge as sovereign a Prince not in
France, and a captive as regent. "Besides," added he, "by what right
does the Prince of Cannino come to speak within these walls? is he a
Frenchman?"
"If I be not a Frenchman in your eyes," exclaimed Prince Lucien, "I am
in the eyes of the whole nation."
Labedoyère darted rapidly to the tribune. "I have seen," said he,
"round the throne of the prosperous sovereign, men, who now shun it,
because he is in adversity. They are at this moment ready to receive
any prince, that foreigners may think proper to impose on them. But,
if they reject Napoleon II., the Emperor ought to have recourse to his
sword, and to those brave men, who, covered as they are with blood and
scars, still cry 'Long live the Emperor!' It was, in favour of his
son, that he abdicated: his abdication is void, if Napoleon II. be not
acknowledged. Shall French blood have been spilt again, only to make
us pass a second time under a foreign yoke? to bow the head beneath a
degraded government? to see our brave warriors drink the cup of
bitterness and humiliation, and deprived of the rewards due to their
services, their wounds, their glory? There are still here perhaps
generals," turning his eyes toward Marshal Ney, "who meditate new
treasons; but woe to all traitors: may they be devoted to infamy! may
their houses be rased, their families proscribed!" At these words the
most lively expressions of displeasure burst out in the assembly.
Labedoyère, interrupted, impiously exclaimed: "_Great God!_ is it then
decreed, that the voices of baseness alone shall be heard within these
walls?"
This exclamation excited fresh murmurs. "We have already a foreign
war," said M. Boissy d'Anglas: "must we have a civil war also?
Unquestionably the Emperor has made the greatest of sacrifices to our
country, but the proposal, to proclaim Napoleon II. is unseasonable
and impolitic. I move the order of the day."
Messrs. de Ségur, de Flahaut, and Roederer, opposed this, and
strenuously maintained the rights of Napoleon II. "If the Emperor had
been killed," said they, "his son would succeed him as a matter of
right. He is politically deceased why should not his son succeed him?
The monarchy is composed of three branches: one of these branches is
dead; it must be replaced. We are strong only within the sphere of our
duties: let us not step out of the constitution, let us not give the
foreign powers a right to say to us, you are no longer any thing! They
have declared, that Napoleon alone was the obstacle to a peace: let us
put their good faith to the test. It is besides as advantageous, as it
is just and politic, to acknowledge Napoleon II., and to govern in his
name. Look at the soldiers, look at the people of Alsace, Franche
Comté, Lorraine, Burgundy, and Champagne, for whom, and in whose name,
have they lavished their generous blood? At home, the acknowledgment
of Napoleon II. would justify the nation and the army; abroad it would
reconcile us to Austria. Could the Emperor view us with the eyes of an
enemy, when we had adopted for our sovereign a child of his own
blood?"
"The 67th article of the constitution," said M. Thibaudeau, "is still
the law of the two chambers: neither the chamber, nor the nation, nor
the provisional government we shall form, thinks of bringing back the
government, under which we groaned a whole year; but the proposal for
acknowledging Napoleon II. cannot be discussed at the present moment.
Let us leave things as they are, and adopt the resolution of the
chamber of deputies, _without prejudging any thing in regard to the
entirety of the abdication of Napoleon_."
The chamber, delighted at having discovered a method of preserving the
rights of Napoleon, without placing itself in manifest opposition to
the representatives, adopted this suggestion, and proceeded
immediately to the nomination of the two members to the committee of
government.
The Duke of Vicenza and Baron Quinette had the suffrages in their
favour.
M. Carnot, the Duke of Otranto, and General Grenier, were at the same
time chosen by the other chamber.
The committee of government immediately entered on its functions under
the presidency of the Duke of Otranto.
Though the question of the entirety of the abdication remained
untouched upon, the Emperor nevertheless considered the creation of a
committee of government as a manifest violation of its conditions. He
reproached the ministers of state, and particularly M. Regnault, with
not having maintained the rights of his son: and made them sensible,
that it was incumbent on them, as they regarded their honour and
duty, to oblige the chambers to declare themselves. "I have not
abdicated," said he, "in favour of a new directory. I abdicated in
favour of my son. If they do not proclaim him, my abdication must be
null, and not made. The chambers well know, that the people, the army,
public opinion, desire it, will it; but the foreigners check them. It
is not by presenting themselves before the allies with their ears
hanging down, and their knee on the ground, that they will compel them
to acknowledge the independence of the nation. Had they been sensible
of their situation, they would spontaneously have proclaimed Napoleon
II. The foreign powers would then have seen, that you know how to have
but one will, one object, one rallying point: they would have seen,
that the 20th of March was not a party affair, the attempt of a
faction; but the result of the attachment of the French to me and to
my dynasty. The unanimity of the nation would have had more effect
upon them, than all your mean and degrading deference."
The effect produced by the sitting of the chamber of peers, in spite
of the pains taken to misrepresent it, roused the attention of the
Duke of Otranto, and of the Anti-Napoleon faction, of which he was
become the director and the head.
On the other hand the army of Marshal Grouchy, which was supposed to
be destroyed, had just re-entered France[67]. Prince Jerome, Marshal
Soult, Generals Morand, Colbert, Poret, Petit, and a number of other
officers, whom I regret not being able to name, had succeeded in
rallying the wreck of Mont St. Jean; and the army already formed a
body of fifty or sixty thousand men, whose sentiments in favour of the
Emperor had undergone no alteration.
[Footnote 67: Conformably to the orders given him,
Marshal Grouchy had confined himself on the 17th, to
observing the Prussians: but this he had not done with
the ardour and sagacity, that might have been expected
of such a consummate general of horse. The timidity,
with which he followed them, no doubt inspired them with
the idea, that they might fall on the Emperor's rear
with impunity.
On the 18th, at nine in the morning only, he quitted his
cantonments to march to Wavres: when he reached Walhain,
he heard the cannonading at Mont St. Jean. Its
continually increasing briskness left no doubt, that it
was an extremely serious affair. General Excelmans
proposed, to march to the guns by the right bank of the
Dyle. "Do you not feel," said he to the marshal, "that
the firing makes the ground tremble under our feet? let
us march straight to the spot where they are fighting."
This advice, had it been followed up, would have saved
the army: but it was not. The marshal slowly continued
his movements: at two o'clock he arrived before Wavres.
The corps of General Vandamme and that of Gérard
endeavoured to open a passage, and wasted time and men
to no purpose. At seven o'clock he received, according
to his own declaration, the order from the
major-general, to march to St. Lambert and attack Bulow;
which step ought to have been suggested to him before
that time by the tremendous cannonading at Waterloo, and
by the order _given in the first despatch received in
the morning_, to draw near to the grand army, and place
himself in a situation to co-operate with it. He did so
then. He crossed the Dyle at the bridge of Limale, and
made himself master of the heights, without meeting any
resistance; but night being come, he halted.
At three in the morning General Thielman attempted, to
drive our troops back across the Dyle: but he was
victoriously repulsed. The division of Teste, the
cavalry of General Pajol, obliged him to evacuate Bielge
and Wavres. The whole of the corps of Vandamme crossed
the Dyle, took Rosieren, and became master of the road
from Wavres to Brussels.
Marshal Grouchy, though the Emperor had recommended to
him, to keep open the communications, and to send him
frequent accounts of himself, had given himself no
concern about what was passing at Mont St. Jean; and was
preparing blindly to pursue his own movements, when an
aide-de camp of General Gressot came to announce to him
(this was at noon) the disasters of the preceding day.
The marshal was then sensible, but too late, of the
horrible fault he had committed in remaining unconcerned
on the right bank of the Dyle. He effected his retreat,
in two columns, by Temploux and Namur.
On the 20th in the morning, his rear-guard was attacked,
and thrown into disorder. The division of Teste, the
cavalry of Excelmans, extricated it from its confusion.
The 20th of dragoons, and its worthy colonel, the young
Briqueville, retook from the enemy two pieces of
artillery, which they had captured. General Clary and
his hussars cut down the horse; and the army reached
Namur in tranquillity. The indefatigable division of
General Teste was appointed to defend this town; and it
maintained its post gloriously, till our wounded and
baggage had evacuated it, and our troops were in safety
on the heights of Dinan and Bouvine.
On the 22d the whole of the army was assembled at
Rocroi. On the 24th it formed a junction with the wreck
of Mont St, Jean, which the Emperor had ordered, to bend
its course towards Rheims. On the 25th it marched for
the capital. During its retreat, it was exposed to the
exasperated attacks of the Prussians. It repulsed them
all with firmness and vigour. The noble desire of
repairing the involuntary evil, that it had done us at
Mont St. Jean, inflamed the minds of the soldiers with
the most spirited ardour; and perhaps this army of brave
fellows would have changed the fate of France under the
walls of Paris, had not the inspirations of its
patriotism, and generous despair, been repressed or
betrayed.]
The Duke of Otranto and his party then perceived the necessity of
keeping terms with Napoleon and in a secret conference, which took
place at the house of the minister of police, and at which M. Manuel
and the deputies of most weight in the party of the Duke of Otranto
were present, it was confessed, that it appeared neither prudent nor
possible, to prevent the acknowledgment of Napoleon II.; and that they
would exert themselves merely to retain the authority in the hands of
the committee.
The next day, as had been foreseen, Count Defermont, dexterously
availing himself of a debate on the oath to be taken by the committee,
asked the assembly, in whose name the committee was to act? how the
titles of its acts should run? and, in fine, whether Napoleon II.
were, or were not, Emperor of the French? (_Yes, yes, yes!_) "The
abdication of Napoleon I. calls to the succession him," said he, "who
in the order established by the constitution is designated beforehand
as his heir." (Here a single voice called out, _The order of the
day!_) "On this fundamental point the slightest hesitation cannot
exist. If it did exist, it would be our duty, to put an end to it. We
must not allow people, to go and persuade the national guard of Paris,
or the armies, that we are waiting for Louis XVIII., and that we all
share the same sentiment." (_A great majority of the members rose, and
exclaimed, "Long live Napoleon II.!" These shouts were repeated with
transport by the tribunes, and by the officers of the line and of the
national guard, who were at the entrance of the hall._)
"It must frankly be confessed," said another member, M. Boulay de la
Meurthe, "that doubts have been started: some newspaper writers have
gone so far as to say, that the throne is vacant. Were such our
misfortune, this assembly, and our liberties, would be at an end. In
fact, what should we be? By what mandate are we here? We exist only
through the constitution.... It is the same constitution, that
proclaims Napoleon II. Emperor. His father has abdicated: you have
accepted his abdication without restriction the contract is formed,
Napoleon II. is Emperor by the course of events." (_Yes, yes! we ought
not even to deliberate._) "Besides, the Emperor gave his abdication
only under the express condition (_murmurs_).... These murmurs do not
terrify me: I have long made the sacrifice of my life. I will speak
the whole truth in presence of the nation. There exists a faction,
that would persuade us we have declared the throne vacant, in the hope
of filling up this vacancy immediately by the Bourbons. (_No, no!
never, never!_) This faction is that of the Duke of Orleans. It has
seduced some patriots, not too clear-sighted, who do not perceive,
that the Duke of Orleans would accept the throne only to resign it to
Louis XVIII. The assembly must speak out, and instantly declare, that
it acknowledges Napoleon II. as Emperor of the French."
Count Regnault spoke to the same purpose; but threw cold water on the
debate, by unskilfully introducing the mention of the foreign powers,
and asking in whose name the army was to fight.
The members of the opposition, who had hitherto confined themselves to
a few murmurs, and calling for the order of the day, now began to
speak. M. Dupin first endeavoured to prove, that the safety of the
country was the first thing to be considered. "Why," said he
afterward, "has the Emperor abdicated? Because he felt, that it was no
longer in his power, to save France. Now, I ask you, if Napoleon I.
could not save the state, how can Napoleon II. save it? Besides, are
not this prince and his mother captives? Have you any hope, that they
will be restored to you?
"What have been our ideas? We have wished, instead of a name, which
our enemies object to us, as the sole motive of the war, to bring
forward the French nation. Yes, it is in the name of the nation, that
we would fight, and that we would treat. It is from the nation we
await the choice of a sovereign. The nation precedes all governments,
and survives them all."
"Why do you not propose a republic?" a single voice exclaimed.
Numerous and violent murmurs had often interrupted M. Dupin. M.
Manuel, more adroit, felt the necessity of being also more temperate.
He appeared at first uncertain on the determination it would be proper
to take; and, after having brought all the parties on the stage, and
placed in the balance the hopes and fears, with which each might
inspire the nation, he exclaimed: "But is it an individual, then, is
it a family, that is in question? No; it is our country. Why should we
deprive ourselves of the means of saving it? Already we have made one
great stride[68]: but do we know, whether it will be great enough,
whether it will be sufficiently complete, to obtain from it the
results we wish? Let us leave it to time to act. In accepting the
abdication of Napoleon, you accepted the condition it carries with it;
and we ought to acknowledge Napoleon II., since the forms of the
constitution require it: but, in conforming to them in this respect,
it is impossible for us not to deviate from them, when the object is
to secure our independence; and it is to attain this object, that you
have thought proper, to place authority in the hands of men, who
particularly possess your confidence; in order that this or that
prince, appointed by the laws the guardian of the sovereign during a
minority, may not claim his rights, and become the arbiter of the fate
of France.
[Footnote 68: That of forcing Napoleon to abdicate.]
"I move, therefore, the order of the day, for the following reasons:
1st, that Napoleon II. is become Emperor of the French, by the fact of
the abdication of Napoleon I., and by virtue of the constitution of
the empire.
"2dly, That the two chambers have willed and intended, by naming a
committee of government, to secure to the nation the guarantees it
requires, under the extraordinary circumstances, in which it is
placed, to preserve its liberty and tranquillity."
This specious proposal seduced the assembly. It was adopted amid the
most vociferous acclamations, and shouts of "Long live Napoleon II." a
thousand times repeated; without its suspecting, that this order of
the day, which appeared to it so decisive, signified nothing, except
that it proclaimed Napoleon II. because the constitution required it;
but that it declared, at the same time, that it was merely a matter of
form, and that it would be ready to give it up, when the provisional
government should deem it necessary.
This was the second time of the chamber's being the dupe of its
eagerness: yet it reckoned among its members men of great judgment and
talents; but the greater number, and it is the majority always that
gives the law, never having had a seat in our assemblies, allowed
themselves to be subjugated by the illusions of eloquence, and with so
much the more facility, because there existed in the assembly no fixed
notion, no paramount will, that might serve it as a beacon and guide.