enemy on their native land will, I hope, bring the deputies to a
sense of their duty. The nation did not send them to displace, but to
support me. I do not fear them. Let them do what they will, I shall
still be the idol of the people and of the army. Were I to say a
single word, they would be all knocked on the head. But, while I fear
nothing on my own account, I fear every thing for France. If we
quarrel, instead of preserving a good understanding with each other,
we shall experience the fate of the Lower Empire: all will be lost....
The patriotism of the nation, its hatred to the Bourbons, its
attachment to myself, offer us still immense resources: our cause is
not desperate."
He then, with admirable skill and strength of expression, passed
successively in review the means of repairing the disasters of Mont
St. Jean; and delineated with a bold pencil the innumerable
calamities, with which discord, the foreigners, and the Bourbons
threatened France. Every thing he said carried conviction to the minds
of his ministers; their opinions, hitherto divided, were tending to an
agreement; when the council was interrupted by a message from the
chamber of representatives, containing the following resolutions.
"The chamber of representatives declares, that the independence of the
nation is threatened.
"The chamber declares itself in a state of permanence. Any attempt to
dissolve it is a crime of high treason: whoever shall be guilty of
such an attempt will be a traitor to his country, and immediately
condemned as one.
"The army of the line and national guard, who have fought, and still
fight, in defence of the liberty, the independence, and the territory
of France, have deserved well of their country.
"The ministers at war, of foreign affairs, and of the interior, are
desired, to repair immediately to the assembly[62]."
[Footnote 62: These resolutions were sent to the chamber
of peers also: but this chamber, knowing, that it had no
right, to send for the Ministers, contented itself,
_considering the present circumstances_, with giving its
approbation to the first three articles.]
These resolutions had been adopted, almost at the first dash, on the
proposal of M. de Lafayette. Each of the articles was an infringement
of the constitution, and an usurpation of sovereign authority. The
Emperor at once foresaw all the consequences. "I was right in
thinking," said he with vexation, "that I ought to dismiss those
fellows, before I departed. It is all over; they are on the point of
ruining France." He broke up the sitting, adding: "I see Regnault did
not deceive me: _If it must be so, I will abdicate._" This imprudent
and fatal speech, which was reported immediately to the enemies of
Napoleon, strengthened their designs, and increased their boldness.
Scarcely had the Emperor uttered the words, however, but he was aware
of their impropriety; and, returning, announced, that, previously to
taking any decided step, it would be proper, to know, _where all this
would end_. Accordingly he directed M. Regnault, to repair to the
chamber, endeavour to calm it, and feel the ground. "You will announce
to them, that I am returned; that I have just convened the council of
ministers; that the army, after a signal victory, has fought a great
battle; that all was going on well; that the English were beaten; and
that we had taken from them six pair of colours; when some
ill-disposed persons excited a panic. That the army is assembling
together; that I have given orders, to stop the fugitives; that I am
come, to concert measures with my ministers, and with the chambers;
and that I am this moment engaged on those steps, which circumstances
require for the public safety."
By the Emperor's orders, M. Carnot set out at the same moment, to make
a similar communication to the chamber of peers. It was listened to
there with suitable calmness: but M. Regnault, with his utmost
efforts, could not moderate the impatience of the representatives; and
they imperiously renewed their desire to the ministers, by a second
message, to appear at their bar.
The Emperor, offended at the chamber's arrogating to itself an
authority over his ministers, forbade them to stir. The deputies,
finding they did not come, considered their delay as _a contempt for
the nation_. Some, to whom contempt both of the Emperor and of
constitutional principles was already familiar, moved, that the
ministers should be ordered to attend the assembly, setting all other
business aside. Others, alarmed by their own consciences, and, fearing
a politic stroke, created phantoms of their own imagination.
Persuaded, that Napoleon was marching troops, to maim and dissolve the
national representation, they demanded with loud cries, that the
national guard should be summoned, to protect the chamber. Others
moved, that the command of this guard should be taken from the Emperor
and General Durosnel, and conferred on General Lafayette.
The Emperor, weary of all this noise, authorised his ministers, to
inform the president, that they should soon be with him: but not
choosing to let it be thought, that they obeyed the injunctions of the
chamber, he deputed them to it as bearers of an imperial message drawn
up for the purpose. Prince Lucien was appointed to accompany them,
under the title of commissioner general. That this innovation might
not hurt the feelings of the ministers, the Emperor said to them, that
Prince Lucien, by means of his temporary office of commissioner
general, might answer the interrogatories of the representatives,
without its having any future consequences, and without giving the
chamber a right to assert, that their power of sending for the
ministers and interrogating them had been acknowledged and conceded.
But this was not the real motive. The Emperor had not been satisfied
with the lukewarmness, which the majority of the ministers had
displayed; and he was desirous of placing in hands more to be depended
on the task of defending his person and his throne. At six o'clock the
ministers, with Prince Lucien at their head, were introduced into the
chamber.
The Prince announced, that the Emperor had appointed him commissioner
extraordinary, to concert with the representatives prudential
measures: he laid on the president's desk the commission and message
of the Emperor, and demanded, that the assembly would think proper to
form itself into a secret committee.
This message contained a brief sketch of the disasters experienced at
Mont St. Jean. It recommended to the representatives, to join the head
of the state to preserve their country from the misfortune of falling
again under the yoke of the Bourbons, or becoming, like the Poles, the
prey of foreigners. In fine it announced, that it appeared necessary
for the two chambers, to appoint each a committee of five members, to
concert with ministers the proper measures for securing the public
safety, and treating for a peace with the combined powers.
Scarcely was the reading finished, when questions put to the ministers
from all parts of the hall instantly threw the deliberations of the
assembly into confusion. All the deputies, who had risen, addressed to
them at once questions as absurd as they were arrogant, and were
astonished, indignant, that they did not satisfy their eager and
insatiable curiosity.
The disturbance being calmed, one member, M. Henry Lacoste, was able
to make himself heard. "The veil then is torn," said he: "our
misfortunes are made known; but, fearful as these disasters are,
perhaps they are not yet entirely disclosed to us. I shall not discuss
the communications made to us: the moment is not come, to call the
head of the state to account for the blood of our brave soldiers, and
the loss of the honour of the nation: but I require him, in the name
of the public safety, to disclose to us the secret of his thoughts, of
his policy; to teach us the means of closing the abyss, that yawns
beneath our feet. Ministers of Napoleon, you talk to us of the
national independence, you talk to us of peace; but what new basis
will you give to your negotiations? What new means of communication
have you in your power? You know, as well as we, that Europe has
declared war against Napoleon alone! Will you henceforth separate the
nation from Napoleon? For my part, I declare, that I see but one man
between us and peace. Let him speak, and the country will be saved."
Prince Lucien attempted, to answer this violent attack. "What!" said
he, "shall we still have the weakness to believe the words of our
enemies? When victory was for the first time faithless to us, did they
not swear, in the presence of God and man, that they would respect
our independence and our laws? Let us not fall a second time into the
snare, that they have set for our confidence, for our credulity. Their
aim, in their endeavour to separate the nation from the Emperor, is,
to disunite us, in order to vanquish us, and replunge us more easily
into that degradation and slavery, from which his return delivered us.
I conjure you, citizens, by the sacred name of our country, rally all
of you round the chief, whom the nation has so solemnly replaced at
its head. Consider, that our safety depends on our union; and that you
cannot separate yourselves from the Emperor, and abandon him to his
enemies, without ruining the state, without being faithless to your
oaths, without tarnishing for ever the national honour."
This speech, uttered amid the coil of parties, was drowned,
interrupted, by the tumultuous noise of the assembly: few of the
deputies listened to it, or heard it: their minds, however, astonished
by the blow aimed at Napoleon, appeared disquieted and irresolute. The
Duke of Vicenza, and the Prince of Eckmuhl, had given satisfactory
explanations, one of the means of coming to an understanding with the
allies, the other of the imaginary approach of troops intended to act
against the national representation. The friends of the Emperor had
succeeded in bringing over to his cause a majority of the assembly,
and every thing seemed to presage a favourable issue, when one of the
Emperor's enemies, M. de la Fayette, obtained a hearing. "You accuse
us," said he, addressing Prince Lucien, "of failing in our duties
towards our honour, and towards Napoleon. Have you forgotten all that
we have done for him? have you forgotten, that we followed him in the
sands of Africa, in the deserts of Russia, and that the bones of our
sons and brothers every where attest our fidelity? For him we have
done enough: it is our duty now, to save our country." A number of
voices rose together in confusion, to accuse or defend Napoleon. M.
Manuel, M. Dupin, displayed the dangers, with which France was
threatened. They hinted at the means of preserving it, but durst not
pronounce the word abdication: so difficult it is to overcome the
respect, that a great man inspires.
In fine, after a long debate, it was agreed, conformably to the
conclusions of the message, that a committee of five members,
consisting of the president and vice-presidents of the chamber,
Monsieur Lanjuinais, and MM. de la Fayette, Dupont de l'Eure,
Flaugergues, and Grenier, should concert measures with the council of
ministers, and with a committee of the chamber of peers (if this
chamber should think proper to appoint one), to collect every
information respecting the state of France, and propose every means
that might be conducive to the public safety.
Prince Lucien, in the same capacity of commissioner extraordinary,
repaired immediately to the chamber of peers; and this chamber, after
having heard the imperial message, hastened also to appoint a
committee; which was composed of Generals Drouot, Dejean, and
Andréossy, and MM. Boissy d'Anglas, and Thibaudeau.
On his return to the Elyseum, the prince did not conceal from the
Emperor, that the chamber had declared itself too strongly, to allow
any hope of ever reclaiming it: _and that it was necessary, either to
dissolve it immediately, or submit to an abdication._ Two of the
ministers present, the Duke of Vicenza and the Duke of Bassano,
remonstrated, that the chamber had acquired too great hold of the
public opinion, for an act of authority to be attempted against it.
They respectfully hinted to Napoleon, that it was more prudent to
submit: that, if he hesitated, the chamber would indubitably decree
his deposition, and perhaps he would not have it in his power, to
abdicate in favour of his son.
Napoleon, without promising, without refusing, without giving any
indication of his resolves, contented himself with the answer of the
Duke of Guise: "They dare not." But it was easy to perceive, that he
stood in fear of the chamber; that he thought his abdication
inevitable; and that he only sought, in the hope of some favourable
event, to put off the catastrophe as long as possible.
The committees of the two chambers, the ministers, and the ministers
of state, met the same day at eleven in the evening, Prince Lucien
being present.
It was decided by a majority of sixteen against five:
1st, That the safety of the country required the Emperor to consent,
that the two chambers should appoint a committee, to negotiate
directly with the combined powers, on the condition of their
respecting the independence of the nation, and the right every people
have, to give themselves such a constitution, as they may deem proper.
2dly, That it was advisable, to back these negotiations by the
complete display of the national force.
3dly, That the ministers of state should propose suitable measures for
supplying men, horses, and money; as well as those necessary for
curbing and repressing domestic enemies.
This resolution was combated by M. de la Fayette. He stated, that it
did not answer the general expectation; that the most certain, the
most speedy means of putting an end to the state of crisis, in which
France found itself, rested solely and exclusively in the abdication
of Napoleon; and that it was necessary to call upon him, in the name
of the country, to lay down the crown.
Prince Lucien declared, that the Emperor was ready, to make any
sacrifice, which the safety of France might require: but that the time
for recurring to this desperate resource was not yet arrived; and that
it was advisable, with a view to the interests of France itself, to
wait the result of the overtures, that should be made to the allied
powers.
The assembly agreed in this opinion, and broke up from weariness at
three o'clock in the morning.
General Grenier was appointed by his colleagues, to give the chamber
an account of the result of this conference: an embarrassing mission,
since the principal object of the conference, which, in the opinion
of the representatives, ought to have been, to determine on the
abdication of Napoleon, had been eluded, and left out of sight.
M. ***, whom I refrain from naming, advised him, to speak out plainly,
and to declare, that the committee, though it had not formally
declared it, felt the necessity of desiring the Emperor to abdicate.
But the inflexible and virtuous Dupont de l'Eure, always the friend of
rectitude and sincerity, raised his voice like a man of honour against
this shameful suggestion; and protested, that he would ascend the
tribune, to declare the truth, if the reporter dared to disregard or
falsify it. Accordingly General Grenier confined himself, to giving a
faithful account of the sitting of the committee: but he added, from
instructions just given him by the ministers of state, that the
chamber would presently receive a message, by which the Emperor would
declare, that he approved of the assembly's appointing ambassadors, to
send to the allies; and that, if he were an insuperable obstacle to
the nation's being admitted to treat of its independence, he should
always be ready, to make the sacrifice required of him.
This explanation answered every end: but, instead of calming the
minds of the representatives, it excited the irascibility of all
those, who, from fear of the enemy, from ambition, or from a mistaken
patriotism, considered Napoleon's immediate abdication necessary. They
did not perceive, that on the contrary it was of importance, to leave
Napoleon nominally on the throne, in order to give the negotiators an
opportunity of bartering with the foreign powers his abdication in
exchange for peace.
M. Regnault, witnessing the irritation that prevailed, went to
acquaint the Emperor, that the chamber appeared disposed, to pronounce
his deposition, if he did not abdicate immediately. The Emperor, not
accustomed to receive the law, was indignant at the force attempted to
be put upon him: "Since this is the case," said he, "I will not
abdicate. The chamber is composed of Jacobins, fanatics, and ambitious
men, who thirst after places and disturbance. I ought to have
denounced them to the nation, and expelled them: the time lost may be
repaired...."
The Emperor's agitation was extreme. He strode about his closet, and
muttered broken phrases, that it was impossible to comprehend. "Sire,"
at length answered M. Regnault, "do not endeavour, I conjure you, to
struggle any longer against the stream of events. Time passes on: the
enemy is advancing. Do not give the chamber, do not give the nation,
room to accuse you of having prevented it from obtaining peace. In
1814 you sacrificed yourself for the common safety; repeat to-day this
great, this generous sacrifice."
The Emperor pettishly replied: "I shall see: it has never been my
intention, to refuse to abdicate. I was a soldier; I will become one
again: but I want to be allowed, to think of it calmly, with a view to
the interests of France and of my son: tell them to wait."
During this conversation, the chamber was extremely agitated. The
president, informed by M. Regnier of the disposition of the Emperor,
announced, that a message would presently satisfy the wishes of all.
But, impatient to enjoy its work, it was unwilling, even to leave
Napoleon the merit of sacrificing himself freely for the safety of his
country.
M. Duchène, who was the first to interrupt General Grenier's report by
his murmurs, moved, that the Emperor should be desired, in the name of
the safety of the state, to declare his abdication.
General Solignac proposed, to send a deputation to him, to express the
urgency of his decision.
M. de la Fayette, who seems called by fate to be the scourge of kings,
exclaimed, that, if Napoleon did not decide, he would move for his
deposition.
A number of members, among whom General Sébastiani rendered himself
conspicuous by his violence, insisted, that Napoleon should be
compelled, to abdicate immediately.
At length it was agreed, "in order to save the honour of the head of
the state," to grant him an hour's grace; and the sitting was
suspended.
Fresh importunities immediately assailed the Emperor. General
Solignac, I believe, and other deputies, came to summon him to
abdicate. Prince Lucien, who had never ceased to conjure the Emperor,
to make head against the storm, now thought the time was passed, and
that it was necessary to submit. Prince Joseph united with him, and
their joint advice at length overcame the resistance of the Emperor.
This determination he announced to the ministers, and said to the Duke
of Otranto with an ironical smile, "Write to those gentlemen, to make
themselves easy: they shall soon be satisfied[63]."
[Footnote 63: In fact, the Duke of Otranto did write to
M. Manuel.]
Prince Lucien then took up the pen, and wrote, from the dictation of
his august brother, the following declaration.
"_Declaration to the French People._
"In commencing a war, to maintain the independence of the nation, I
reckoned on the joint efforts of all, the unanimity of all, and the
concurrence of all the national authorities. From these I had reason,
to hope for success; and I set at defiance all the declarations of
foreign powers against me.
"Circumstances appear to me to be changed: I offer up myself as a
sacrifice to the animosity of the enemies of France: may they prove
themselves sincere in their declarations, and that they really aimed
at me personally alone! My political life is at an end: and I proclaim
my son, under the title of Napoleon II., Emperor of the French.
"The present ministers will form provisionally the council of
government. The interest I feel in what concerns my son induces me,
to desire the chambers, to form a regency without delay by a law.
"Unite, all of you, for the public safety, and to remain an
independent nation.
(Signed) "NAPOLEON."
"Palace of the Elyseum,
June the 22d, 1815."
The minute of Prince Lucien was put into my hands by the Duke of
Bassano, to make two copies of it. When they were presented to the
Emperor, they still exhibited traces of my sorrow. He perceived them,
and said to me, with a very expressive look, "They would have it so."
The Duke of Bassano observed to him, that he made a great sacrifice to
peace; but that perhaps the allies would not deem it sufficiently
complete.--"What do you mean?" asked the Emperor.--"It is possible,
they may require the renunciation of the crown by your Majesty's
brothers."--"What! by my brothers Ah, Maret, then you would dishonour
us all!"
The Duke of Otranto, the Duke of Vicenza, the Duke Decrès, were
immediately employed, to carry the Emperor's declaration to the
chamber of deputies; and the Duke of Gaëta, Count Mollien, and M.
Carnot, to carry it to that of the peers.
The Prince of Eckmuhl had been sent previously to the former by the
Emperor, to give it information respecting the army, and amuse it till
the abdication should arrive.
Scarcely was the abdication sent off, when the Count de la Borde,
adjutant-general of the national guard, ran to inform the Emperor,
that there was not a moment to be lost, as they were going to put the
deposition to the vote. The Emperor, tapping him on the shoulder,
said: "These good people are in great haste, then: tell them to be
easy; I sent them my abdication a quarter of an hour ago." The
ministers and M. de la Borde had passed each other on the way.
When they appeared before the chamber, the president, apprehensive
that the enemies of Napoleon would insult his misfortunes by cowardly
applauses, reminded it, that its regulations prohibited every sign of
approbation or disapprobation: he then read the declaration.
The Duke of Otranto, who had been in secret one of the instigators of
the rage of certain deputies, pretended to be affected at the fate of
Napoleon, and recommended him to the attention and protection of the
chambers. This simulation of generosity disgusted every pure heart in
the assembly; it was reserved for the unfortunate Regnault, to rouse
their feelings. He reminded them of the benefits and victories of
Napoleon with so much eloquence and sensibility; he drew them a
picture so true, so affecting, so pathetic, of the misfortunes, to
which this great man, the hero of the nation, was about to devote
himself without reserve, and without conditions, to ransom his
country; that the eyes of his most obdurate enemies were moistened
with tears, and the whole assembly remained for some moments plunged
in a sad and painful silence. This silence, perhaps the noblest
homage, that Napoleon ever obtained, was at length interrupted; and
the chamber unanimously decreed, that a solemn deputation should wait
on Napoleon, to express to him, in the name of the nation, "the
respect and gratitude, with which they accepted the noble sacrifice he
had made to the independence and happiness of the French people."
Napoleon received coldly the congratulations of the deputies of the
chamber. What value could empty words have in his eyes? He answered
them[64]:
[Footnote 64: This answer was cut short by the
president: I give it here entire.]