violent struggle. It has every symptom of an agony, that usually
precedes a great revolution. The streets of the city swarm with libels
of party against party. Some masterly pamphlets have been written in
favor of the Burgomasters. Thousands of extravagant and incredible
reports are made and propagated. Many new songs appear among the
populace, one particularly adapted for the amusement of the sailors,
and calculated to inspire them with proper sentiments of resentment
against the English. A woman, who sung it in the streets, the day
before yesterday, sold six hundred of them in an hour, and in one
spot. These are symptoms of war. But it is not easy to conquer the
national prejudices of a hundred years' standing, nor to avoid the
influence of the Stadtholder, which is much more formidable. In this
fermentation, the people can think of nothing else, and I need not
add, that I have no chance of getting a ducat of money, but I think
Congress will see the necessity of having here in these critical times
more ample powers.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, December 25th, 1780.
Sir,
Affairs are still in suspense. This day being Christmas, and yesterday
a Sunday, there was no public Exchange held on either. But business,
and especially stockjobbing, goes on without ceasing, being done at
the coffee-houses on Sundays, and holy-days, when it cannot be held
upon 'Change.
The English mail, which had been interrupted by contrary winds for
three posts, arrived on Saturday. The English gazettes of the 19th
announced, that Sir Joseph Yorke was recalled, and a Dutch war was
inevitable. Private letters informed, that the Count de Welderen was
about leaving the British Court, and that an embargo was laid on all
Dutch ships in Great Britain; that the stocks had fallen two per cent,
and that a war was inevitable. The stock-jobbers, Englishmen, and
others at the coffee-houses, had melancholy countenances, and uncommon
anxiety. News was also propagated from the Hague, that Sir Joseph
Yorke was gone. Others said he had received his orders to go. As there
was no Exchange, the public judgment is not made up, whether there
will be war or not. Some gentlemen of knowledge and experience think
all this a farce, concerted at the Hague, between Sir Joseph and his
friends there, and the Ministry in England, in order to spread an
alarm, intimidate the States into an answer, which may be accepted
with a color of honor, &c. or to do something worse, that is, rouse a
spirit among the mobility against the Burgomasters of Amsterdam. I
cannot, however, but be of opinion, that there is more in this, and
that the Ministry will carry their rage to great extremities. They
have gone too far to look back, without emboldening their enemies,
confounding their friends, and exposing themselves to the contempt and
ridicule of both. A few hours, however, will throw more light upon
this important subject. The plot must unravel immediately.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, December 26th, 1780.
Sir,
The public papers of this morning inform me, that Sir Joseph Yorke
left the Hague on the morning of the 24th, without taking leave of
anybody, and bent his way to London by the way of Antwerp and Ostend.
Sometime in the month of April last, a certain British Ambassador, who
had an inclination to take a few of the pleasures of Paris in his way
to Germany, said in that city, where I received the information in the
time of it, "to be sure the Americans will carry their point, and
establish their independence, for there will infallibly be a war
between England and Holland before Christmas."
If the war is considered to commence from the departure of the
Ambassador, Sir Joseph went off exactly in time to accomplish the
prophecy. Since the departure of Sir Joseph has been generally known,
the city has been in a fermentation. The English Ministry are cursed
here as heartily as anywhere in general. Things are said by our
friends to be in a very good situation, but I never know what to
believe. The English are very bold I think; they are very
enthusiastic, they are sure of the assistance of Providence, as sure
of success against all their enemies as the old lady was of relief
from want, and making her fortune by drawing a prize in the lottery.
"But have you bought a ticket, mamma?" said her daughter. "No, my
child," replied the old lady, "I have no ticket, but Providence is
Almighty, and therefore I am sure of the highest prize, ticket or no
ticket."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, December 28th, 1780.
Sir,
The Dutch say, that the English are acting the part of the sailor, who
having quarrelled with three others, as stout as himself, and got his
bones broken and eyes beat out in the squabble, challenged four more
to fight him at the same time, that he might have it in his power to
make up with all seven _with honor_.
If the English are not actuated by the same blind and vindictive
passions, which have governed them so many years, it is impossible to
see through their policy. I think it is impossible they should be
ignorant of the articles of confederation of the neutral powers. These
articles as I am informed, warrant to all the neutral powers their
treaties with England, and stipulate that if either is attacked after
the 20th of November last, it shall be made a common cause.
If the English should issue letters of marque against the Dutch, the
States-General will not immediately issue letters of marque in return,
but will represent the facts to the Congress at Petersburg, and demand
the benefit of the treaty of armed neutrality, and all the powers who
are parties to that confederation will join in demanding of England
restitution, and in case of refusal, will jointly issue letters of
marque and reprisal.
The political machine that is now in motion, is so vast, and
comprehends so many nations, whose interests are not easy to adjust,
that it is perhaps impossible for the human understanding to foresee
what events may occur to disturb it. But at present there is no
unfavorable appearance from any quarter. We are in hourly expectation
of interesting news from the English, French, and Spanish fleets, from
Petersburg, from London and the Hague, and especially from North
America. Every wheel and spring in the whole political system of
Europe would have its motions rapidly accelerated by certain news from
America, of any decisive advantage obtained over Cornwallis, in South
Carolina; so true it is, that America is the very centre and axis of
the whole.
The death of the Empress Queen it is generally thought will make no
alteration in the system of Europe. Yet it is possible after some time
there may be changes, none, however, which can be hurtful to us.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, December 30th, 1780.
Sir,
The Province of Zealand having been opposed to the other Provinces in
so many instances, and having lately protested against the resolution
of the States-General, which begin to be thought spirited, it may be
useful to explain to Congress the causes which influence that Province
to a conduct which is generally thought to be opposite to the true
interest of the Republic in general.
In the States of Zealand there are only five voices, three of which
are absolutely in the discretion of the Prince of Orange, who has one
voice as Stadtholder of the Province, another as Marquis of Veere, and
a third as First Noble. The Stadtholder is therefore absolute in this
Province, which accounts at once for its conduct upon every occasion.
The friends, however, of the Prince, of England, and of Zealand, are
not willing that the world should believe that the Prince's power in
this Province, and his attachment to England are the sole causes of
its conduct upon every occasion, and therefore they enlarge upon
several topics, as apologies and excuses for a behavior, which cannot
wholly be justified. The arguments in justification or excuse of
Zealand are drawn from four principal sources. First, the situation of
the islands, which compose the Province. Secondly, the interests of
its particular commerce. Thirdly, the weakness of its interior forces.
Fourthly, the state of its finances.
1. The territory of Zealand consists of five or six islands, two of
which are moderately large, and the rest very small. These islands are
formed in the mouth of the (Escaut) Scheldt, by the sea, or by the
different branches of the Scheldt itself. In case of a sudden
invasion, these islands separated from the Province of Holland by an
arm of the sea, are too unconnected to receive any immediate
assistance. Such an invasion is so much the more easy for the English,
as Zealand is very near them. They may invade this Province even
before a suspicion should be conceived that the project had been
formed. Who shall oppose their enterprise? Shall it be the French, who
are now friendly? Dunkirk, it is true, is near enough, but what forces
are there at Dunkirk? The only naval force there, consists of a few
privateers, who could neither oppose an armament escorted by British
men-of-war, nor venture to transport troops to oppose it, even
supposing the invasion was not made by surprise. Shall the Zealanders
themselves make a resistance to the English? But separated from one
another by waters, which would necessarily retard their junction, the
island of Walcheren, the principal of all, would be in possession of
the enemy before they could put themselves in a posture to repel force
by force. It is, moreover, not only possible but easy to make a
descent upon Zealand by so many places, that the Zealanders with their
own forces alone could not defend effectually all the passages. Eight
thousand English, or even a smaller number would force the Zealanders
everywhere, because there is nowhere a fortress capable of holding out
twelve hours. The ports of Flushing and Veere are the only ones which
have any defence; but they are very far from the state in which they
ought to be, to stop an enemy determined upon pillage, animated by
revenge, and whom the pleasure of doing mischief instigates forcibly.
It is conceded that if the English descended in Zealand, they would be
constrained to abandon it very soon; that they might and would be
driven from it in a few days; that the figure which they would make
would be neither glorious nor honorable, and that their temerity would
cost them dear; but the disorder caused by an invasion remains after
the expulsion of the invaders. The people invaded are always the
victims of the evils which they have suffered, and these evils, always
considerable to the individuals, are seldom compensated entirely. When
an incendiary has burned my house, whether he is punished or not, my
house is consumed and lost to me. The exactions, the pillage, and all
the abominations which follow the _coups de main_ of an unbridled
soldiery, would be cruelly felt by the unfortunate Zealanders, even
after the perpetrators should be driven out, or sacrificed to the
public resentment.
2. The peculiar commerce of Zealand. This Province has no other than
that small commerce, which is known by the name of the coasting trade.
This kind of trade is considerable in the Provinces of Holland, North
Holland, and Friesland. The number of vessels employed in these three
Provinces in this kind of trade is inconceivable, and the greatest
part of them is destined for the service of France. All which France
receives from foreigners, and all which it furnishes to foreigners, is
carried in these Holland vessels, and if there was no other than the
freight for the masters and owners of these vessels, this profit would
still be of the greatest consideration. Thus it is not surprising that
the Province of Holland has taken such strong measures in favor of
France. Its particular commerce would naturally determine it this way.
On the contrary, Zealand employs the small number of her merchant
ships in a commerce with England, a commerce so much the more
lucrative, as it is almost entirely contraband or smuggled.
The profits to be made on brandy and other spirituous liquors,
imported clandestinely into England, are very considerable; and it is
Zealand that makes these profits, because they are her subjects who
entertain a continual correspondence with the English smugglers. The
proximity of the coasts of Zealand to those of England, renders this
commerce, which is prohibited to English subjects, sure for the
inhabitants of Zealand. Fishing barks are sufficient to carry it on,
and these barks are rarely taken, whether it is that they are
difficult to take, or whether there is not much desire to take them.
These barks, arrived upon the coasts of England, find others which
come to take what they bring. The place where this traffic is held, is
generally some creek upon the coast of England, where the vessel may
be loaded and unloaded in secrecy. Moreover, those whom the English
Ministry appoint to prevent this commerce at sea, are those who favor
it. We know very well the decided inclination of the English in
general, and, above all, of their seamen for strong liquors. Zealand,
concurring openly in the measures, which the Republic is now taking
against England, or, if you will, against the powers at war, would
draw upon itself particularly the hatred, anger, and vengeance of a
nation, without which it is impossible to sustain its trade, and this
Province would, by this means, deprive a great number of its subjects
of a source of gain, which places them in a condition to furnish the
imposts which they have to pay. Is it not then the part of prudence in
the States of Zealand, to avoid with care everything that might
embroil them, particularly with England? Is it not also the wisdom of
the States-General to have a regard to the critical situation of one
of the Seven Provinces which compose the union?
3. The weakness of her internal forces. Zealand is open on all sides
to the English. To set them at defiance, she ought to have in herself
forces capable of intimidating Great Britain. But where are such
forces to be found? In the garrisons, which the Republic maintains
there? Two or three thousand men dispersed at Flushing, at Veere, and
in some other cities, are but a feeble defence against a descent of
six or seven thousand English, well determined. Will these troops of
the Republic be supported by armed citizens? Suppose it; their defeat
will be not less certain. These citizens, who have never seen a loaded
musket discharged, are more proper to carry an empty fusil, to mount
guard at a state-house, which is never to be attacked, than to march
to the defence of a coast threatened with a descent, or to present
themselves upon the parapet of a fort, battered with machines that
vomit forth death. These citizens, or rather these soldiers of a
moment, would carry disorder into the ranks, and do more injury than
service, by giving countenance to the flight of those brave warriors,
who make it a point of honor to combat with a steadfast foot.
Moreover, who are these citizens, which might be joined to the regular
troops? Are they the principal inhabitants? Those who have the most
to lose? Those to whom birth and education have given sentiments of
honor and of glory? No. These have, by paying sums of money,
exemptions, which excuse them from taking arms, to defend the country
in time of peace. Is it credible that in the most critical moments
they will generously renounce these exemptions? It will be, then, the
citizens of the second order, the artisans, or people who have little
or nothing to lose, who will serve for the reinforcement to the
veterans. Experience demonstrates what dependence is to be placed at
this day upon such militia. It would be in vain to oppose to this the
time of the revolution, those times of the heroism of the ancestors of
the Dutch. The cause is not the same; they attack at this day in a
different fashion, and perhaps the defence too would be made in a very
different manner. It might be otherwise, if the coasts of Zealand were
fortified with good forts, or if the cities of Flushing and Veere were
in a condition to sustain a siege of some months, and with their
little garrisons stop the assailants, until the arrival of succors.
But one must be very little informed not to know that the English,
although they should be incommoded in their landing, would
nevertheless effect it with little loss.
4. The state of her finances. Zealand, of all the Seven Provinces, is
that which costs the most for the maintenance of her dykes. More
exposed than all the others to be drowned by the sea, her coasts
require continual repairs. These reparations cannot be made, but at
great expense. Unprovided with wood suitable for the construction of
ramparts capable of stopping the waves, which beat upon her
continually, she is obliged to import from foreigners those numberless
and enormous timbers, which art substitutes in the place of those
rocks, which nature has granted to other countries, for holding in the
ocean and restraining its fury. It is necessary, therefore, that a
great part of the public revenue of the Province should go to
foreigners. She must, moreover, furnish her quota to the general
treasury of the Republic; from whence it follows, that she cannot
expose herself to the indispensable necessity of increasing her
imposts, to furnish the new expenses, which an extraordinary armament
would bring upon all the State. More than once, in time of peace, the
public coffers of the State have been obliged to furnish to the
Province of Zealand, the succors which she could not find at home,
without reducing her subjects to the most horrible distress. To what
condition, then, would those subjects be reduced, if in the progress
of the armed neutrality, such as is proposed, or in a war with
England, they should still be obliged to pay new contributions? All
the world agrees that Zealand is poor; it must be acknowledged then
that she will be plunged in the lowest indigence, if the expenses of
the country are augmented, although there are many individuals in
Zealand who are very rich and grand capitalists, and luxury among the
great is carried to excess as immoderate as it is in Holland. Zealand
has so long embarrassed the Republic in all their deliberations
concerning the armed neutrality, and lately concerning the serious
quarrel, that England has commenced against her, that I thought it
would at least gratify the curiosity of Congress to see the causes
which have governed, laid open, as I find them explained in
conversation and in public writers. Zealand's reasons seem to be now
overruled, and the Prince's absolute authority there of little avail.
To all appearances, the English must recede, or contend with a bitter
enemy in this Republic. Old prejudices seem to wear off, and it is
now said publicly, that the friendship between the English and Dutch
has been like the brotherly love between Cain and Abel; yet I can
never depend upon anything here until it is past, I have been so often
disappointed in my expectations.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, December 31st, 1780.
Sir,
It will scarcely be believed in Congress, that at a time when there
are the strongest appearances of war, there has not been a newspaper
nor a letter received in this city from London, since the 19th or 20th
of the month. There are symptoms of a more general war. If Britain
adheres to her maxims, this Republic will demand the aid of Russia,
Sweden, Denmark, and Prussia, in pursuance of the treaty of armed
neutrality. These powers will not be duped by the artifice of the
British Court, and adjudge this war not a _casus foederis_, when all
the world agrees, that the accession of the Republic to the armed
neutrality is the real cause of it, and the treaty between Mr Lee and
M. de Neufville, only a false pretence. If the armed neutral
confederacy takes it up, as nobody doubts they will, all these powers
will be soon at war with England, if she does not recede. If the
neutral powers do not take it up and England proceeds, she will drive
this Republic into the arms of France, Spain, and America. In this
possible case, a Minister here from Congress would be useful. In case
the armed neutrality take it up, a Minister authorised to represent
the United States to all the neutral Courts, might be of use.
The Empress Queen is no more. The Emperor has procured his brother
Maximilian, to be declared coadjutor of the bishopric of Munster and
Cologne, which affects Holland and the Low Countries. He is supposed
to have his eye on Liege; this may alarm the Dutch, the King of
Prussia and France. The war may become general, and the fear of it may
make peace, that is, it might if the King of England was not the most
determined man in the world. But depressed, and distracted, and ruined
as his dominions are, he will set all Europe in a blaze before he will
make peace. His exertions, however, against us cannot be very
formidable. Patience, firmness, and perseverance are our only
remedies; these are sure and infallible ones, and with this
observation, I beg permission to take my leave of Congress for the
year 1780, which has been to me the most anxious and mortifying year
of my whole life. God grant that more vigor, wisdom, and decision may
govern the councils, negotiations, and operations of mankind in the
year 1781.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, January 1st, 1781.
Sir,
You will receive herewith enclosed, a commission as Minister
Plenipotentiary to the United Provinces of the Low Countries, with
instructions for your government on that important mission, as also a
plan of a treaty with those States,[11] and likewise a resolve of
Congress relative to the declaration of the Empress of Russia,
respecting the protection of neutral ships, &c.[12]
Proper letters of credence on the subject of your mission will be
forwarded by the next conveyance; but it is thought inexpedient to
delay the present despatches on that account.
I have the honor to be, &c.
SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, _President_.
[11] See this commission, the instructions, and the plan of a treaty,
in the _Secret Journals, Vol. II. pp. 376 et. seqq._
[12] The following is the resolve of Congress here alluded to.
"In Congress, October 5th, 1780. Her Imperial Majesty of all the
Russias, attentive to the freedom of commerce and the rights of
nations, in her declaration to the belligerent and neutral powers,
having proposed regulations, founded upon principles of justice,
equity, and moderation, of which their Most Christian and Catholic
Majesties, and most of the neutral maritime powers of Europe, have
declared their approbation, Congress, willing to testify their regard
to the rights of commerce, and their respect for the sovereign who has
proposed, and the powers who have approved the said regulations,
"_Resolved_, That the Board of Admiralty prepare, and report
instructions for the commanders of armed vessels, commissioned by the
United States, conformable to the principles contained in the
declaration of the Empress of all the Russias, on the rights of
neutral vessels.
"That the Ministers Plenipotentiary from the United States, if invited
thereto, be, and hereby are, respectively empowered to accede to such
regulations conformable to the spirit of the said declaration, as may
be agreed upon by the Congress expected to assemble, in pursuance of
the invitation of her Imperial Majesty."
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, January 1st, 1781.
Sir,
The mail from London, arrived this morning, brought us, for a new
years' entertainment, the following
MANIFESTO.
"George R.--Through the whole course of our reign, our conduct towards
the States-General of the United Provinces, has been that of a sincere
friend and faithful ally. Had they adhered to those wise principles,
which used to govern the Republic, they must have, shown themselves
equally solicitous to maintain the friendship, which has so long
subsisted between the two nations, and which is essential to the
interests of both; but from the prevalence of a faction devoted to
France, and following the dictates of that Court, a very different
policy has prevailed. The return made to our friendship, for sometime
past, has been an open contempt of the most solemn engagements, and a
repeated violation of public faith.