the policy of this King and his Ministers, will see that they are now
pursuing towards this Republic, the same maxims which have always
governed them. Their measures in America, for many years, were
calculated to divide the many from the few in the towns of Boston, New
York, Philadelphia, and Charleston; next, to divide the Provinces from
their capitals, and then to divide the rest of the Continent from
those Provinces, which took the earliest a decided part.
Their plan now is, to divide the people of Amsterdam from their
Burgomasters, and to single out M. Van Berckel, for the fate of
Barnevelt, Grotius, or De Witt; to divide the other cities of Holland
from Amsterdam, and the other Provinces of the Republic from Holland.
But they will succeed no better in Holland than in America, and their
conduct bids fair to make M. Van Berckel the most respected and
esteemed of all the citizens.
In the present critical state of things, a commission of a Minister
Plenipotentiary would be useful here. It would not be acknowledged,
perhaps not produced, except in case of war. But if peace should
continue, it would secure its possessor the external respect of all.
It would give him the right to claim and demand the prerogatives and
privileges of a Minister Plenipotentiary, in case anything should turn
up which might require it. It would make him considered as the center
of American affairs, and it would assist, if anything would, a loan.
I cannot conclude without observing, that I cannot think it would be
safe for Congress to draw for money here, until they shall receive
certain information that their bills can be honored. There are bills
arrived, which if Mr Franklin cannot answer, must, for what I know be
protested.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO B. FRANKLIN.
Amsterdam, November 24th, 1780.
Sir,
The letter which your Excellency did me the honor to write me on the
13th is received, and I have accordingly accepted the bills, and shall
draw upon your Excellency about the time they become payable, for
money to enable me to discharge them, provided I should not succeed in
my endeavors to borrow it here.
I have hitherto no prospect at all. When I first arrived here, I had
such informations as made me believe that a sum of money might be had
upon the credit of the United States. But the news from Carolina, and
New York and the West Indies, but above all, the affair of the
Burgomasters and Sir Joseph Yorke's Memorial, have struck a panic
which must have time to wear off. At present I meet with only one
gentleman who thinks anything can be done, and I fear that he deceives
himself.
I hope by this time your Excellency's health is restored,
and have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, November 26th, 1780.
Sir,
It is now certain that the States-General have, by a plurality of five
Provinces, determined to accede to the armed neutrality. Zealand and
Guelderland have agreed to it likewise; but upon condition of a
warranty of the possessions of the Republic. If the intention of Sir
J. Yorke's memorial was to intimidate their High Mightinesses from
this measure, he has missed his aim. Nor will the conduct of the
Burgomasters of Amsterdam be disavowed, nor M. Van Berckel, nor his
accomplices, punished. We shall see how the British Ministry will
disentangle themselves from this perplexity.
All these things, however, so far from aiding our affairs in this
nation, seem to have put an entire stop to them for the present. The
nation is trembling for their commerce, their money in the British
funds, their East and West India possessions, and no man dares engage
in a measure that may in some degree increase the alarm.
The bills upon Mr Laurens I have accepted, those of them at least that
have arrived, upon an assurance from Dr Franklin, that in case I
should not be able to borrow the money by the time they become
payable, that I may draw upon him for it. I think Congress will
perceive the danger of drawing any more, until they shall receive
intelligence from me that the money is ready.
The choice of a house is a point of so much importance, that I could
not justify making it, without the most mature inquiry and reflection.
Not only the success of the negotiation will depend upon it, but the
political consequences of it will be important. I have made every
inquiry and several proposals, but all have been politely declined.
There are two houses which I believe would accept it, but these,
although respectable, are so far from the first rank that I should be
sorry to fix upon either, if I could see a prospect of gaining one of
higher rank. I am told, that opening the loan now would injure us
exceedingly; but I know not what to judge. I have found so many
opinions mistaken, that in this country I cannot judge which are well
founded.
Fear is ever the second passion in minds governed by avarice. As long,
therefore, as the English misrepresentations can make people here
believe that there is a possibility of conquering America, or of our
returning to the government of England, so long we shall find little
credit here.
The Prince was ill advised when he undertook what he was not obliged
to do, in producing Mr Laurens' papers, which he did too, in a manner
justly offensive to the United States. It was the part of Sir Joseph
Yorke to have produced them, not to the Prince, but to their High
Mightinesses. His Serene Highness, therefore, in this work of
supererogation, gave himself the air of an instrument of Sir Joseph,
which has not at all recommended him to the Dutch nation.
But Sir Joseph, or his master, has committed a greater mistake in
presenting that intemperate memorial. It is said, that he pleads
positive orders; but many believe that if he had such orders, he
procured them from his Court, and that the memorial was prepared at
the Hague, and adjusted to the state of parties and politics in the
Republic. Be this as it may, both the Prince and the Ambassador have
missed their aim, and the publication of Mr Laurens' papers has had a
contrary effect from what they expected and intended.
The Republic, however, is in an embarrassed situation. The Prince has
a decided inclination for England. He has the command of armies and
navies, and the gift of so many offices, that his influence is
astonishing among the nobility, and all the higher families. Besides
this, the clergy are very generally devoted to him, and their
influence among the populace is very great; so that there is great
danger that the Republic will not be able to exert its real strength,
even in case England should continue their hostilities. I say
continue, because it is certain that by repeated violations of
territory, as well as by innumerable captures of innocent vessels,
hostilities have been long since begun.
It is the opinion of many here, that without the discovery of Mr
Laurens' papers, the Republic would not have acceded to the armed
neutrality. As this great confederation is now determined on, we
shall see what will be its effects. The Empress of Russia is not of a
character to be trifled with; yet I think the English will not respect
the new arrangement. They will violate the principles of it, at least
towards the Dutch, and risk a war with all the maritime powers of the
world at once, rather than relinquish America, and agree to the
principle of free ships, free goods.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO B. FRANKLIN.
Amsterdam, November 30th, 1780.
Sir,
I have already accepted bills drawn upon Mr Laurens, to the amount of
thirtyfour thousand three hundred and fiftyeight guilders. How many
more will arrive, I know not. I shall inform your Excellency from time
to time, as they appear, and I accept them.
This Republic is in a violent crisis. If a certain party prevails, we
shall raise no money here; if they do not, we shall raise very little.
Patience is recommended to me, and delay in hopes of a turn of
affairs. I am advised to do nothing, to attempt nothing, not even to
choose a house, at present.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, November 30th, 1780.
Sir,
The state of parties in this Republic is still critical. Many
anonymous pamphlets appear on both sides. Those which proceed from the
English party, are virulent against M. Van Berckel. The Republic
itself wavers, according to events and causes, which are impenetrable.
A few days ago, the plan appeared to be, to accede to the armed
neutrality, in order to satisfy one party, and to disavow the conduct
of Amsterdam, in forming with Mr Lee, the project of a treaty, in
order to appease the other.[10] Fifteen cities, even in the Province
of Holland, have disavowed this measure; Haerlem and Dort are the only
two, which have approved it. The Grand Pensionary of Holland has sent
after the courier, who had been despatched to the Plenipotentiaries at
Petersburg, and brought him back to the Hague. What alteration is to
be made, is unknown. It is now given out, that they have determined to
increase the fortifications of the maritime towns, and augment their
garrisons.
I see every day more and more of the inveterate prejudices of this
nation in favor of the English, and against the French; more and more
of the irresistible influence of the Stadtholder, and more and more of
the irresolution, uncertainly, and confusion of the nation. How the
whole will conclude, I know not. One thing, however, is certain, that
Congress can depend upon no money from hence. I have, confiding in the
assurances of Dr Franklin, accepted all the bills drawn upon Mr
Laurens, which have yet been presented to me, amounting to thirtyfour
thousand three hundred and fiftyeight guilders; but I have no prospect
of discharging them, or even of deriving my own subsistence from any
other source than Passy. Congress, will, therefore, I presume, desist
from any further drafts upon Holland, at least until they receive
certain information that money has been borrowed, of which I see no
present prospect.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
[10] See this project of a treaty in William Lee's Correspondence,
Vol. II. pp. 310, 313.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, December 14th, 1780.
Sir,
I am every day accepting the bills of exchange, which were drawn upon
Mr Laurens; but I have no prospect of obtaining money to discharge
them, from any other person than Dr Franklin.
For some years before I came to Holland, every person I saw from this
place assured me, that in his opinion, money might be borrowed,
provided application was made with proper powers directly from
Congress to solid Dutch houses. After my arrival here, these
assurances were repeated to me, by persons whose names I could
mention, and who I thought could not be deceived themselves, nor
deceive me. But now that powers have arrived, and application has been
made to Dutch houses undoubtedly solid, these houses will not accept
the business. In short, I cannot refrain from saying, that almost all
the professions of friendship to America, which have been made, turn
out, upon trial, to have been nothing more than little adulations to
procure a share in our trade. Truth demands of me this observation.
Americans find here the politeness of the table, and a readiness to
enter into their trade, but the public finds no disposition to afford
any assistance, political or pecuniary. They impute this to a change
in sentiments, to the loss of Charleston, the defeat of General Gates,
to Arnold's desertion, to the inactivity of the French and Spaniards,
&c. &c. &c. But I know better. It is not the love of the English,
although there is a great deal more of that than is deserved, but it
is fear of the English and the Stadtholderian party.
I must, therefore, entreat Congress to make no more drafts upon
Holland, until they hear from me that their bills can be accepted, of
which, at present, I have no hopes.
People of the first character have been, and are still constantly
advising, that Congress should send a Minister Plenipotentiary here,
and insist upon it that this would promote a loan. It is possible it
may; but I can see no certainly that it will. Sending a few cargoes of
produce, would do something.
The Dutch are now felicitating themselves upon the depth and the
felicity of their politics. They have joined the neutrality, and have
disavowed Amsterdam, and this has appeased the wrath of the English,
the appearance of which, in Sir Joseph Yorke's Memorial, terrified
them more than I ever saw any part of America intimidated in the worst
crisis of her affairs. The late news we have of advantages gained by
our arms in several skirmishes in Carolina, contributes a little to
allay the panic. But all in Europe depends upon our success.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, December 18th, 1780.
Sir,
War is to a Dutchman the greatest of evils. Sir Joseph Yorke is so
sensible of this, that he keeps alive a continual fear of it, by
memorials after memorials, each more affronting to any sovereignty of
delicate notions of dignity than the former. By this means he keeps up
the panic, and while this panic continues, I shall certainly have no
success at all. No man dares engage for me; very few dare see me.
On Tuesday last, the 12th of December, the British Ambassador had a
conference with the President of the States-General, and upon that
occasion presented to their High Mightinesses the following Memorial.
"High and Mighty Lords,
"The uniform conduct of the King towards the Republic, the friendship
which has so long subsisted between the two nations, the right of
sovereigns, and the faith of engagements the most solemn, will,
without doubt, determine the answer of your High Mightinesses to the
Memorial, which the subscriber presented some time ago, by the express
order of his Court. It would be to mistake the wisdom and the justice
of your High Mightinesses to suppose, that you could balance one
moment to give the satisfaction demanded by his Majesty. As the
resolutions of your High Mightinesses, of the 27th of November, were
the result of a deliberation, which regarded only the interior of your
government, and it was not then in question to answer the said
Memorial, the only remark which we shall make upon those resolutions
is, that the principles which dictated them, prove evidently the
justice of the demand made by the King. In deliberating upon this
Memorial, to which the subscriber hereby requires, in the name of his
Court, an answer immediate and satisfactory in all respects, your High
Mightinesses will recollect, without doubt, that the affair is of the
last importance; that the question is concerning a complaint made by
an offended sovereign; that the offence, of which he demands an
exemplary punishment and complete satisfaction, is a violation of the
Batavian constitution, whereof the King is the warranty, an infraction
of the public faith, an outrage against the dignity of his Crown. The
King has never imagined that your High Mightinesses would have
approved of a treaty with his rebel subjects. This would have been on
your part a commencement of hostilities, and a declaration of war. But
the offence has been committed by the magistrates of a city, which
makes a considerable part of the State, and it is the duty of the
sovereign power to punish and repair it. His Majesty, by the
complaints made by his Ambassador, has put the punishment and the
reparation into the hands of your High Mightinesses, and it will not
be but in the last extremity, that is to say, in the case of a denial
of justice on your part, or of silence, which must be interpreted as a
refusal, that the King will take this charge upon himself.
"Done at the Hague, the 12th of December, 1780."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, December 21st, 1780.
Sir,
The sentiments and affections of a people may be learned from many
little circumstances, which few people attend to. The poets and
orators are generally considered as the surest repositories of popular
ideas, both in ancient and modern nations. The clergy may be classed
among the latter, and it is very certain, that most public preachers
accommodate both their sermons and their prayers, in some degree, to
the general taste of their hearers, and avoid everything which will
unnecessarily give them offence.
At Rotterdam, there are several English churches. The Presbyterian
church, which would be the least likely, one should think, to be
bigotted by England, I attended. The parson in his prayer, after
petitioning heaven for the States of Holland and West Friesland, the
States-General and Council of State, and for the Prince of Orange,
their hereditary Stadtholder, and Governor, &c. added a petition for
England, for the King, Queen, and royal family, for their health, long
life, and prosperity, and added, that he might triumph over all his
enemies in the four quarters of the world.
At Amsterdam, I have attended both the Episcopal and Presbyterian
churches, and heard similar supplications to heaven in both. At
Utrecht, I attended the Presbyterian church, and there heard a prayer
for the English, with much more fervor and in greater detail. The
parson was quite transported with his zeal, and prayed that the
rebellion, which has so long prevailed, might be suppressed, and hide
its head in shame. At Leyden there is another English church. The
parson, I am told, is a tory, but prudently omits such kind of
prayers.
This is quite a work of supererogation in the reverend zealots, and
is, therefore, a stronger proof that such sentiments are popular. The
English, who are very numerous in all these cities, are universally in
favor of the British Ministry. But there are so many Dutch families
who worship in these churches, that the parsons would not give them
offence, if such prayers were offensive. This is the more remarkable,
as the religion of North America is much more like that of this
Republic, than like that of England. But such prayers recommend the
parson to the Prince of Orange, and to the English party, and no other
party or person has influence or courage enough to take offence at
them.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, December 25th, 1780.
Sir,
It is very difficult to discover with certainty the secret spring,
which actuates the Courts of Europe; but whatever I can find, with any
degree of probability, I shall transmit to Congress at one time or
another.
The Prince of Orange is himself of the royal family of England; his
mother was a daughter of King George the Second, and this relation is
no doubt one among the several motives, which attach the Stadtholder
to England. His Princess is a niece of the King of Prussia, and it is
believed is not perfectly agreed with His Most Serene Highness, in
his enthusiasm for the English Court. The King of Prussia has a great
esteem and affection for his niece, with whom he frequently
corresponds. In some of his letters he is supposed to have expressed
his sentiments freely upon the Prince's conduct, intimating, that his
Highness would take too much upon himself, and make himself too
responsible, if he persevered in a resolute opposition to the armed
neutrality. The Empress of Russia, who possesses a masterly
understanding, and a decided inclination for America, is thought too,
to have expressed some uneasiness at the Prince's political system.
The King of Sweden, who was lately at the Hague, is reported to have
had free conversation with the Prince upon the same subject. All these
intimations together, are believed to have made His Most Serene
Highness hesitate a little, and consider whether he was not acting too
dangerous a part, in exerting all his influence in the Republic, to
induce it to take a part in opposition to the general sense and
inclination of the people, and to all the maritime powers of Europe.
The English Court is undoubtedly informed of all this. They dread the
accession of the Dutch to the armed neutrality, more than all the
other branches of that confederation, because of the rivalry in
commerce, and because the Dutch will assist the Royal Marines of
France and Spain, more than all the others. The present conduct of the
English indicates a design to go to war with the Dutch, on pretence of
an insult to their Crown, committed two years ago, by a treaty with
America, in hopes, that they will not be supported in this quarrel by
the confederated neutral powers. But they will be mistaken. The
artifice is too gross. The confederated powers will easily see, that
the real cause of offence is the accession to the armed neutrality,
and the conduct of Amsterdam, in projecting a treaty with America,
only a pretence.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, December 25th, 1780.
Sir,
The dispute between Great Britain and the United Provinces is now
wrought up to a crisis. Things must take a new turn in the course of a
few days, but whether they will end in a war, or in the retraction of
one party or the other, time alone can determine.
I have before transmitted to Congress the two Memorials of Sir Joseph
Yorke, against M. Van Berckel, and the Burgomasters of Amsterdam. The
language of both is conformable to that domineering spirit, which has
actuated the Councils of St James, from the beginning of this reign,
and they have committed the honor and dignity of the King, and engaged
the pride of the nation so far, that there is no room left for a
retreat, without the most humiliating mortification. On the other
hand, there is authentic information, that the States proceeding in
their usual forms, have determined to refer the conduct of Amsterdam
to a committee of lawyers, who are to consider and report, whether the
Burgomasters have done anything, which they had not by law and the
Constitution authority to do. It is universally known and agreed, that
the report must and will be in favor of the Burgomasters. This report
will be accepted and confirmed by the States, and transmitted to all
the neutral Courts, in order to show them, that neither the Republic
in general nor the city of Amsterdam in particular, have done anything
against the spirit of the armed neutrality. The States have also
determined to make an answer to the British Ambassador's Memorials,
and to demand satisfaction of the King his master, for the indignity
offered to their sovereignty, in those memorials. In this resolution,
the States have been perfectly unanimous, the Body of Nobles, for the
first time, having agreed with the Generality. The question then is,
which power will recede. I am confidently assured, that the States
will not; and indeed if they should, they may as well submit to the
King, and surrender their independence at once. I am not, however,
very clear what they will do. I doubt whether they have firmness to
look a war in the face. Will the English recede, if the Dutch do not?
If they should, it would be contrary to the maxims, which have
invariably governed them during this reign. It will humble the
insolent overbearing pride of the nation; it will expose the Ministry
to the scoffs and scorn of opposition; it will elevate the courage of
the Dutch, the neutral powers, and the House of Bourbon, not to
mention the great effect it will have in America, upon the whigs and
tories, objects which the British Court never loses sight of.