engaged by the aggression of France, we showed a tender regard for the
interests of the States-General, and a desire of securing to their
subjects every advantage of trade, consistent with the great and just
principles of our own defence. Our Ambassador was instructed to offer
a friendly negotiation, to obviate everything that might lead to
disagreeable discussion; and to this offer, solemnly made by him to
the States-General the 2d of November, 1778, no attention was paid.
After the number of our enemies was increased by the aggression of
Spain, equally unprovoked with that of France, we found it necessary
to call upon the States-General for the performance of their
engagements. The 5th article of the perpetual defensive alliance
between our Crown and the States-General, concluded at Westminster,
the 3d of March, 1678, besides the general engagement for succors,
expressly stipulates, 'That that party of the two allies that is not
attacked, shall be obliged to break with the aggressor in two months
after the party attacked shall require it.' Yet two years have passed,
without the least assistance given to us, without a single syllable in
answer to our repeated demands. So totally regardless have the States
been of their treaties with us, that they readily promised our enemies
to observe a neutrality in direct contradiction to those engagements,
and whilst they have withheld from us the succors they were bound to
furnish, every secret assistance has been given to the enemy; and
inland duties have been taken off, for the sole purpose of
facilitating the carriage of naval stores to France.
"In direct and open violation of treaty, they suffered an American
pirate to remain several weeks in one of their ports, and even
permitted a part of his crew to mount guard in a fort in the Texel.
"In the East Indies, the subjects of the States-General in concert
with France, have endeavored to raise up enemies against us. In the
West Indies, particularly at St Eustatia, every protection and
assistance has been given to our rebellious subjects. Their privateers
are openly received in the Dutch harbors, allowed to refit there,
supplied with arms and ammunition, their crews recruited, their prizes
brought in and sold; and all this in direct violation of as clear and
solemn stipulations as can be made.
"This conduct, so inconsistent with all good faith, so repugnant to
the sense of the wisest part of the Dutch nation, is chiefly to be
ascribed to the prevalence of the leading magistrates of Amsterdam,
whose secret correspondence with our rebellious subjects was suspected
long before it was made known by the fortunate discovery of a treaty,
the first article of which is, 'That there shall be a firm,
inviolable, and universal peace and sincere friendship between their
High Mightinesses the Estates of the Seven United Provinces of
Holland, and the United States of North America, and the subjects and
people of the said parties; and between the countries, islands,
cities, and towns, situated under the jurisdiction of the said United
States of Holland, and the United States of America, and the people
and inhabitants thereof, of every degree, without exception of persons
or places.[13]
[13] See the whole of this treaty in William Lee's Correspondence,
Vol. II. p. 313.
"This treaty was signed in September, 1778, by the express order of
the Pensionary of Amsterdam, and other principal magistrates of that
city. They now not only avow the whole transaction, but glory in it,
and expressly say, even to the States-General, that what they did was
what their indispensable duty required. In the meantime, the
States-General declined to give any answer to the Memorial presented
by our Ambassador; and this refusal was aggravated by their proceeding
upon other business, nay, upon the consideration of this very subject
to internal purposes; and while they found it impossible to approve
the conduct of their subjects, they still industriously avoided to
give us the satisfaction so manifestly due. We had every right to
expect, that such a discovery would have roused them to a just
indignation at the insult offered to us and to themselves, and that
they would have been eager to give us full and ample satisfaction for
the offence, and to inflict the severest punishment upon the
offenders. The urgency of the business made an instant answer
essential to the honor and safety of this country. The demand was
accordingly pressed by our Ambassador, in repeated conferences with
the Ministers, and in a second Memorial; it was pressed with all the
earnestness, that could proceed from our ancient friendship, and the
sense of recent injuries; and the answer now given to a Memorial on
such a subject, presented more than five weeks ago, is, that the
States have taken it _ad referendum_. Such an answer, upon such an
occasion could only be dictated by the fixed purpose of hostility
meditated and already resolved by the States, induced by the offensive
Councils of Amsterdam, thus to countenance the hostile aggression,
which the magistrates of that city have made in the name of the
Republic.
"There is an end of the faith of all treaties with them, if Amsterdam
may usurp the sovereign power, may violate these treaties with
impunity, by pledging the States to engagements directly contrary, and
leaguing the Republic with the rebels of a sovereign to whom she is
bound by the closest ties. An infraction of the law of nations, by the
meanest member of any country, gives the injured State a right to
demand satisfaction and punishment; how much more so, when the injury
complained of is a flagrant violation of public faith, committed by
leading and predominant members of the State? Since then the
satisfaction we have demanded is not given, we must, though most
reluctantly, do ourselves that justice, which we cannot otherwise
obtain.
"We must consider the States-General as parties in the injury, which
they will not repair, as sharers in the aggression, which they refuse
to punish, and must act accordingly. We have, therefore, ordered our
Ambassador to withdraw from the Hague, and shall immediately pursue
such vigorous measures as the occasion fully justifies, and our
dignity and the essential interest of our people require. From a
regard to the Dutch nation at large, we wish it were possible to
direct those measures wholly against Amsterdam; but this cannot be,
unless the States-General will immediately declare, that Amsterdam
shall upon this occasion receive no assistance from them, but be left
to abide the consequences of its aggression.
"Whilst Amsterdam is suffered to prevail in the general councils, and
is backed by the strength of the State, it is impossible to resist the
aggression of so considerable a part, without contending with the
whole. But we are too sensible of the common interests of both
countries not to remember, in the midst of such a contest, that the
only point to be aimed at by us, is to raise a disposition in the
Councils of the Republic to return to our ancient union, by giving us
that satisfaction for the past, and security for the future, which we
shall be as ready to receive, as they can be to offer, and to the
attainment of which we shall direct all our operations. We mean only
to provide for our own security by defeating the dangerous designs
that have been formed against us. We shall ever be disposed to return
to friendship with the States-General, when they sincerely revert to
that system, which the wisdom of their ancestors formed, and which has
now been subverted by a powerful faction, conspiring with France
against the true interests of the Republic, no less than against those
of Great Britain.
"St James, December 20th, 1780."
"At the Court at St James, the 20th of December,
1780.
"Present,--The King's most Excellent Majesty in
Council.
"His Majesty having taken into consideration the many injurious
proceedings of the States-General of the United Provinces and their
subjects, as set forth in his Royal Manifesto of this date, and being
determined to take such measures as are necessary for vindicating the
honor of his Crown, and for procuring reparation and satisfaction, is
pleased, by and with the advice of his Privy Council, to order, and it
is hereby ordered, that general reprisals be granted against the
ships, goods, and subjects of the States-General of the United
Provinces, so that, as well his Majesty's fleet and ships, as also all
other ships and vessels that shall be commissioned by letters of
marque, or general reprisals, or otherwise, by his Majesty's
commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral of Great
Britain, shall, and may lawfully seize all ships, vessels, and goods
belonging to the States-General of the United Provinces, or their
subjects, or others, inhabiting within any of the territories of the
aforesaid States-General, and bring the same to judgment in any of the
Courts of Admiralty within his Majesty's dominions. And to that end,
his Majesty's Advocate-General, with the Advocate of the Admiralty,
are forthwith to prepare the draft of a commission, and present the
same to his Majesty at this Board, authorising the commissioners for
executing the office of Lord High Admiral, or any person or persons by
them empowered and appointed, to issue forth and grant letters of
marque and reprisals to any of his Majesty's subjects, or others whom
the said commissioners shall deem fitly qualified in that behalf, for
the apprehending, seizing, and taking the ships, vessels, and goods
belonging to the States-General of the United Provinces, and their
vassals and subjects, or any inhabiting within the countries,
territories, or dominions of the aforesaid States-General; and that
such powers and clauses be inserted in the said commission as have
been usual, and are according to former precedents; and his Majesty's
said Advocate-General, with the Advocate of the Admiralty, are also
forthwith to prepare the draft of a commission, and present the same
to his Majesty at this Board, authorising the said commissioners for
executing the office of Lord High Admiral, to will and require the
High Court of Admiralty of Great Britain and the Lieutenant and judge
of said Court, his surrogate or surrogates, as also the several Courts
of Admiralty within his Majesty's dominions, to take cognisance of,
and judicially proceed upon all manner of captures, seizures, prizes,
and reprisals of all ships and goods that are, or shall be taken, and
to hear and determine the same; and according to law to judge and
condemn all such ships, vessels, and goods, as shall belong to the
States-General of the United Provinces, or their vassals and subjects,
or to any others inhabiting within any of the countries, territories,
and dominions of the aforesaid States-General; and that such powers
and clauses be inserted in said commission as have been usual, and are
according to former precedents; and they are likewise to prepare, and
lay before his Majesty at this Board, a draft of such instructions as
may be proper to be sent to the Courts of Admiralty in his Majesty's
foreign governments and plantations, for their guidance herein; as
also another draft of instructions for such ships as shall be
commissioned for the purposes aforementioned."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, January 4th, 1781.
Sir,
Notwithstanding the influence of the English nation, notwithstanding
the influence of old prejudices and habits, notwithstanding the
apprehensions that are entertained for immense sums in the English
funds, and for the sudden destruction of an innumerable navigation at
the commencement of a war; and above all, notwithstanding the
authority and influence of the Stadtholder, I am confidently assured
by several gentlemen, that the national opinion and affection is with
us. The Baron Van der Capellan, with whom I have the honor of an
agreeable acquaintance, is of opinion, that four fifths of the nation
wish us success in our enterprise.
The symptoms of popularity in this city are decisive. The Sunday
before last, in the Presbyterian meeting, the parson, beginning as
usual to pray for the King of England, was absolutely interrupted by a
general murmur. On Christmas day, he attempted to repeat his
imprudence, and was interrupted by still greater confusion; so that
last Sunday he had learned discretion to leave out wholly this
offensive clause. On the evening of new year's day, at the theatre,
the public were entertained with the national tragedy, as it is
called, _Gysbrecht Van Amstel_, after which the actors, as is
customary, addressed the audience. There were many strokes in this
address, which sufficiently indicated the spirit of the times,
particularly a solemn injunction, that "they must not be slaves," and
a quotation from a very popular song, with which the streets have rung
these ten days, which were deeply and universally applauded.
The presses swarm with pamphlets, handbills, songs, and poems,
generally much against the English, and commonly with some favorable
hints to Americans. The conversation in private families, and the
toasts in jovial circles, indicate a tremendous spirit in the body of
this people, which, if once let loose from restraint, and properly
directed, would make this nation the worst enemy that England ever
had. It is essential to attend to these symptoms of popularity at this
time, and in this country, because it is manifest, that the whole
system of the English, in concert with their faction in the Republic,
is now bent to excite the populace against the burgomasters of
Amsterdam. They succeeded in 1748, and accomplished a change in the
Regency. If they could succeed in the same manner now, they would
change the political system of this nation entirely, and by this
means, in the present situation of affairs in Europe and America, it
is plain, they would work its entire and irretrievable ruin.
Yet the course is so circuitous, to apply to the Courts of Russia,
Sweden, and Denmark, to induce them to join in demanding satisfaction
of England, the shocks upon 'Change will be so great, by the sudden
capture of so many ships, so many ensurers, merchants, &c. will be
ruined, and there will be so many arts to divide and discourage this
people, that I cannot pretend to foresee what will happen. The
confusion is yet so great, that I have no hopes at present of
obtaining money. There must be time for the fermentation to go off;
and the quarrel with England must become in the minds of all
irreconcilable, before we can try the experiment whether we have any
credit or not.
If Congress should think proper to send powers here to treat with the
States-General, I beg leave to submit to their consideration the case
of M. Dumas. He was early employed in our affairs here, has neglected
all other business, has been attentive and industrious, and is a
gentleman of extensive learning and amiable character. I believe he is
not ambitious or avaricious, but moderate in his expectations. Whoever
shall be honored with powers from Congress to reside here would find
his assistance useful, for he is much devoted to the American cause; I
hope, therefore, that Congress will pardon me if I venture to
recommend him to their attention.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, January 5th, 1781.
Sir,
On the 10th of November, 1780, the Memorial of Sir Joseph Yorke to the
States-General was presented, for a disavowal, satisfaction
proportioned to the offence, and punishment of the guilty.
November 28th. A formal disapprobation of the States-General of the
conduct of the Regency of Amsterdam.
December 12th. Second Memorial of Sir Joseph Yorke, for a satisfaction
proportioned to the offence, and the punishment of the guilty.
14th. Answer of the States-General despatched by express to London,
importing, that their High Mightinesses had taken the said Memorials
_ad referendum_.
16th. Order of his Britannic Majesty to Sir Joseph Yorke to withdraw
from the Hague, without taking leave, despatched by express; arrived
at the Hague on the 23d.
19th. Letter of the Count de Welderen to the States-General,
acknowledging the receipt of those of the 12th and of the 15th;
Declaration of the States-General, touching their accession to the
confederation of the North.
20th. Signature of the Manifesto of his Britannic Majesty, published
the 21st in the London Gazette extraordinary.
21st. Expedition of an express to Sir Joseph Yorke, arrived at the
Hague on the night of the 23d, with the Manifesto published the 21st.
22d. Resolution of the States-General to refer the affair of the
satisfaction and punishment of the guilty, to the Provincial Court of
Justice.
25th. The departure of Sir Joseph Yorke for Antwerp.
26th. Expedition of an express to the Count de Welderen, with orders
to present the Declaration touching the Confederation of the North,
and to withdraw from London, without taking leave.
28th. The ordinary packet from London not yet arrived, and the last
letters from London are of the 19th.
In this rapid succession have events rolled one after another, until
the war has seemingly become inevitable.
The Prince of Orange has made a requisition or proposition to the
States-General, to augment their navy with fifty or sixty vessels of
war, and their army to fifty or sixty thousand men. The ships of war
will be agreed to, but the troops not, as I am told. Once more I beg
leave to say, I can believe nothing until it is past.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, January 14th, 1781.
Sir,
In an excursion, which I have lately made through the principal cities
of this Province, Haerlem, Leyden, the Hague, and Rotterdam, I have
had an opportunity of perceiving that there is a spirit of resentment
against the English very general among the people. Notwithstanding
this, everything is so artfully retarded, the manifesto, the letters
of marque, and above all, the decision of the Court of Justice of
Holland is so studiously delayed, while the English are making such
vast depredations upon the defenceless merchant vessels, that I cannot
yet be sure that war is decided. The counsels of the Prince, united
with those of the proprietors in British funds, and the distresses of
merchants may yet induce the Republic, against the general sense of
the nation, to sue for a dishonorable peace.
I have received a letter, however, since my return, from M. Dumas of
last Friday, which informs me that a letter is received from the
Plenipotentiaries at Petersburg, dated the 19th of December,
announcing that the Empress of Russia was well satisfied with all that
had passed; that she had seen the two last Memorials presented by Sir
Joseph Yorke to their High Mightinesses, and that she had more
indignation than surprise at the sight of them; (it may be doubted,
however, whether this is not a mistake, as the last Memorial was dated
the 12th, and the letter of the Minister the 19th,) that the signature
was to be on the 23d, after which, these Ministers were to display the
character of Ambassadors Extraordinary, and that they would forthwith
despatch another express with the convention signed. This express is
now expected every moment, and as soon as he arrives, their High
Mightinesses will publish the Manifesto. This little delay is but a
pure formality. In the meantime, they resolved on the 12th of this
month to distribute letters of marque to privateers, and orders to the
ships of the State, to seize everything they can belonging to the
English.
Notwithstanding this, there are no privateers ready, and I fear there
are fewer ships of war ready than there ought to be. It will be long
before the Dutch can do any great things, and they must suffer very
severely. Such are the effects of blind and mistaken policy. War is so
new and so terrible a thing to this people, they are so divided in
sentiment, their minds are so agitated with uncertainty, irresolution,
and apprehension, that there is as yet no possibility of borrowing any
money.
I must therefore repeat the request, that Congress would not think
upon drawing for any more money here, until they receive certain
advices from me, that there is some in hand.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, January 15th, 1781.
Sir,
The following is the declaration of the States-General, of their
accession to the armed neutrality.
DECLARATION.
"Their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces
of the Low Countries, having had nothing more at heart, since the
commencement of the present war, and having desired nothing more
earnestly, than to observe invariably the most strict and the most
perfect neutrality between the belligerent powers, and to fulfil at
the same time their essential and indispensable obligations by
granting a convenient protection to the commerce and the navigation of
their subjects, and by maintaining and defending the rights and
liberties of their neutral flag, have learned with the highest
satisfaction, that her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias,
constantly animated with noble and generous sentiments, which must
transmit to the latest posterity the immortal lustre and renown of her
glorious reign, has thought fit to declare to the belligerent powers,
'That being in the intention to observe during the present war the
most exact impartiality, she is determined to maintain, by all the
means the most efficacious, the honor of the Russian flag, as well as
the safety of the commerce and the navigation of her subjects, and not
to suffer any of the belligerent powers to give them any
interruption.' The sentiments and the views of their High Mightinesses
answer perfectly, and are entirely conformable to the principles,
which make the basis of the declaration of her Imperial Majesty; and
they consequently do not hesitate to lay open, after her example, to
the belligerent powers, the same principles, which they are determined
to follow, and to maintain in concert with her Imperial Majesty; viz.
"1st. That neutral vessels may freely navigate from port to port, and
upon the coasts of the powers at war.
"2dly. That the effects belonging to the subjects of the powers at
war, shall be free upon neutral vessels, excepting only merchandises
of contraband.
"3dly. That with regard to contraband, their High Mightinesses adhere
to what is stipulated by the treaties concluded between them and the
belligerent powers, and more expressly, by the sixth article of the
treaty of marine with the Crown of Spain of the 17th of December,
1650; the third article of the treaty of marine with the Crown of
England of the 1st of December, 1674; and the sixteenth article of the
treaty of commerce, of navigation and of marine with the Crown of
France of the 1st of December, 1739, for twentyfive years. The
dispositions and determinations of which treaties, in their full
extent relative to merchandises of contraband, their High Mightinesses
consider as entirely founded on natural equity and the law of nations.
"4thly. That no place shall be adjudged blockaded, but when ships of
war, stationed in the neighborhood, shall hinder, that no vessel can
enter without evident danger.
"5thly. That these principles shall serve as rules to judge of the
lawfulness or the unlawfulness of prizes.
"As these principles form and constitute the universal rights of
neutral powers, and as they are, moreover, confirmed by treaties which
can never be lawfully annulled or altered, or suspended but by a
common act, and reciprocal consent of the contracting parties, their
High Mightinesses flatter themselves, that the belligerent powers will
acknowledge and respect the justice of them, by giving no obstruction
to the commerce of the subjects of their High Mightinesses, and by not
troubling them in the free enjoyment of rights, the propriety of which
cannot be contested, to the flag of neutral and independent powers."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *