But it has been because the solicitations have not succeeded. I see no
reason at all that we should be ashamed of asking to borrow money,
after maintaining a war against Great Britain and her allies for about
six years, without borrowing anything abroad, when England has been
all the time borrowing of all the nations of Europe, even of
individuals among our allies, it cannot be unnatural, surprising, or
culpable, or dishonorable for us to borrow money. When England
borrows, annually, a sum equal to all her exports, we ought not to be
laughed at for wishing to borrow a sum, annually, equal to a twelfth
part of our annual exports. We may, and we shall wade through, if we
cannot obtain a loan; but we could certainly go forward with more
ease, convenience, and safety by the help of one. I think we have not
meanly solicited for friendship anywhere. But to send Ministers to
every great Court in Europe, especially the maritime Courts, to
propose an acknowledgment of the independence of America, and treaties
of amity and commerce, is no more than becomes us, and in my opinion
is our duty to do. It is perfectly consistent with the genuine system
of American policy, and a piece of respect due from new nations to old
ones. The United Provinces did the same thing, and were never censured
for it, but in the end they succeeded. It is necessary for America to
have agents in different parts of Europe, to give some information
concerning our affairs, and to refute the falsehoods that the hired
emissaries of Great Britain circulate in every corner of Europe, by
which they keep up their own credit and ruin ours. I have been more
convinced of this, since my peregrinations in this country than ever.
The universal and profound ignorance of America here, has astonished
me. It will require time and a great deal of prudence and delicacy to
undeceive them. The method you have obligingly begun of transmitting
me intelligence from America, will assist me in doing, or at least
attempting, something of this kind, and I therefore request the
continuance of it, and have the honor to be, with respectful
compliments to Mr Franklin and all friends, Sir, your most obedient
servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, October 14th, 1780.
Sir,
Repeated letters from London confirm the account of Mr Laurens being
confined in the Tower; so close a prisoner, that neither his old
correspondents, nor even his refugee relations, are suffered to speak
to him.
There have been so many precedents of exchanges, Mr Lovell, as well as
the Major-Generals, Sullivan, Stirling, Lee, and others, having been
exchanged as prisoners of war, that it is very extraordinary they
should now treat Mr Laurens as a prisoner of State. It is not,
however, merely a proof that passion and caprice govern their
councils. I conceive it is intended to signify to the tories in
America, whom they believe to be more numerous than they are, and to
their officers and troops serving in that country, that now they have
obtained an election of Parliament to their minds, they are determined
to prosecute the war with vigor, and to bring America still to
unlimited submission. For, however, our countrymen may have flattered
themselves with hopes of peace, there is nothing further from the
thoughts of the King of England, his Ministers, Parliament, or nation,
(for they are now all _his_,) than peace, upon any terms that America
can agree to. There is no future event more certain in my mind, than
that they never will acknowledge American independence while they have
a soldier in the United States. Nay, they would not do it, even after
their troops should be driven from the continent.
I think I see very clearly, that America must grow up in war. It is a
painful prospect, to be sure. But when I consider, that there are more
people in America than there are in the United Provinces of the Low
Countries, that the earth itself produces abundance in America, both
for consumption and exportation, and that the United Provinces produce
nothing but butter and cheese, and that the United Provinces have
successfully maintained wars against the formidable monarchies of
Spain, France, and England, I cannot but persuade myself, it is in the
power of America to defend herself against all that England can do.
The Republic, where I now am, has maintained an army of a hundred and
twenty thousand men, besides a formidable navy. She maintains at this
day a standing army of thirty thousand men, which the Prince is
desirous of augmenting to fifty thousand, besides a considerable navy;
all this in a profound peace. What cause, physical or political, can
prevent three millions of people in America from maintaining for the
defence of their altars and fireside, as many soldiers as the same
number of people can maintain in Europe, merely for parade, I know
not.
A navy is our natural and our only adequate defence. But we have only
one way to increase our shipping and seamen, and that is privateering.
This abundantly pays its own expenses, and procures its own men. The
seamen taken, generally enlist on board of our privateers, and this is
the surest way of distressing their commerce, protecting our own,
increasing our seamen, and diminishing those of the enemy. And this
will finally be the way, by capturing their supplies, that we shall
destroy, or captivate, or oblige to fly, their armies in the United
States.
A loan of money in Europe would assist privateering, by enabling us to
fit out ships the more easily, as well as promote and extend our
trade, and serve us in other ways. I fear that Cornwallis' account of
his defeat of General Gates, whether true or false, will extinguish
the very moderate hopes which I had before, for a time.
There is a prospect, however, that the English will force this
Republic into a war with them, and in such case, or indeed in any
case, if there were a Minister here accredited to the States-General
and to the Prince Stadtholder of the United Provinces of the Low
Countries, he would assist a loan. There is another measure which may
be taken by Congress to the same end; that is, sending some cargoes of
produce, upon account of the United States directly here, or to St
Eustatia, to be sold for the payment of interest. The sight of a few
such vessels and cargoes would do more than many long reasonings and
negotiations.
Another method may be taken by Congress. Make a contract with private
merchants in Philadelphia, Boston, Maryland, Virginia, or elsewhere,
to export annually produce to a certain amount, to Amsterdam or St
Eustatia, or both, to be sold for the payment of interest. The
merchants, or houses contracted with should be responsible, and known
in Europe, at least some of them.
This country has been grossly deceived. It has little knowledge of the
numbers, wealth, and resources of the United States, and less faith in
their finally supporting their independence, upon which alone a credit
depends. They have also an opinion of the power of England, vastly
higher than the truth. Measures must be taken, but with great caution
and delicacy, to undeceive them.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO B. FRANKLIN.
Amsterdam, October 24th, 1780.
Sir,
I have this moment the honor of your letter of the 20th of this month,
and it is as cold water to a thirsty soul. I have been busily employed
in making inquiries, in forming acquaintances, and in taking advice.
In hopes of Mr Laurens' arrival, and wishing him to judge for himself,
I have not decided upon some questions that necessarily arise. I am
not able to promise anything, but I am led to hope for something. The
contents of Mr Jay's letters will certainly be of great weight and
use. I am assured of the good will of a number of very worthy and
considerable people, and that they will endeavor to assist a loan.
Let me entreat your Excellency to communicate to me everything you may
further learn respecting the benevolent intentions of the Court of
Madrid, respecting this matter. I will do myself the honor to acquaint
you with the progress I make. I was before in hopes of assisting you
somewhat, and your letter has raised these hopes a great deal, for the
English credit certainly staggers here a little.
The treatment of Mr Laurens is truly affecting. It will make a deep
and lasting impression on the minds of the Americans; but this will
not be a present relief to him. You are, no doubt, minutely informed
of his ill usage. Can anything be done in Europe for his comfort or
relief?
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, October 24th, 1780.
Sir,
I have received several letters from London concerning Mr Laurens. It
is certain, that he has been treated with great insolence by the
populace, in his journey from Dartmouth to London, and that he is
confined to a mean apartment in the Tower, denied the use of pen and
ink, and none of his friends has been able to obtain leave to visit
him, excepting his son and Mr Manning, and these positively limited to
half an hour. He is sick with a cholera, much emaciated, and very much
incensed against the authors of his ill usage. I saw last night a
letter from Mr Manning himself, so that there is no doubt of the truth
of this account. This deliberate, this studied manifestation to all
the world, of their contempt and hatred of all America, and of their
final determination to pursue this war to the last extremity, cannot
be misunderstood. The honor, the dignity, the essential interests, and
the absolute safety of America, requires that Congress should take
some notice of this event. I presume not to propose the measures that
might be taken, because Congress are in a much better situation to
judge.
I have waited in hopes of Mr Laurens' arrival, but now all hopes of it
are extinguished. I must fix upon a house, and settle the conditions,
in pursuance of my commission. No time has been lost; it has all been
industriously spent in forming acquaintances, making inquiries, and
taking advice of such characters as it is proper to consult. The
present state of things affords no hopes, but from a particular order
of men. These I have endeavored to gain, without giving offence to any
others, and I am not without hopes of obtaining something, though I
much fear it will be short of the expectations of Congress. I am not
at liberty yet to mention names, hereafter they will be known. I
cannot with too much earnestness recommend it to Congress, to take
measures if possible to send some cargoes of produce to Amsterdam, or
St Eustatia, for the purpose of paying interest; a little of this
would have a great effect.
I ought not to conclude without repeating my opinion, that a
commission to some gentleman, of Minister Plenipotentiary, is
absolutely necessary.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, October 27th, 1780.
Sir,
It seems to be now certain, that some of Mr Laurens' papers were taken
with him.
There have been sent to His Most Serene Highness, the Prince of
Orange, copies of letters from M. de Neufville, Mr Gillon, Mr
Stockton, and Colonel Derrick, and a copy of the plan of a treaty
projected between the city of Amsterdam and Mr William Lee.
The Prince was much affected at the sight of these papers, and laid
them before their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, the States of Holland
and West Friesland. One gentleman, at least, was present, who was
concerned in the transaction with Mr Lee, who handsomely avowed the
measure. The Regency of Amsterdam have since given in writing a
unanimous avowal of it, and of their determination to support it. The
letters of M. de Neufville and Mr Gillon are said to be decent and
well guarded. So that upon the whole it seems to be rather a fortunate
event, that these papers have been publicly produced. I wish I could
say the same of Mr Laurens' captivity, but I cannot. The rigor of his
imprisonment, and the severity of their behavior towards him, are not
at all abated.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
JAMES LOVELL TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, October 28th, 1780.
Sir,
I shall endeavor to write largely to you, but I will not at this
moment risk the sailing of the vessel for that purpose. It is
reported, that Mr Searle is taken. Our affairs in Holland must in such
case be very bad, as you will not have received any powers for acting
instead of Mr Laurens, who is too probably taken and carried to
England, from Newfoundland. And I also know of other fatalities of my
letters.
Your obedient servant,
JAMES LOVELL,
_For the Committee of Foreign Affairs._
_N. B._ Copies of your commission and instructions for a loan are
enclosed.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, October 31st, 1780.
Sir,
The British Ministry, by the terrible examples of the rioters, have so
intimidated the nation, and by their success in the late elections
have so great a majority in Parliament, that they think themselves
secure for seven years, and seem determined to go on with more vigor
than ever.
The letters from their Generals Clinton, Cornwallis, &c. show, they
are now adopting a new system. These letters are full of panegyrics
upon the tories and refugees. Gage, and the two Howes, and Burgoyne,
made light of these auxiliaries, which made Mr Galloway their enemy,
who has been very industrious in exposing their characters. Indeed the
Ministry seem to be wholly governed now by Mr Galloway, and their
Generals seem to have adopted the same sentiments. The consequence is,
that in America, at least where the British army rules, the refugees
are cherished. Cornwallis, in his last letter, in which he gives an
account of his battle with General Gates, assures the Ministry, that
he is determined to make some examples among his prisoners. But none
of these are more decisive proofs of their present system, than their
treatment of Mr Laurens, whom they are holding up to that nation in
the frightful character of a rebel, knowing that this word, and this
idea, is enough to inflame them beyond all degrees of reason.
It is not only in England and America, that they mean to spread a
terror; they think, that they can terrify all nations, this in
particular. They have sent over to His Most Serene Highness, the
Prince of Orange, some copies of letters taken with Mr Laurens. I
cannot learn, that there are any, but from M. de Neufville and Mr
Gillon, who are here. But it is propagated, that there are many more,
and M. Van Berckel and the Baron Van der Capellan are named. But I
have very good reason to believe, that they have not a line of either.
The English are giving out, as is their practice every fall, that they
are determined to send great forces to America. Fourteen regiments are
talked of, ten thousand men, but these threats will be executed as
usual. Fourteen regiments, if they send them, will not produce four
thousand men in America, to repair all their losses in North America
and the West Indies.
We have one enemy more pernicious to us than all their army, and that
is an opinion, which prevails in too many American minds, that there
is still some justice, some honor, some humanity, and some reason in
Great Britain, and that they will open their eyes and make peace. That
there are individuals who have these virtues cannot be doubted. Rome
had many such, even after the _ultimi Romanorum_. But they were so
few, in comparison to the whole, and had so little share in
government, that they only served, by their endeavors to bring things
back, to make the nation more miserable.
I am so fully convinced, that peace is a great way off, and that we
have more cruelty to encounter than ever, that I ought to be explicit
to Congress. We shall be forced to wean ourselves from the little
remainder of affection and respect for that nation. Nay, even from our
curiosity. I cannot think it decent, that any American should
voluntarily set his foot on British ground, while we are treated as
we are. The practice is too common to step over, upon motives of
curiosity, pleasure, or business, and I cannot but think it ought to
be discountenanced.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO B. FRANKLIN.
Amsterdam, November 4th, 1780.
Sir,
M. de Neufville this morning brought me a number of bills of exchange,
drawn upon Mr Laurens, in the month of July, amounting to seven or
eight hundred pounds sterling, and informed me that your Excellency
had declined becoming responsible for them and referred him to me. I
have inquired of Mr Searle, who informs me there are about twenty
thousand pounds in such bills now on their way. If there were only
seven or eight hundred pounds, I would accept them, for the honor of
the United States, and run the venture of being able to pay them, by
borrowing, or some way or other; but twenty thousand pounds is much
beyond my private credit. I have been and am pursuing all those
measures, to which I am advised by gentlemen, in whose judgment I can
justify placing confidence, and am not without hopes of succeeding in
some measure; but I have not as yet been able to obtain any money, nor
any certainty of obtaining any in future. I write this, therefore, to
your Excellency, that if you could see your way clear to become
responsible for these bills, for the present, I will engage to see
them paid with the money I may borrow here, if I borrow enough before
the term for their payment expires, or as much of them as I shall be
able to borrow; but in this case, if I should not succeed in
obtaining the money, your Excellency will be answerable. I should be
sorry that the credit of the United States should suffer any stain,
and would prevent it if I could; but at present it is not in my power.
The successes of the English at the southward, added to the many
causes that obstructed our credit in this Republic before, some of
which it would not be prudent to explain, will render a loan here
difficult; but I still hope not quite impracticable.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, November 16th, 1780.
Sir,
On the 10th of this month, Sir Joseph Yorke presented to the
States-General the following
MEMORIAL.
"High and Mighty Lords,
"The King, my master, has discovered during the whole course of his
reign the most sincere desire to maintain the union, which has
subsisted for more than a century between his Crown and this Republic.
This union rests upon the immovable basis of reciprocal interest; and
as it has contributed much to the prosperity of the two nations, the
natural enemy of both employs all the resources of his policy to
destroy it. For sometime past, this enemy has not labored but with too
much success, being supported by a faction, which seeks to govern the
Republic, and which is always ready to sacrifice the general interest
to private views. The King has seen with as much surprise as regret,
the little effect which has been produced by his repeated demands of
the succors stipulated by the treaties, and the representations of his
Ambassadors, concerning the daily violations of engagements the most
solemn.
"The moderation of the King has induced him to attribute this conduct
of your High Mightinesses, to the intrigues of an _overbearing cabal_;
and his Majesty would still persuade himself, that your justice and
your intelligence will determine you to fulfil your engagements
towards him, and to prove by all your proceedings your resolution to
put in vigor the system formed by the wisdom of your ancestors, and
the only one which can ensure the safety and glory of the Republic.
The answer of your High Mightinesses to this declaration, which the
subscriber makes by the express order of his Court, will be the
touchstone of your sentiments and intentions towards the King.
"His Majesty has had for sometime indications without number of the
dangerous designs of an _unbridled cabal_. But the papers of Mr
Laurens, who calls himself a President of a pretended Congress, have
made a discovery of a conspiracy without example in the annals of the
Republic. It appears by these papers, that the gentlemen of Amsterdam
have commenced a clandestine correspondence with the rebels of
America, from the month of August, 1778, and that there were
instructions and full powers given by them, relative to the conclusion
of an indissoluble treaty of amity with these rebels, subjects of a
sovereign, to whom the Republic is bound by engagements the most
strict. The authors of this conspiracy pretend not to deny it; on the
contrary, they avow it, and endeavor in vain to justify it. It is in
these circumstances, that his Majesty, depending on the equity of your
High Mightinesses, demands a formal disavowal of a conduct so
irregular, not less contrary to your engagements the most sacred, than
to the fundamental laws of the Batavian Constitution. The King demands
also, a prompt satisfaction proportioned to the offence, and an
exemplary punishment of the Pensionary, Van Berckel, and of his
accomplices, as disturbers of the public peace, and violators of the
law of nations.
"His Majesty persuades himself, that the answer of your High
Mightinesses will be prompt and satisfactory in all respects. But if
the contrary should happen, if your High Mightinesses refuse a demand
so just, or endeavor to evade it by silence, which will be considered
as a refusal, in that case, the King will not be able to consider the
Republic itself but as approving of misdemeanors, which it refuses to
disavow and to punish; and after such a conduct, his Majesty will see
himself in the necessity of taking such measures, as the maintenance
of his dignity and the essential interests of his people demand.
"Done at the Hague, the 10th of November, 1780.
JOSEPH YORKE."
Whether Sir Joseph Yorke, after twenty years' residence in this
Republic, is ignorant of its Constitution, or whether, knowing it, he
treats it in this manner, on purpose the more palpably to insult it, I
know not. The sovereignty resides in the States-General; but who are
the States-General? Not their High Mightinesses, who assemble at the
Hague to deliberate; these are only deputies of the States-General.
The States-General are the Regencies of the cities, and the bodies of
nobles in the several Provinces. The Burgomasters of Amsterdam,
therefore, who are called the Regency, are one integral branch of the
sovereignty of the Seven United Provinces, and the most material
branch of all, because the city of Amsterdam is one quarter of the
whole Republic, at least in taxes.
What would be said in England if the Count de Welderen, Ambassador at
the Court of London, had presented a Memorial to the King, in which he
had charged any integral part of their sovereignty, as the whole House
of Lords, or the whole House of Commons, with conspiracies, factions,
cabals, sacrificing general interests to private views, and demanded
exemplary punishment upon them? The cases are in nature precisely
parallel, although there are only three branches of the sovereignty in
England, and there are a greater number than three in Holland.
There are strong symptoms of resentment of this outrageous Memorial in
Amsterdam; but whether the whole will not evaporate, I know not. Many
persons, however, are of opinion that a war is inevitable, and
ensurance cannot be had even to St Eustatia, since this Memorial was
made public, under twenty or twentyfive per cent.
This Memorial is so like the language of Lord Hillsborough and
Governor Bernard, that I could scarcely forbear substituting Boston
for Amsterdam, and Otis, or Hancock, or Adams, for Van Berckel, as I
read it. I should not wonder if the next Memorial should charge the
Republic with rebellion, and except two or three from pardon.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, November 17th, 1780.
Sir,
From the time of the arrival of my commission, I have been constantly
employed in forming acquaintances, making inquiries, and asking
advice; but am sorry to be obliged to say, that hitherto I see no
certain prospect of borrowing any money at all.
For some years past, all the information I could obtain from this
country, led me to think that America had many friends in this
Republic, and that a considerable sum might be borrowed here, provided
application was made to Dutch houses, of old families and numerous
connexions. And after my arrival here, I had the opinion of persons
whom I had every reason to think knew best, that if proper powers
should arrive from the thirteen United States, money might be had. But
now that all agree, that full powers have arrived, I do not find the
same encouragement. This nation has been so long in the habit of
admiring the English, and disliking the French, so familiarized to
call England the natural ally, and France the natural enemy of the
Republic, that it must be the work of time to eradicate these
prejudices, although the circumstances are greatly altered. Add to
this the little decision and success which has appeared in the conduct
of the affairs of America and her allies, and the series of small
successes which the English have had for the last twelve months; the
suspense and uncertainty in which men's minds have been held
respecting the accession of the Dutch to the armed neutrality; and at
last the publication of some papers taken with Mr Laurens, the part
the Stadtholder has acted, and the angry Memorial of Sir Joseph Yorke
concerning them; all these things together have thrown this nation
into a state of astonishment, confusion, and uncertainty, to such a
degree, that no house that I have as yet thought it prudent to apply
to, dares to undertake the trust. The times are now critical indeed.
The question will be decided in a few days, whether the Republic shall
join the armed neutrality or not. Four Provinces have voted for it;
two others have voted in such a manner that their deputies may agree
to it; and most men say it will be decided by the plurality.
The King of England demands a disavowal of the Amsterdam Treaty, and
the punishment of the Regency. They will not be punished, nor their
conduct disavowed. The King of England, therefore, must take such
measures as he shall think his dignity, and the essential interests of
his people require. What these will be, time alone can discover. Many
think he will declare war, but more are of a different opinion.