possible event, where one of the united powers seeing itself driven to
extremities, against any of the powers actually at war, should claim
the assistance of the allies in this convention to do her justice, in
what manner can this be best concerted? A circumstance, which equally
requires a stipulation that the reprisals in that case shall not be at
the will of such party injured, but that the common voice shall
decide; otherwise, an individual power might at its pleasure draw the
rest against their inclinations and interests into disagreeable
extremities, or break the whole league, and reduce matters into their
original state, which would render the whole fruitless and of none
effect."
_Answer of the Court of Russia._
"1st. As to the manner in which protection and mutual assistance shall
be granted, it must be settled by a formal convention, to which all
the neutral powers will be invited, the principal end of which is, to
ensure a free navigation to the merchants ships of all nations.
Whenever such vessel shall have proved from its papers, that it
carries no contraband goods, the protection of a squadron or vessels
of war shall be granted her, under whose care she shall put herself,
and which shall prevent her being interrupted. From hence it follows;
"2d. That each power must concur in the general security of commerce;
in the meantime, the better to accomplish this object, it will be
necessary to settle, by means of a separate article, the places and
distances which may be judged proper for the station of each power.
From that method will arise this advantage, that all the squadrons of
the allies will form a kind of chain, and be able to assist each
other; the particular arrangements to be confined only to the
knowledge of the allies, though the convention in all other points
will be communicated to the powers at war, accompanied with all the
protestations of a strict neutrality.
"3d. It is undoubtedly the principle of a perfect equality which must
regulate this point. We shall follow the common mode with regard to
safety; in case the squadrons should meet and engage, the commanders
will conform to the usages of the sea service, because, as is observed
above, the reciprocal protection under these conditions should be
unlimited.
"4th. It seems expedient, that the representations mentioned in this
article be made by the party aggrieved, and that the Ministers of the
other confederate powers support those remonstrances in the most
forcible and efficacious manner.
"5th. We feel all the importance of this consideration, and to render
it clear, it is necessary to distinguish the case. If any one of the
allied powers should suffer itself to be drawn in by motives contrary
to the established principles of a neutrality and perfect
impartiality, should injure its laws, or extend their bounds, it
cannot certainly be expected that others should espouse the quarrel;
on the contrary, such a conduct would be deemed an abandoning the ties
which unite them. But if the insult offered to one of the allies
should be hostile to the principles adopted and announced in the face
of all Europe, or should be marked with the character of hatred and
animosity, inspired by resentment at these common measures of the
confederacy, which have no other tendency than to make, in a precise
and irrecoverable manner, laws for the liberty of commerce, and the
rights of every neutral nation, then it shall be held indispensable
for the united powers to make a common cause of it, (at sea only)
without its being a groundwork for other operations, as these
connexions are purely maritime, having no other object than naval
commerce and navigation. From all that is said above, it evidently
results, that the common will of all, founded upon the principles
admitted and adopted by the contracting parties, must alone decide,
and that it will always be the fixed basis of the conduct and
operations of this union. Finally, we shall observe, that these
conventions suppose no other naval armament than what shall be
conformable to circumstances, according as these shall render them
necessary, or as may be agreed. It is probable, that this agreement,
once ratified and established, will be of the greatest consequence;
and that the belligerent powers will find in it sufficient motives to
persuade them to respect the neutral flag, and prevent their provoking
the resentment of a respectable communion, founded under the auspices
of the most evident justice, and the sole idea of which is received
with the universal applause of all impartial Europe."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, August 23d, 1780.
Sir,
The errand of Mr Cumberland to Madrid is a mere finesse of the British
Ministry, intended to aid the stockjobbers to keep up the stocks, aid
the loan, and the canvass for an election, and lull the belligerent
powers, while they prepare their measures for future enterprises and
another campaign. They have carried this plot so far, that I see some
paragraphs in the foreign papers, which seem intended to counteract
it.
The truth is, according to my information, that orders are already
sent out by the British cabinet to prosecute the war with vigor in
North Carolina and Virginia, the ensuing fall, winter, and spring.
General Prevost is about to sail with some frigates to aid their
operations on Cape Fear river. It is said at the same time, that they
are sounding the House of Bourbon through Sardinia, and have made some
loose propositions of accommodation, the groundwork of which is the
sacrifice of America; and there is no doubt they would yield to
France and Spain very great things to carry their point against
America, who may depend upon the utmost exertions of their malice and
revenge. But all this will not do. France and Spain are now
responsible for their conduct to the rest of Europe, especially the
Northern powers; and besides this, the separation between America and
England is an object of more pressing importance to France and Spain,
than any concessions that England can make them. So that America need
not be under any apprehensions of being deserted.
If, however, she were to be deserted by all the world, she ought
seriously to maintain her resolution to be free. She has the means
within herself. Her greatest misfortune has been, that she has never
yet felt her full strength, nor considered the extent of her
resources.
I cannot but lament, however, that there is no representation of
Congress in this Republic, vested with powers to borrow money. This
would be a double advantage. We should avail ourselves of a loan, and
at the same time lessen the loan of England. A loan once begun here,
would rapidly increase, so as to deprive the English of this resource.
This is the method in which commerce may be extended between the two
Republics, and the political sentiments and system of Holland changed.
I fancy that several very heavy and solid houses here might be
persuaded to become security for the payment of interest, and that
contracts might be made with them to send them remittances in produce,
either to Europe, St Eustatia, St Thomas, &c., to enable them to
discharge the interest. Might not merchants be found in Philadelphia,
Boston, and many other places, who would enter into contract with the
public to remit such a sum as should be agreed on, in the produce of
the country to such houses here? This method, if Congress should think
it expedient to fall into the way of sending fleets of merchantmen
under convoy, would easily succeed. The safe arrival of the Fier
Roderique, with so large a number of vessels under her care, gives
great encouragement to the plan.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, September 4th, 1780.
Sir,
I have the pleasure to write to Congress news, which I hope they will
receive many other ways before this letter can arrive, viz.; that the
outward bound British West India fleet of fiftytwo sail and five East
Indiamen, on the 9th of August, fell in with the combined French and
Spanish fleets, about sixty leagues from Cape St Vincents, and were
most of them taken; the frigates which composed the convoy and four of
the West Indiamen alone having escaped. This is the account. We may
possibly hear of some deductions, but the account in general is
authentic, and of very great importance, as the value of the property
is large, the number of soldiers and seamen considerable, and the
disappointment to the fleets and armies of our enemies in the East and
West Indies and in North America, not to be repaired.
This news has been from the 22d of August to the 3d of September in
travelling from London to Amsterdam, where it makes a very great
sensation indeed. We had, at the same time, news of the capture of
most of the Quebec fleet by an American frigate and two brigantines.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, September 5th, 1780.
Sir,
As eloquence is cultivated with more care in free Republics than in
other governments, it has been found by constant experience that such
Republics have produced the greatest purity, copiousness and
perfection of language. It is not to be disputed, that the form of
government has an influence upon language, and language in its turn
influences not only the form of government, but the temper, the
sentiments, and manners of the people. The admirable models which have
been transmitted through the world, and continued down to these days,
so as to form an essential part of the education of mankind from
generation to generation, by those two ancient towns, Athens and Rome,
would be sufficient without any other argument to show the United
States the importance to their liberty, prosperity, and glory, of an
early attention to the subject of eloquence and language.
Most of the nations of Europe have thought it necessary to establish
by public authority, institutions for fixing and improving their
proper languages. I need not mention the academies in France, Spain,
and Italy, their learned labors, nor their great success. But it is
very remarkable, that although many learned and ingenious men in
England have from age to age projected similar institutions for
correcting and improving the English tongue, yet the government have
never found time to interpose in any manner; so that to this day there
is no grammar nor dictionary extant of the English language, which has
the least public authority, and it is only very lately, that a
tolerable dictionary has been published, even by a private person, and
there is not yet a passable grammar enterprised by any individual.
The honor of forming the first public institution for refining,
correcting, improving, and ascertaining the English language, I hope
is reserved for Congress; they have every motive that can possibly
influence a public assembly to undertake it. It will have a happy
effect upon the union of the States to have a public standard for all
persons in every part of the Continent to appeal to, both for the
signification and pronunciation of the language. The constitutions of
all the States in the Union are so democratical, that eloquence will
become the instrument, for recommending men to their fellow citizens,
and the principal means of advancement through the various ranks and
offices of society.
In the last century, Latin was the universal language of Europe.
Correspondence among the learned, and indeed among merchants and men
of business, and the conversation of strangers and travellers, was
generally carried on in that dead language. In the present century,
Latin has been generally laid aside, and French has been substituted
in its place; but has not yet become universally established, and
according to present appearances, it is not probable that it will.
English is destined to be, in the next and succeeding centuries more
generally the language of the world, than Latin was in the last, or
French is in the present age. The reason of this is obvious, because
the increasing population in America, and their universal connexion
and correspondence with all nations will, aided by the influence of
England in the world, whether great or small, force their language
into general use, in spite of all the obstacles that may be thrown in
their way, if any such there should be.
It is not necessary to enlarge further, to show the motives which the
people of America have to turn their thoughts early to this subject;
they will naturally occur to Congress in a much greater detail than I
have time to hint at. I would therefore submit to the consideration of
Congress, the expediency and policy of erecting, by their authority, a
society under the name of "The American Academy, for refining,
improving, and ascertaining the English Language." The authority of
Congress is necessary to give such a society reputation, influence,
and authority, through all the States, and with other nations. The
number of members of which it shall consist, the manner of appointing
those members, whether each State shall have a certain number of
members, and the power of appointing them, or whether Congress shall
appoint them, whether after the first appointment, the society itself
shall fill up vacancies, these, and other questions, will easily be
determined by Congress.
It will be necessary, that the society should have a library,
consisting of a complete collection of all writings concerning
languages of every sort, ancient and modern. They must have some
officers, and some other expenses, which will make some small funds
indispensably necessary. Upon a recommendation from Congress, there is
no doubt but the Legislature of every State in the confederation would
readily pass a law, making such a society a body politic, enable it to
sue, and be sued, and to hold an estate, real or personal, of a
limited value in that State. I have the honor to submit these hints to
the consideration of Congress.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, September 19th, 1780.
Sir,
The day before yesterday, Mr Dana arrived here from Paris, with the
despatches which came by Mr Searle.
I am very sensible of the honor that is done me by this appointment,
and yesterday morning I set myself seriously about discharging the
duties of it, and this day I have been some leagues into the country
upon the same service. There are good reasons for concealing the names
of the gentlemen to whom I have applied for advice and assistance, but
they are such as Congress, I think, would have approved if they had
themselves been here.
I was told very candidly, that I might possibly be much mistaken in my
information; that, possibly, I might think that money was more plenty
here than it is; that America had more friends than she has; and that
the difficulty of negotiating a loan here was less than it is; that it
was mysterious that Congress should empower any gentleman to negotiate
a loan, without, at the same time, empowering the same, or some other,
to negotiate a political treaty of alliance and commerce, consistent
with the treaties already made with other powers; that a Minister
Plenipotentiary here, would be advised to apply directly to the Prince
and the States-General; that he would not be affronted or ill treated
by either, and whether received publicly or not, would be courted by
many respectable individuals, and would greatly facilitate a loan.
I was, however, encouraged to hope, that I might have some small
success, and was advised to a particular course in order to obtain it,
that cannot as yet be communicated. I must, however, apprize Congress,
that there are many delicate questions, which it becomes my duty to
determine in a short time, and perhaps none of more difficulty than
what house shall be applied to, or employed. I have no affections or
aversions to influence me in the choice. And shall not depend upon my
own judgment alone, without the advice of such persons as Congress
will one day know to be respectable. But offence will probably be
taken, let the choice fall upon whom it may, by several other houses,
that have pretensions and undoubted merit. As this may occasion
censure and complaints, I only ask of Congress not to judge of those
complaints without hearing my reasons, and this request I presume I
need not make. I have only to add, that the moment Mr Laurens shall
arrive, or any other gentleman, vested with the same commission, I
will render him every service in my power, and communicate to him
every information I may possess.
But I ought not to conclude without giving my opinion, that it is
absolutely necessary that Mr Laurens, or whoever comes in his place,
should have a commission of Minister Plenipotentiary. If that
gentleman was now here with such a commission, it would have more
influence than perhaps anybody in America can imagine, upon the
conduct of this Republic, upon the Congress at Petersburg, and upon
the success of Mr Jay, at Madrid.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
_Commission to John Adams, referred to in the preceding Letter._
Whereas, by our commission to Henry Laurens, bearing date the 30th day
of October, in the year of our Lord 1779, we have constituted and
appointed him, the said Henry Laurens, during our pleasure, our agent
for and on behalf of the said United States, to negotiate a loan with
any person or persons, bodies politic and corporate; and whereas the
said Henry Laurens has, by unavoidable accidents, been hitherto
prevented from proceeding on the said agency, we, therefore, reposing
especial trust and confidence in your patriotism, ability, conduct,
and fidelity, do by these presents, constitute and appoint you, the
said John Adams, until the said Henry Laurens, or some other person
appointed in his stead, shall arrive in Europe, and undertake the
execution of the aforesaid commission, our agent for and on behalf of
the said United States, to negotiate a loan with any person or
persons, bodies politic and corporate, promising in good faith to
ratify and confirm whatsoever shall by you be done in the premises, or
relating thereunto.
Witness his Excellency, Samuel Huntington, President of the Congress
of the United States of America, at Philadelphia, the 20th day of
June, in the year of our Lord, 1780, and in the fourth year of our
independence.
SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, _President_.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, September 16th, 1780.
Sir,
I have the honor to send by this opportunity a few pamphlets and
papers. The pamphlets relate to subjects which interest the United
States, and therefore ought to be communicated to Congress for their
consideration.
The attention of mankind is now turned, next to the Congress of
America, upon that at Petersburg. The last letters from London say
that they have information, that one of the first measures of this
confederation will be an acknowledgment of American independence.
Whether this is true or not, I am not able to say. The councils of the
sovereigns of Europe are not easily penetrated; but it is our duty to
attend to them, and throw into view such information as may be in our
power, that they take no measures inconsistent with their and our
interest for want of light, a misfortune that may easily happen. In
this view, I could wish that the United States had a minister at each
of the maritime Courts, I mean Holland, Russia, Sweden, and Denmark,
and, as the Cabinet of Berlin has much influence in the politics of
Europe, Prussia. I say this upon supposition, that Congress can devise
means of defraying the expense, which to be sure amounts to a large
sum.
I have heard that Mr Searle has arrived at Brest, but am not informed
of his destination, nor whether he has despatches for me. I am anxious
to learn from Congress what their intentions may be respecting me, I
have as yet received no authority to draw upon any fund whatsoever for
my subsistence, nor to borrow money for that or any other purpose. I
see no prospect of my commission being of any utility. Although many
persons here think that peace will be made in the course of the
ensuing winter or spring, yet I must confess I am of a different
opinion. The idea, that France will dictate the conditions of peace,
if it is made now, cannot be borne by Englishmen as yet, they are not
yet sufficiently humbled, although probably every year will add some
fresh humiliation to the demands upon their country. The English
privateers have taken some Russian vessels loaded with hemp and iron,
which must bring the question to a legal decision. The Admiralty will
probably discharge them, and the Ministry will give up the point of
free ships making free goods, provided the Dutch agree with the
Northern Powers, for they will not venture upon a war with all the
world at once. Besides the military force, which they could not stand
against, they would not be able to obtain any stores for their navy.
But the great question now is, whether the Dutch will agree. Their
deputies are instructed to insist upon a warranty of their East and
West India dominions. Whether the Northern Powers will agree to this
condition, is a question. The States-General, however, are sitting,
and will wait for despatches from Petersburg, and will probably be
much governed by events. What events have happened in the West Indies
and North America we shall soon learn.
Digby has sailed with a part of Geary's late fleet, whether for
another expedition to Gibraltar, or whether for the West Indies or
North America, is unknown. The success of these operations will
probably influence much the deliberations both at Petersburg and the
Hague. This time only can discover. It is said, however, that M. Le
Texier will be exempted by the States-General from the payment of
duties upon his masts, hemp, iron, and other naval stores that he is
sending over land, to the French Marine. The capture of fiftyfive
ships at once, so much wealth, so many seamen and soldiers, and such
quantities of stores, is a severe stroke to the English, and cannot
but have the most excellent effects for us, both in the West Indies
and North America. The right vein is now opened, and I hope that the
Courts of France and Spain will now be in earnest in convoying their
own commerce and cruising for that of their enemies. This is a short,
easy, and infallible method of humbling the English, preventing the
effusion of an ocean of blood, and bringing the war to a conclusion.
In this policy, I hope our countrymen will join, with the utmost
alacrity. Privateering is as well understood by them as any people
whatsoever; and it is by cutting off supplies, not by attacks, sieges,
or assaults, that I expect deliverance from enemies. And I should be
wanting in my duty, if I did not warn them against any relaxation of
their exertions by sea or land, from a fond expectation of peace. They
will deceive themselves if they depend upon it. Never, never will the
English make peace while they have an army in North America.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, September 24th, 1780.
Sir,
Since the receipt of the despatches from Congress, brought by Mr
Searle, I have been uninterruptedly employed in attempting to carry
into execution their designs.
The first inquiry which arose in my own mind was, whether it was
prudent to make any communication of my business to the States-General
or to the Prince. Considering that my errand was simply an affair of
credit, and that I had no political authority whatsoever, I thought,
and upon consulting gentlemen of the most knowledge, best judgment,
and most undoubted inclination for a solid and lasting connexion
between the two Republics, I found them of the same opinion, that it
was best to keep my designs secret as long as I could.