the Regency of Amsterdam, or any branch of government whatsoever; and
I was advised against it, and to proceed to endeavor to effect a loan
upon the simple foundation of private credit. I have accordingly made
all the inquiries possible, for the best and most unexceptionable
House. Tomorrow I expect an answer to some propositions which I made
yesterday.
This business must all be settled with so much secrecy and caution,
and I am under so many difficulties, not understanding the Dutch
language, and the gentlemen I have to do with not being much more
expert in French than I am myself, and not understanding English at
all, that the business goes on slower than I could wish. Commodore
Gillon, by his knowledge of Dutch and general acquaintance here, has
been as useful to me as he has been friendly.
I never saw the national benefit of a fine language generally read and
spoken in so strong a light as since I have been here. The Dutch
language is understood by nobody but themselves, the consequence of
which has been, that this nation is not known. With as profound
learning and ingenuity as any people in Europe, they have been
overlooked, because they were situated among others more numerous and
powerful than they. I hope that Congress will take warning by their
example, and do everything in their power to make the language they
speak, respectable throughout the world. Separated as we are from the
Kingdom of Great Britain, we have not made war upon the English
language any more than against the old English character. An academy
instituted by the authority of Congress for correcting, improving, and
fixing the English language, would strike Great Britain with envy, and
all the rest of the world with admiration. The labors of such a
society would unite all America in the same language, for thirty
millions of Americans to speak to all the nations of the earth by the
middle of the nineteenth century.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, September 25th, 1780.
Sir,
There are some persons in this Republic who have been attentive to
this war, and who know somewhat of the history of the rise and
progress of the United States of America, but it is astonishing that
the number should be so small. Even in the city of Amsterdam, which is
the most attentive to our affairs, and the best inclined towards us,
there are few persons who do not consider the American resistance as a
desultory rage of a few enthusiasts, without order, discipline, law,
or government. There are scarcely any that have an adequate idea of
the numbers, the increasing population, or the growing commerce of
America.
Upon my arrival here, some gentlemen were inquisitive about our forms
of government. I asked if they had seen them in print; I was answered,
no. Upon this I made it my business to search in all the booksellers'
shops for a collection of American Constitutions, which was published
in French two or three years ago, but could find only two copies,
which I presented to the gentlemen who made the inquiry. Nothing would
serve our cause more than having a complete edition of all the
American Constitutions correctly printed in English at Philadelphia,
by order of Congress, and sent to Europe, as well as sold in America.
The Rhode Island and Connecticut Constitutions ought not to be
omitted, although they have undergone no alteration; and it would be
well to print the Confederation in the same volume. This volume would
be read by everybody in Europe who reads English, and could obtain it,
and some would even learn English for the sake of reading it; it would
be translated into every language of Europe, and would fix the opinion
of our unconquerability more than anything could, except driving the
enemy wholly from the United States.
There has been nobody here of sufficient information and consideration
to turn the attention of the public towards our affairs, to
communicate from time to time to the public, in a language that is
understood, intelligence from England, France or America; but on the
contrary, there have been persons enough employed and well paid by our
enemies, to propagate misinformation, misrepresentation, and abuse.
The ancient and intimate connexion between the Houses of Orange and
Brunswick, the family alliances, and the vast advantage which the
Princes of Orange have derived in erecting, establishing, and
perpetuating the Stadtholder against the inclination of the republican
party, and the reliance which this family still has upon the same
connexion to support it, have attached the executive power of this
government in such a manner to England, that nothing but necessity
could make a separation. On the contrary, the republican party, which
has heretofore been conducted by Barnevelt, Grotius, the De Witts and
other immortal patriots, have ever leaned towards an alliance with
France because she has ever favored the republican form of government
in this nation. All parties however agree, that England has been ever
jealous and envious of the Dutch commerce, and done it great injuries;
that this country is more in the power of France if she were hostile,
than of England, and that her trade with France is of vastly greater
value than that with England. Yet England has more influence here than
France. The Dutch, some of them at least, now see another commercial
and maritime power arising, which it is their interest to form an
early connexion with. All parties here see that it is not their
interest that France and Spain should secure too many advantages in
America, and too great a share in her commerce, and especially in the
fisheries in her seas. All parties too see that it would be dangerous
to the commerce, and even Independence of the United Provinces, to
have America again under the dominion of England, and the republicans
see, or think they see, that a change in this government and a loss of
their liberties would be the consequence of it too.
Amidst all these conflicts of interests and parties, and all these
speculations, the British Ambassador, with his swarms of agents, is
busily employed in propagating reports, in which they are much
assisted by those who are called here Stadtholderians, and there has
been nobody to contradict or explain anything. This should be the
business in part of a Minister Plenipotentiary. Such a Minister,
however, would not have it in his power to do it effectually, without
frequent and constant information from Congress. At present this
nation is so ignorant of the strength, resources, commerce, and
constitution of America, it has so false and exaggerated an
imagination of the power of England, it has so many doubts of our
final success, so many suspicions of our falling finally into the
hands of France and Spain, so many jealousies that France and Spain
will abandon us, or that we shall abandon them, so many fears of
offending the English Ministry, the English Ambassador, the great
mercantile houses, that are very profitably employed by both, and
above all, the Stadtholder and his friends, that even a loan of money
will meet with every obstruction and discouragement possible. These
chimeras, and many more, are held up to the people, and influence
their minds and conduct to such a degree, that no man dares openly and
publicly disregard them.
I have this day received an answer to some propositions, which I made
last Saturday to a very respectable house, declining to accept the
trust proposed. I do not, however, despair; I still hope to obtain
something; but I am fully persuaded, that without a commission of
Minister Plenipotentiary, and without time and care to lead the public
opinion into the truth, no man living will ever succeed, to any large
amount. Those persons, who wish to lend us money, and are able to lend
us any considerable sum, are the patriots, who are willing to risk the
resentment of the British and the Stadtholder, for the sake of
extending the commerce, strengthening the political interest, and
preserving the liberties of their country. They think, that lending us
money without forming a political connexion with us will answer these
ends. That cause stands very insecurely, which rests on the shoulders
of patriotism in any part of Europe. But in such case, if patriotism
is left in a state of doubt whether she ought to sustain it, the cause
must fall to the ground.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, September 28th, 1780.
Sir,
On the 5th of this month, the Barons of Wassenaar and Heekeren,
Ministers Plenipotentiary of the States-General, had their first
audience of the Empress of Russia, presented their letters of credit,
and were graciously received. The Baron de Wassenaar, in presenting
his letters of credit, addressed to the Empress the following speech.
"Madam,
"The States-General, our masters, having received with a lively
gratitude the invitation, which your Imperial Majesty has been so good
as to make to them to take in concert with you the measures the most
proper and the most effectual for the maintenance of the rights of
their respective subjects, and of the dignity of their States, have
thought, that they could not answer thereto with more promptitude than
by ordering us to your Court, to the end to endeavor to conclude a
project as great as it is just and equitable, the honor of which is
solely due to your Imperial Majesty, and which apparently must
complete the glory of your reign, already famous by so many
illustrious events, and immortalise your name, by rendering you the
support and the protectress of the most sacred rights of nations.
"Their High Mightinesses will esteem themselves happy, if they may, on
this occasion, strengthen still further, and by indissoluble ties the
union, which already subsists between your empire and their Republic,
and make themselves regarded by you as your most faithful and sincere
allies, while they shall always esteem it an honor to give marks of
the respectful regard and perfect veneration, which they have for your
person, and eminent qualities. Our wishes will be complete, Madam, if
in succeeding to serve our masters in so desirable an object, and upon
which they have founded the greatest hopes, our Ministry might be
agreeable to you, and procure us the approbation and the high
benevolence of your Imperial Majesty."
The Empress made to this discourse a very gracious answer, in saying,
that it was very agreeable to her, that their High Mightinesses
considered the project upon this footing, and that she should act, in
this affair, by giving proofs of the rectitude of which she discovered
in all her actions.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, October 6th, 1780.
Sir,
On the 6th of September, the Baron de Wassenaar Starenburg, and the
Baron de Heekeren Brantzenburg, Ministers Plenipotentiary of their
High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces, had
their first audience of their Imperial Highnesses, the Grand Duke and
the Grand Duchess, and the Baron de Wassenaar Starenburg had the honor
to address, on this occasion, to the Grand Duke and the Grand Duchess
the following discourse.
"My Lord Duke,
"The States, our masters, in sending us to the Court of her Imperial
Majesty, your august mother, have directed us at the same time, to
renew to your Imperial Highness the assurances of their most perfect
consideration, and their respectful regards. The harmony and good
understanding, which have subsisted between this Empire and their
Republic, make them hope, that your Imperial Highness will be so good
as to support with your credit the object, which makes the subject of
their Mission, and thereby give to their High Mightinesses a new mark
of the friendship, with which you have always honored them, and of
which they will be zealous in all circumstances to ensure the
continuance. Permit, My Lord Duke, that after having acquitted
ourselves of these orders of our masters, we may have the honor to
recommend our Ministry and our persons to the high benevolence of your
Imperial Highness."
The Baron de Wassenaar then addressed himself to the Grand Duchess in
the following terms.
"Madam,
"Their High Mightinesses the States-General, our masters, in
accrediting us at the Court of her Imperial Majesty, your august
mother, have also commanded us to assure your Imperial Highness of
their most respectful sentiments, and of the interest, which they will
not cease to take in everything, which may contribute to your
prosperity, and that of your Imperial House. Permit us, Madam, to
recommend ourselves to the precious benevolence of your Imperial
Highness."
The Grand Duke answered, "that nothing could be more agreeable to him,
than to see those Ministers Plenipotentiary acquit themselves happily
of their commission, that to this end he should not fail to support it
as far as should be in his power, as he considered the Republic as the
first ally of the Empire; charging them to write this to their High
Mightinesses as his sincere sentiments."
On the 6th of September the Prince of Prussia arrived, and made a
magnificent entry into the city of Petersburg.
Last night I had a letter from M. Dumas, at the Hague, dated the 3d of
October, in which he writes, that a courier had arrived from their
Plenipotentiaries at Petersburg, with despatches, which take away all
plausible pretext from the temporisers, for delaying the accession of
the Republic to the armed neutrality; that according to appearances,
the Emperor, the Kings of Prussia and Portugal would accede to it
likewise, and that all would agree in a maritime code, which should be
useful to all for the future.
But this intelligence is so general, and has the air of being so
conjectural, that I know not how much dependence is to be had upon it.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, October 5th, 1780.
Sir,
I have no other information to give Congress respecting the execution
of my new commission, except that I have been busily occupied ever
since my receipt of it, in making the most particular inquiries I
could concerning the best house, the best terms, &c. I shall delay
finishing any contracts with any house for a little while, in hopes of
Mr Laurens' arrival with a commission as Minister Plenipotentiary. If
he does not arrive in a reasonable time, I shall proceed as well as I
can.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, October 11th, 1780.
Sir,
It may serve to let Congress into the springs and motives which
actuate this Republic, to be furnished with the following sketch of
the Constitution, so far as it respects the authority of the
Stadtholder.
"The seven Provinces of the Low Countries, formerly fiefs of the
German Empire, but now for near two centuries so strictly united and
confederated by the celebrated treaty of Utrecht, were before their
union long governed by Dukes, Earls, Bishops, and other Lords, who
with a limited power were the sovereigns of them. When this country
fell to the house of Burgundy, and afterwards to that of Austria,
these princes in their own absence, established here Stadtholders or
Governors, to whom they were obliged to give ample powers. These
Stadtholders or Lieutenants had the administration of government, and
presided in the courts of justice, the department of which was not
then confined to judge of the law-suits of the citizens, but extended
itself to affairs of State, in which the States themselves had little
to do under the last Earls, who did not consult them, but when there
was a question concerning taxes, or the safety of navigation and the
fishery, and when it was necessary for such purposes to raise money.
"The Stadtholders also took an oath to the States, by which they
promised to maintain their fundamental laws and their privileges; at
the inauguration of Princes, they received their oath at the same time
with the States of the Provinces of which they were Stadtholders.
"It was upon this footing that William the First, Prince of Orange,
was made Governor and Lieutenant-General of Holland, Zealand, and
Utrecht, by Philip the Second, when he was upon his departure for
Spain. This commission is dated the 9th of August, 1559. It contains
among other things, 'We establish him in the state of Governor and
Lieutenant-General of our counties of Holland, of Zealand, of the
country of Utrecht, West Friesland, Voorne and the Brille, lands
adjacent and annexed to our said Earldoms of Holland and Zealand.' The
troubles arising soon after, he accomplished in 1576 a particular
union between Holland and Zealand, the States of which conferred upon
him as far as in them lay, the sovereign authority for all the time
that these two Provinces should be at war and in arms, as the former
had invested him with the same authority the year before.
"In 1581, the same thing was repeated by Holland, and soon after by
Zealand; and in 1584, already elected Earl of Holland upon certain
conditions, ---- he would have been invested with the sovereignty in
all its forms, if he had not been assassinated by a villain hired and
set to work by the Court of Spain. During the troubles, the States
declared more than once, that they acknowledged the Prince of Orange
in quality of their Governor-General, and Lieutenant of the King, in
the Provinces of Holland, Zealand, West Friesland, and Utrecht, upon
the same footing as these offices had been conferred upon him by his
Majesty, there having been since no change or alteration of anything,
which was conformable to the laws and customs of the country. Holland
was the first, which in 1575, gave him a greater authority, but we do
not find anywhere that the States ever declared him Stadtholder in
their name; and Maurice, his son, ought to be considered as the first
Governor and Stadtholder of their creation. His first instructions are
extant; they were very confined; but they gave him more authority in
1587, after the departure of the Earl of Leicester. His successors in
the Stadtholdership have had no instructions, but only commissions,
and since that time their authority is very much augmented.
"The commission given the 12th of May, 1747, to his Serene Highness,
William the Fourth, father of the present Stadtholder, by the States
of Holland, who conferred upon him, 'The power, the authority, and the
command, to exercise the office of Governor, Captain-General, and
Admiral; to protect, to advance, and to maintain the rights, the
privileges, and the well being of the Province and of its members,
cities and inhabitants, as well as the worship of the true reformed
Christian religion, such as it is taught in the public churches, and
to preserve and defend it against all molestation, oppression,
disorder, disunion, detriment and damage. Moreover, to administer
justice in the said Province of Holland and West Friesland, to obtain
and duly to grant the provisions of justice to all those who shall
require it, and to put them in execution, the whole, as far as regards
the affairs of justice, by the advice of the President and Counsellors
of the Court of Holland and West Friesland. To him, moreover, is given
the power of granting, after having taken the advice of the Court of
Justice, letters of grace, remission, pardon, and abolition, provided
the said letters be duly ---- it being well understood, nevertheless,
that they shall not be granted for murders, unpardonable in their
nature, or for enormous crimes committed, ---- or by premeditated
design; and for what concerns the military and the police, to act in
this respect with the approbation of the States and the advice of
their Counsellors and Deputies, conformably to their instructions; to
change the Burgomasters and the Sheriffs of the cities and places of
the Province, as may be convenient, conformably to the privileges of
each city and of each place; moreover, both by land and sea, to watch
over the safety and the good order of places and fortresses of the
Province where there shall be occasion.'
"The conditions upon which William the First was elected Earl of
Holland, are related in the seventh volume of the history of the
country, according to the resolutions of the States of Holland of that
time. The Prince had agreed to them. All the cities of Holland,
excepting Amsterdam and Gonda, had consented to them; and the
Provinces of Zealand and Utrecht would without doubt have followed
this example. These conditions contained among others,
First, That if the Prince contravened in any points, and did not
redress the grievances at the requisitions of the States, these should
be free from all engagements to him, and should have a right to
provide of themselves for the government. Secondly, That after the
death of the Prince, such of his sons as the States should judge the
most capable, should be made Earl on the same footing. Thirdly, That
the Prince should engage himself by oath to the observation of these
conditions stipulated, and that the States on their part should do the
same towards him.
"In the preamble of the acts, by which the States confer the sovereign
authority upon Prince William the First, is found these remarkable
words, which are there laid down for a fundamental rule. 'That all
Republics and communities ought to preserve and maintain themselves,
and fortify themselves by unanimity, which cannot take place among so
many members often different in will and in sentiments; it was by
consequence necessary that the government should be conferred upon one
single chief.' From the establishment of the Republic, the good
politicians and the greatest part of the inhabitants of these
Provinces have regarded the Stadtholderian government as an essential
part of the constitution. Accordingly, it has not been but twice
without a Stadtholder, that is to say, from the year of 1650 to 1672,
and again from the month of March, 1702, to April, 1747.
"The Stadtholdership has not been interrupted in Friesland, nor in the
Provinces of Groningen and Ommelanden; but heretofore, the power of
the Stadtholders of these two Provinces whose ancient instructions are
to be found in Aitzema and elsewhere, although they have no place at
present, was confined in more narrow bounds, and until William the
Fourth, there never was a Stadtholder of all the seven Provinces
together.
"The Stadtholdership, and the offices of Captain-General and
Admiral-General of each of the seven Provinces of the country of
Drenthe, and of the generality, are at present hereditary, not only in
the male line, but also in the female. The Stadtholder cannot declare
war, nor make peace, but he has, in quality of Captain-General, the
command in chief of all the forces of the State, and the military men
are obliged to obey him in all that regards the military service. He
is not restrained by instructions, and he disposes of the patents, an
article very important in all that concerns the military.