event, the Russian declaration. Even the opposition seems afraid to
lay it open, in all its terrors, to the people. They repeat the word
neutrality, neutrality, but it is as decisive a determination against
them, as a declaration of war would have been, perhaps more so,
because now there is a probability that the maritime powers will be
unanimous, whereas in the other case they might have been divided. It
is very surprising, that the peace between Russia and the Turk, and
that between the Emperor and the King of Prussia, (in which the
Empress of Russia took a part as spirited and decided as she has upon
this occasion, in both of which negotiations the British ministry
ought to have known that Russia and France acted in perfect concert,)
should not have earlier dissipated their golden visions, but so it is,
and so it has been; England, as Governor Pownal says, cannot or will
not see. The improvement in the law of nations, which the Empress aims
at, and will undoubtedly establish, is hurtful to England, it is true,
to a very great degree, but it is beneficial to all other nations, and
to none more than the United States of America, who will be carriers,
and I hope forever neutrals.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, April 28th, 1780.
Sir,
The news from Hamburg of the 11th of April is, that "the Sieur de
Geoss, the Minister of the Empress of Russia, near the circle of the
Lower Saxony, has communicated to the Magistracy of that city a
declaration, which his Sovereign has made to the three Courts at war,
for the maintenance of the free navigation of neutrals; and we learn,
that the same notification has been made to the Regencies of Lubec and
Bremen, on the part of this Sovereign; who, without ceasing to observe
a neutrality between the Courts actually at war, considers the liberty
of the seas as a common good of all nations, which different
particulars ought not to interrupt."
The news from London of the 18th of April is, "the term of three weeks
is fixed for receiving an answer to the answer of the Memorial, which
Sir Joseph Yorke has presented to their High Mightinesses, the
States-General, expired last Thursday; they have published yesterday a
Declaration, against the United Provinces, of which here follows the
translation."
"The Resolution taken at a Council held at St James the 17th of April,
1780, in presence of his Majesty. Since Great Britain has been brought
involuntarily into a war against France and Spain, the Ambassador of
the King to the States-General of the United Provinces has presented
several Memorials for demanding the succors stipulated by the
treaties. These representations, although repeated in the most
pressing manner by the Memorial of the 21st of March, have remained
without answer, and their High Mightinesses have not manifested an
intention to oppose them. By delaying thus to fulfil engagements the
most positive, she deserts the alliance, which has subsisted so long
between the Crown of Great Britain and the Republic, and places
herself on a level with neutral powers, which are not connected with
this kingdom by any treaty. The principles of wisdom and equity
prescribe, by consequence, to the King no longer to consider the
States but in the distant relation in which they have placed
themselves; and his Majesty having taken this subject into
consideration, has thought fit, by the advice of his privy council, to
put in execution immediately the measures, which have been formerly
annexed by the Memorial of the 21st of March last, and which had been
previously suggested to the Count de Welderen, the Envoy Extraordinary
and Plenipotentiary of the Republic, by a verbal declaration of Lord
Stormont, one of the Secretaries of State, nearly two months before
the presentation of said Memorial. For these causes the King, with the
advice of his Council, declares, that the subjects of the United
Provinces shall henceforward be considered on the footing of neutral
powers, who are not privileged by treaties. His Majesty suspends by
these presents, conditionally, and until further order, all the
particular stipulations designed to favor in time of war the liberty
of the navigation and commerce of the subjects of the States-General,
such as they are expressed in the different treaties, which subsist
between his Majesty and the Republic, and especially in the Marine
Treaty concluded between Great Britain and the United Provinces at
London on the 1st day of December, 1674.
"His Majesty, animated by a sentiment of humanity, and willing to
spare the interest of individuals, and not seeking their damage by an
act of surprise, declares, moreover, with the advice of his Council,
that the execution of the present ordinances shall not take place but
at the following epochs, to wit; in the Channel and in the northern
seas, twelve days after this date; from the Channel and the northern
seas, as far as the Canary Islands, inclusively, both on the ocean and
in the Mediterranean; the term shall be six weeks, reckoning from the
date of these presents; it shall be of three months from the Canary
Islands to the equinoctial line or the equator; and, finally, of six
months to the parts situated beyond the equator, and, in general, in
all the other parts of the world without exception, and without any
more particular determination of time or place."
_Hague, April the 23d._ The Report of the Committee of the Province of
Groningen, confirmed by the approbation of the States of the same
Province, has been presented to the Assembly of their High
Mightinesses. Here follow the contents.
"Noble and Mighty Lords,
"In compliance with the resolution of your Noble Mightinesses of the
31st of March last, in consequence of which was presented into the
hands of the Committee of your Noble Mightinesses, the Report
presented the 17th of February, by the deputies of their High
Mightinesses to their Assembly, who had examined that which passed
between Commodore Byland and the English Commodore Fielding, after the
relation sent the 5th of January, by the Count de Welderen to
Secretary Fagel, and after having heard and collected upon this
subject the opinions of the Committees present of the colleges of the
Admiralty respectively, purporting, among other things, that for the
future, all merchandises, which the treaties do not positively declare
to be contraband, ought, without any exception, to be under the convoy
and protection of the State; the Committees have the honor to report
to your Noble Mightinesses, that,
"From the commencement of the present troubles, this State has not
only done all that which his Britannic Majesty, grounding himself upon
the law and the treaties, could require of the Republic, but, at the
same time, has relinquished some of the prerogatives, which
incontestably belonged to it; that, instead of experiencing on the
part of England the reciprocation of a treatment thus friendly, the
Republic has seen itself cruelly undeceived, as a great number of
ships belonging to its inhabitants have been seized by the privateers,
and even by the men-of-war of the King of England; ships with their
cargoes, or at least one of them, declared lawful prize; violence
having even been employed on many occasions against our crews, without
our having been able to obtain the least indemnification or
satisfaction for such grievances, notwithstanding all the repeated
complaints and representations to that effect; that the expedition of
Commodore Fielding appeared to have been made in conformity to
positive orders; that thereby the flags of the States had been
notoriously insulted, and the ships under the convoy of Commodore
Byland had been not only carried into England, but had been also there
detained, although it appeared, that their loading did not consist in
contraband goods; that this condescension, to which the Republic was
by no means obliged, had only had disagreeable and dangerous
consequences, both with regard to Great Britain and other powers, as
is proved by the considerations drawn up by the colleges of the
Admiralty respectively. The Committees of your Noble Mightinesses
would be, therefore, of opinion, that from this time forward and for
the future, we ought to take under convoy and the protection of the
State all the merchandises, which the treaties declare not to be
contraband, and that they be so effectually protected, that we may
have no further room to fear for the future, that the least insult
will be committed against the flag of the States, and that, in one
word, as to what remains, we ought, conformably to the treaties
subsisting, to observe an exact neutrality."
The State of Groningen has entirely conformed to the foregoing Report.
_Second Report presented by the same Province._
"Noble and Mighty Lords,
"The Committees of your Noble Mightinesses, in compliance with the
Resolution of the 26th of November and the 2d of December of the last
year, as well as of the 23d of March last, after an examination of the
three Memoirs presented by Sir Joseph Yorke, Ambassador Extraordinary
of his Britannic Majesty, on the 22d of July and the 26th of November,
1779, and on the 20th of March last, to their High Mightinesses,
demanding, by the first, the succors stipulated by the treaty of 1674;
insisting, in the second, on a catagorical answer; and finally complaining,
in the last, of the combat held by Commodore Byland; on occasion of what
passed with Commodore Fielding, adding thereto,---- instances to the end
to obtain before the expiration of three weeks a satisfactory answer
concerning the succors demanded, since otherwise, his Majesty would
regard this Republic on the footing of neutral powers no ways favored
by treaties, and would conditionally suspend all the treaties, and
particularly that of 1674, and would treat the Republic according to
the ordinary law of nations; after having also examined several
letters, and other pieces annexed, successively transmitted by the
Count de Welderen, Envoy Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of their
High Mightinesses to His Britannic Majesty, they have the honor to
report to your Noble Mightinesses, that after having maturely
reflected upon what relates to the points in question, their advice
will be, that in answer to the said three Memorials of Sir Joseph
Yorke, Ambassador Extraordinary, it ought to be replied,
"That their High Mightinesses during the troubles subsisting, which
undoubtedly drew their origin from America, and from thence, by an
ulterior extension of the war, have spread themselves in Europe, have,
by observing an exact neutrality, giving to his Britannic Majesty the
most unfeigned proofs of their attachment and of their affection, even
beyond their obligations, by a condescension, to which they were by no
means obliged towards England, but the consequences of which have
been, besides the prejudice thereby occasioned to the commerce and
navigation of this country, that there has arisen a marked
dissatisfaction, although by no means provoked, of the belligerent
powers; and, in particular, the preparations made at the same time by
land could not but excite the most serious attention of their High
Mightinesses, to the end that they might, without interruption, not
deprive themselves of the means indispensably necessary, both for
their own preservation and defence, by granting the succors demanded;
that they ought rather to think of demanding themselves, in
consequence of the aforementioned treaties, the succors, which would
be so necessary to them, upon the least apprehension of the
continuance of the same preparations. That their High Mightinesses,
founded upon good reasons, as well as upon the favorable declarations
of his Majesty so often reiterated, ought to have expected a
reciprocal affection and a friendly treatment towards the Republic, at
least, that he would not have disputed a right, stipulated clearly by
the most solemn treaties, and of which, so soon after the conclusion
of the treaty of 1674, even before the war was entirely finished, the
subjects of his Majesty, to the detriment of this country, make so
free a use.
"Their High Mightinesses, penetrated with the most lively grief, have
nevertheless perceived, that so far from their good intentions and
proceedings having operated to any happy effect, it has happened, on
the contrary, that several acts diametrically opposed to justice, have
been authorised and executed by connivance, under the illusory pretext
of opposition even to the same connivance, and this, in spite of
multiplied efforts employed by the Republic to obviate such abuses;
that, moreover, the rencounter between Commodore Fielding and
Commodore Byland is of a nature, that according to the law of nations,
the flag of a sovereign power being, in fact, everywhere sacred, the
declaration made by the Count de Byland, an officer commanding in
chief a squadron in the name of the Republic whereof he is a subject,
ought to have been regarded as authentic, and to have stopped at once
all suspicions, and destroyed the intelligence falsely given; from
whence it follows, that the said Commodore Byland has not undertaken
anything, but for the maintenance and protection of the honor and
respect due to the flag of the State; while the seizure and detention
of the ships are equally a part of those objects, concerning which,
their High Mightinesses ought also to demand a satisfaction convenient
to his Majesty, as well as a declaration unequivocal for the time to
come; adding, at the same time, that, after a mature consideration
upon the situation in which the Republic is at present, their High
Mightinesses are perfectly acquainted with the succors demanded by his
Britannic Majesty."
The States of the Province of Groningen have conformed themselves to
the report before mentioned.
_Hague, 22d of April._ "We learn that the Province of Gueldres has
determined to grant unlimited convoys, and, at the same time, to
refuse the succors demanded by Great Britain; by means of which, the
Seven United Provinces are actually of one unanimous sentiment upon
this object."
_Hague, 23d of April._ "We learn, that the deputies of the Province of
Holland have already been instructed to carry to the Assembly of the
States-General, the opinion of their high constituents concerning the
invitation, which the Prince de Gallitzin, Envoy of the Empress of
Russia, has made in the name of her Majesty, to their High
Mightinesses, to protect in concert the navigation of the neuters; and
that this opinion, announced in a resolution of the State of the
Province, bearing date the 13th of April, tends to accept the
invitation in terms full of attachment and gratitude, declaring, 'that
their High Mightinesses regard the communication, which has been made
to them, as a signal token of the benevolence of her Majesty towards
the Republic; that they honor it, and believe it to be their duty to
answer it with sincerity and cordiality; that they consider it also as
a new proof of the magnanimity and the justice of her Majesty, which
are universally acknowledged, both the end which she proposes and the
measures she has projected to maintain in the present war, a
neutrality the most rigorous between the belligerent powers, and for
protecting, not only the honor of the Russian flag, and the safety of
the commerce and navigation of her subjects, in not permitting that
any of the belligerent powers should strike at it; but also, by
establishing by her cares the liberties and repose of Europe upon
foundations the most solid, of equity, the law of nations, and the
treaties subsisting, and to give validity to an equitable system of
navigation and of commerce in favor of the neutral powers; that their
High Mightinesses, desiring to observe with her Imperial Majesty in
the present war a scrupulous neutrality, have but too much experienced
the losses to which the navigation and commerce of neutral nations are
exposed by the uncertain and fluctuating ideas of the belligerent
powers with regard to the rights of neuters, in proportion as they are
guided by their private interest and by the operations of the war;
that their High Mightinesses judge with her Imperial Majesty, that it
is of the last necessity that this law should be fixed upon solid
principles, and maintained in concert by the neutral maritime powers;
that for what concerns the determination of the said right, their High
Mightinesses conform themselves entirely to the five points contained
in the declaration, which her Majesty has made to the Courts of
Versailles, Madrid, and London; that after her example, they are ready
to transmit parallel ---- to the belligerent powers, and that they are
very much disposed to enter into conferences with her Majesty and the
other neutral powers, upon the measures by which the liberty of
navigation and commerce may be maintained in concert, in a manner the
most efficacious, both for the future and for the present, observing,
at the same time, an exact neutrality among the belligerent powers.'
"The same opinion tends also to cause to be transmitted the copy of
such a resolution, not only to the Prince de Gallitzin, Envoy of her
Majesty to the Republic, but also to M. de Swart, Resident of their
High Mightinesses at Petersburg, and to their Ministers at the Courts
of Copenhagen, Stockholm, and Lisbon, with orders to these last to
second, as far as possible, the proceedings of the Court of Russia,
and to act in concert with the Ministers of her Imperial Majesty, &c."
Congress will be able to draw just inferences from these important
papers of State.
The principle, which the English contend for, has no other foundation
but the insular situation of Great Britain, and the convenience of
that nation. The principle, which the neutral powers are contending
for, is evidently laid in the common good of nations; in the ease,
safety, convenience, happiness, and prosperity of mankind in general.
But we shall see, whether obstinacy and fierce passions will, at
length, give way in one instance. At present there is no appearance of
it. On the contrary, I see no way for the English to escape a war with
Holland and Russia, Denmark and Sweden, and, perhaps, Portugal, unless
they should be interrupted in their career by a war with one another
at home.
When, where, or in what manner, we shall see the unravelling of the
vast plot, which is acting in the world, is known only to Providence.
Although my mind has been full twenty years preparing to expect great
scenes, yet I confess the wonders of this Revolution exceed all that
I ever foresaw, or imagined. That our country, so young as it is, so
humble as it is, thinking but lately so meanly of itself, should thus
interest the passions, as well as employ the reason of all mankind, in
its favor, and effect in so short a space of time, not only thirteen
revolutions of government at home, but so completely accomplish a
revolution in the system of Europe, and in the sentiments of every
nation in it, is what no human wisdom, perhaps, could foresee.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, April 29th, 1780.
Sir,
Walsingham sailed from St Helens the 8th with the Thunderer, the
Ramilies, the Berwick, and the Egmont, of seventyfour guns, the
Scarborough, of twenty, and the fire-ships, the Blast and the
Salamander; only four ships of the line. On the 11th Admiral Graves
followed him, with the London, of ninetyeight guns, the Bedford, the
Shrewsbury, the Royal Oak, of seventyfour, the Prudent, and the
America, of sixtyfour, and the Amphitrite, of twentyfour; these, with
the four of Admiral Rodney, make fourteen ships of the line. Admiral
Parker, it is said, has not more than nine fit for service, which will
make twentythree, supposing that Graves has the same destination. Many
people, however, believe he is going to Canada, in order to be
beforehand of the fleet of Brest, which the English suppose has
designs upon that Province. My intelligence from London is, however,
that Graves is intended for the North American station, perhaps New
York or Georgia. But the orders to Graves were so suddenly determined
on and given, that there has not yet been time to discover with
certainty his destination.
The accounts are, that Walsingham returned on account of contrary
winds with his numerous fleet of merchant ships to Plymouth; that he
sailed again on the 13th, and after sailing twenty leagues, with a
good wind, he returned a second time, imagining that he saw a French
fleet of men-of-war. The winds have been generally contrary since, and
we have not yet a certain account of his sailing a third time.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, April 29th, 1780.
Sir,
The principal officers named for the command of the English fleet in
the English Channel, are Sir Charles Hardy, Admiral of the White,
Commander in Chief; Vice Admiral, Admiral Barrington, of the Blue,
second; Vice Admiral Darby, of the Blue, third; and Rear Admiral
Digby, of the Blue, fourth.
The next day after the departure of the fleet of Commodore Walsingham,
the London, of ninetyeight guns, commanded by Admiral Graves, the
Shrewsbury, the Royal Oak, of seventyfour, the America, the Prudent,
of sixtyfour, and the Amphitrite, of twentyfour, having set sail from
St Helens, and the Resolution as well as the Invincible of
seventyfour, intended as part of the squadron, the crews of the two
last vessels refused to sail until they should be paid their wages,
and have received their shares of the prize of the Protée. The
eleventh of the month, the Resolution, Commodore Ogle, set sail to
join Admiral Graves, the crew having at length consented to serve,
when they saw their ship surrounded by other vessels, ready to fire
upon her by order of Lord Longford. The crew of the Invincible had
more obstinacy, and Admiral Pye was forced to send on board the
Captains Balfour, Duncan, Holt, and Barkner, to persuade them to
return to their duty. These officers called up upon deck the mutinous
sailors, whom they harangued, and to whom they represented, that the
act of Parliament, to regulate the payment of wages on board the
men-of-war, did not authorise them to require more than one month's
advance. They did not however submit, and the captains having
observed, that among them there were, above all, four more remarkably
obstinate, sent them to the Admiral, who put them in irons. The next
day the Admiral ordered Captain Faulkner to tell his people, that if
they would submit, he would restore the four men whom they had
arrested. This proposition was not listened to, and it was not until
the 14th, that Rear Admiral Graves set sail from St Helens, without
this last vessel.
The Admiralty has sent orders to Portsmouth for a court martial upon
the most mutinous of the crew of the Invincible, and it is expected,
that as examples, some of them must lose their lives.
I have before informed Congress of a resolution of the County of York
against the American war. This has been since repeated by the
freeholders of the County of Surry, at a meeting held at Epsom the
14th of April. Mr Nicholls, in an able speech, proposed the following
resolution, which was unanimously adopted. "That the American war
originating from the corrupt influence of the Crown, and the ill
founded assertions of the King's Ministers in Parliament, is the cause
of the present calamitous situation of this country." This resolution
was unanimously adopted. He then recommended a second resolution
similar to that of the freeholders of Yorkshire, condemning the
continuance of offensive operations in America, which was likewise
carried unanimously.
Mr Budgen then moved a third resolution for thanking those members of
Parliament, who had uniformly reprobated the American war, which was
likewise carried without opposition.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
_P. S._ Since the above was written, I have found a resolution of the
County of Hertford, of the 17th of April.
"Resolved unanimously, that the opinion of the present assembly is,
that a war against North America is evidently a measure, which, by
obliging us to carry all our forces to that quarter, puts us out of a
condition to resist with vigor, as we might otherwise do, the united
efforts of France and Spain, while the said war produces no other
effect upon the Americans than to add to the enmity, which has but too
long subsisted between us. An enmity, of which we have felt the fatal
effects, and which, by putting an obstacle to our union, threatens
England with a ruin as complete as it is inevitable."
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, May 2d, 1780.
Sir,