Most Christian Majesty to the States-General, presented a Memorial to
their High Mightinesses, announcing the abolition of the duty of
fifteen per cent, to which the greatest part of Dutch merchandises had
been subject on their entering into France, as well as the resolution
of the Council of State, taken upon this subject. The following are
the contents of the Memoir and the Resolution.
"High and Mighty Lords,
"The political system of the King is essentially founded upon the
invariable principles of justice and moderation. His Majesty has given
the most unequivocal proofs of it from the beginning of the troubles,
which have arisen between him and the King of England, in pre-engaging
all the neutral powers, by the display of a disposition the most
favorable to their prosperity, and by proposing to them no other
conditions than those of the most absolute impartiality. His Majesty
saw himself, with the most sincere regret, obliged not to acknowledge
this character in the resolution of the States-General, of the 19th of
November, 1778, by which your High Mightinesses suspended the effects
of your protection, relative to one branch of commerce, the liberty of
which was assured to you by the public laws of equity, and the most
precise stipulations of treaties. The King then instructed me to
announce to your High Mightinesses, that if you determined thus to
make the sacrifice of one part of your rights to his enemies, his
Majesty could not preserve to your subjects the advantages
conditionally promised by his last regulation, nor the ancient favors,
which their commerce enjoyed in his States, and which are not the
result of any treaty, but of a hereditary benevolence and affection.
Your High Mightinesses assured his Majesty with earnestness, that you
were decided to observe the most exact neutrality during the
continuance of the troubles between France and England. But if you
announced, that the act, which suspended the effects of the
efficacious protection of the Republic in favor of ships loaded with
ship timber, ought to be regarded as in force until it should be
afterwards confirmed, you declared at the same time, that all
discussion upon this matter ought to be suspended, until after the
deliberations which were to ascertain the convoys.
"His Majesty not perceiving in this new disposition, any real
alteration of intention, thought that he could not avoid setting
bounds to the advantages granted in the different parts of his kingdom
to the Dutch commerce, whilst your High Mightinesses continued to
suspend, in favor of the enemies of his Crown, the exercise of the
rights the most solidly established; but he was pleased to preserve
them to the different members of the Republic in proportion as they
adopted a system, which at the same time that it is conformable to his
views is essentially just. He has applauded the remonstrances of your
High Mightinesses to the Court of London, and the efforts which you
have made to recover the means of restoring to the flag of the United
Provinces its ancient consideration, as well as the positive order,
which you have given to a squadron, to hold itself ready to convoy and
protect all vessels loaded with objects not comprehended among
merchandises of contraband, from the time that unlimited convoys
should be resolved on, and he has constantly desired, that your High
Mightinesses would cease to lay obstacles in the way of the
testimonies of his affection, by attaching yourselves entirely to the
fundamental principles of your interest, informed of your definitive
intentions, in this regard, and assured of the explanation, which your
High Mightinesses are determined to make of their neutrality, by
granting an efficacious and indefinite protection to the commerce and
navigation of your subjects. His Majesty has heard with pleasure the
several representations, which several members of the Union, and
especially the Prince, who is at the head of the Republic, have made
to him relative to the restraints, which the commerce of different
Provinces experiences in the ports of his kingdom, and his Majesty has
ordered me to declare to your High Mightinesses, that he has revoked
by a decree of his Council, of the 22d of April, 1780, an authentic
copy of which I have the honor to present, those of the 14th of
January, the 27th of April, the 5th of June, and the 18th of
September, 1779, but he would not confine himself to re-establish thus
the subjects of your High Mightinesses, in the enjoyment of favors,
which they experienced before the publication of those new laws; in
all the advantages conditionally promised by his regulation,
concerning the commerce and navigation of neuters, he would give them
a signal proof of his benevolence, and he orders me to declare to your
High Mightinesses, that he has ordered the return of all the sums
received by the overseers of his Farms, in virtue of the said decrees,
he flatters himself, that testimonies so important of his affection,
will convince your High Mightinesses, not only that he takes an
interest the most sincere in the prosperity of the United Provinces,
but also that justice, moderation and beneficence form the essential
and invariable basis of his conduct and of his proceedings."
Decree of the King's Council of State of the 22d of April, mentioned
in the foregoing Memorial.
"The King, being informed of the dispositions made by the
States-General of the United Provinces for complying with the
reciprocity required by his regulation of the 26th of July, 1778,
concerning the navigation of neutral vessels, and his Majesty, willing
in consequence of these same dispositions to give a new proof of his
affection to the said United Provinces, is determined to put an end to
the restraints, which the commerce of their subjects have experienced
in his States, to which end, the report being heard, the King being in
his Council, hath ordained, and ordains as follows.
"ARTICLE I. His Majesty has revoked and revokes the decree of his
Council of the 14th January, 1779, which subjected to a duty of
freight the vessels of the said subjects of the States-General of the
United Provinces of the Low Countries; those of the 27th of April and
5th of June, 1779, which establish a new tariff for the objects
proceeding from their growth, fishery, manufacture, and commerce, and
that of the 18th of September, 1779, which prohibits the entry of the
cheeses of North Holland in the kingdom.
"ARTICLE II. His Majesty confirms, in favor of the said subjects of
the States-General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries, the
advantages conditionally promised by the dispositions of his
regulation of the 26th of July, 1778, concerning the navigation of
neutral vessels in time of war.
"ARTICLE III. His Majesty, willing to give to the said subjects of the
States-General a signal proof of his beneficence, has ordained and
ordains a restitution of the sums of money received by the overseers
of his Farms, in virtue of the decrees before mentioned.
"Done in the King's Council of State, the 22d of April, 1780."
The news from the Hague of the 26th of April is, "that the
deliberations of the different Provinces, which compose the Republic,
have been continued these last weeks without interruption, and all the
opinions are unanimously agreed upon three important objects, which
make the matter of them, viz. First, the succor demanded by Great
Britain; secondly, the convoys to be granted to merchant ships;
thirdly, the invitation of the Empress of Russia to accede to an armed
neutrality. The respective States of the seven Provinces have all been
of opinion, first; to excuse themselves from giving the succors
demanded. Secondly; to grant convoys to all merchant ships bearing the
flag of the Republic, whatever may be their cargoes, without any other
exception than that of contraband regulated by treaties. Thirdly; to
accept with gratitude the invitation, and to enter upon this subject
into negotiation, with the Prince de Gallitzin, Envoy Extraordinary of
Her Imperial Majesty.
"We learn, even that the States-General have already taken resolutions
conformable to this opinion. The affair of the attack of the convoy,
commanded by the Count de Byland, does not less engage the attention
of the government of the Republic. The States of the Province of
Holland and of West Friesland have already formed upon this subject
the instruction, which they have directed their deputies to carry to
the Assembly of their High Mightinesses; it tends, in substance, to
represent to the Court of London, 'that their High Mightinesses are by
no means satisfied with the answer of Lord Stormont, given the 16th of
March, to the just representations of their High Mightinesses
concerning the violence done to their convoy, inasmuch as this answer
only serves to cast upon them, by strained arguments, the blame of
that which happened, and to represent, against all truth, their
officer as having been the aggressor. That their High Mightinesses, as
well to justify themselves in the eyes of all Europe, as to convince,
if it is possible, Great Britain, have thought it their duty to
represent further, that naval stores not being merchandises of
contraband according to the express letter of the treaties, their
visitation and detention, made by order, especially under the flag of
their High Mightinesses, is a direct attack of their flag, as well as
of their independence and sovereignty. That, as to the allegation of
the treaty of 1674, made by Lord Stormont, concerning the visit of
merchandises suspected, the contrary of what he advances appears in a
manner the most evident, by the simple reading of the treaty. That the
nature of a convoy rendering all visits unnecessary, the articles
fifth and sixth of this treaty confine themselves manifestly to single
ships, from which, nevertheless, they cannot in this require more than
the exhibition of their sea letters, and with regard to vessels
detained for an enemy's port, that of their passports; that thus the
conduct of Commodore Fielding, approved by his Majesty, implies an
open violation of this treaty; by consequence, neither the orders of
their High Mightinesses, nor the act of their officer charged with
their execution, having done any injury to the treaties, nor any
hostilities having been committed on their part, but Commodore
Fielding having employed, for the execution of his orders, the force
of arms against the convoy of the Republic, there does not exist the
least cause of complaint on the part of his Majesty; but on the part
of their High Mightinesses, they have had the most just reason of
complaint, and that they ought to insist still (as their High
Mightinesses do insist, in the manner the most serious,) upon a
satisfaction and a suitable reparation, as well as upon the release,
without further form of process, of the merchant ships and their
cargoes sailing under the convoy of the Republic, detained by force
and violence contrary to the tenor of treaties, and condemned by the
Judge of the Court of Admiralty with the same injustice, with which
they were attacked by Commodore Fielding, taken, and carried into
England. That conformably to these principles, the Count de Welderen
shall be charged to give a reply to Lord Stormont, and to support it
the most effectually, as often as he shall judge it to be further
useful, &c.'
"If, on one side, the desire of the Republic to preserve an exact
impartiality in the present troubles of Europe, draws upon her the
displeasure of Great Britain, on the other side, she sees an end put
to those restraints which France had laid on her commerce.
"The Royal College of the Admiralty of Stockholm, has sent to all the
agents and consuls, who reside in foreign countries, an ordinance, by
which it is announced to all masters of Swedish ships, that necessary
convoys would be given for the protection of the commerce of the
subjects of this kingdom."
It is quite unnecessary for me to observe to Congress, that all these
political and maritime commotions tend either to peace, or to the full
employment of all the forces of our enemy, and, consequently, to our
liberty and tranquillity.
The general run of speculations and of conversation throughout Europe
is upon peace. It seems the general opinion, that Great Britain will
not venture upon so many dangers as lie all around her. I wish I could
bring myself to think so, but I confess I cannot as yet. Signal
success on the part of the allies might compel them to it; but signal
success in favor of the English would urge them giddily on, no one can
say to what lengths.
There is a speculative article from Brussels, the 25th of April, that
is worth transmitting to Congress. "The news from Holland speaks of
nothing but the sensation, which the declaration of Russia has
produced. The greatest part of the Provinces, which have already given
their opinions upon the Memorials of Sir Joseph Yorke, to excuse
themselves from furnishing England with the succors demanded, have
been eager to declare, that the proposition of the Court of Russia
could not be more advantageous than in the present circumstances, and
that it ought to be accepted. The English party is very much
disconcerted by this event, which brings forward a new order of
things; this party strives to excite a fear, that the difference of
the principles established by particular treaties among the neutral
powers respectively and the belligerent powers, will form an obstacle
to the execution of a plan so salutary, which may serve forever as a
rule in this matter. We know, that among the belligerent powers,
France has always thought that it was just to leave a freedom of
navigation to neutral powers; it is well known, that she has a long
time respected this liberty, and that if she has afterwards made
regulations, which restrain that of Holland, it was because she has
been forced to it, because it was very natural that she should seek to
stop the vessels bound to the ports of England, when this nation made
no scruple to stop those which were bound to hers. And it is well
known, too, that she never took his part until after she had employed
the method of representation to determine the Hollanders to protect
their own commerce.
Spain appears equally determined to use no more methods of rigor and
severity towards the vessels of the Republic. There is only England,
who appears to oppose the general wish, and she ought to perceive,
that it is her own conduct, which has brought forth the events of
which she complains. If she had had more moderation and justice, the
project of an armed neutrality would not have taken place.
They write from Holland; "We flatter ourselves, that the armed
neutrality may contribute to accelerate peace. It appears hitherto,
that it is England alone, which puts an obstacle to it, and it is
difficult for her to take her part in it. We doubt not that the
independence of America, which perhaps is already tacitly acknowledged
by all the Courts of Europe, will be the fundamental basis of an
accommodation. England at the same time will be forced to announce a
pretended pre-eminence of flag, equally contrary to the laws of
nations, and to the first notions of common sense. The general liberty
of the seas, the re-establishment of the respective possessions in the
State in which there were before hostilities, perhaps the restitution
of Gibraltar to its natural masters, and the adoption of the maritime
code proposed by Russia, will be most probably the necessary
consequences of the peace."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, May 3d, 1780.
Sir,
The substance of a cartel for a general exchange of prisoners, made
upon the sea between France and England, has been published; it was
signed at Versailles the 12th of March last, by M. le Hor, one of the
principal clerks of the office of the Marine, authorised to this
purpose by the King, and at London the 28th of the same month, by
Messrs John Bell, Walter Farquharson, P. Corbett, and Robert Lulman,
Commissioners of the King of England. This treaty, equally useful to
the two nations, dictated by sentiments, which do honor to the powers
at war, and to humanity, will it is said be distinguished by the true
philosophers, who prefer a useful operation to folio volumes, which
talk of morals and humanity. The most perfect equality and reciprocity
is established.
"The prisoners shall be exchanged man for man, according to their rank
and qualities, or for a certain number of men as equivalent, or for
certain sums of money in form of ransoms. A French Vice Admiral shall
be exchanged against an English Admiral, having command; a Lieutenant
General against an Admiral carrying his flag at ----. A Vice Admiral,
commanding a squadron, against a Rear Admiral; the Captains of ships
commanding divisions, or having the rank of Brigadiers against
Commodores; the Captains of ships having the rank of Colonels against
Post Captains of three years standing, whose rank answers to that of
Colonels; the Lieutenants of vessels commanding frigates, from twenty
to fifty guns, and having the rank of Lieutenant Colonels against all
other Post Captains who have the same rank; the Lieutenants of vessels
of the rank of Majors against the Masters and Commanders, or Captains
who are not Post Captains; all the other Lieutenants of vessels
against Lieutenants without distinction; the Captains of fire ships of
the rank of Captains of infantry, Ensigns of vessels of the rank of
Captains of infantry, Lieutenants of frigates, or Captains of pinks,
on establishment or for a campaign, and having the same rank, against
Lieutenants, and in want of these, against Midshipmen; the Gardes du
Pavillon against Midshipmen; the Marine officers and subalterns
against those of the same denomination or of equal rank; the
respective equivalent for all the ranks in men and in money, is from
sixty men, or sixty pounds sterling, descending to pence, to two men,
or two pounds sterling; the sailors are to be exchanged man for man,
and the equivalent is one pound sterling; the same gradation is to be
observed for the officers of the Marine, and officers of land forces
serving as marines, and land officers not serving on board the
vessels, but taken at sea, as well as the common soldiers. Every three
months there shall be stated accounts of exchanges, conformable to the
foregoing regulations."
They have also ascertained the price per head of the transportation of
prisoners, as well as of their subsistence; they have also regulated
the conditions of the exchange of officers and other prisoners made in
merchant vessels, privateers, or others, which are not the King's
ships. Passengers, not being in the service of land or sea, when they
shall have been taken, no matter in what vessel, shall not be regarded
as prisoners, but shall be set at liberty, without being put into the
accounts of exchanges, when they shall have proved that they are in
the case of the exception. All persons, no matter of what
denomination, who shall be shipwrecked in any vessel whatsoever, at
least, if it is not in attempting to land, or in protecting some
depredation upon the coast or in the islands of one or the other of
the two kingdoms, shall be immediately set at liberty, and shall be
furnished with the means of returning to their respective countries,
as well as with clothing, if they have need of it, as soon as their
situation shall be known, and the measures necessary for the purpose
can be taken.
I have the honor to be, with respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
FROM ELBRIDGE GERRY TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, May 5th, 1780.
Dear Sir,
The resolutions of Congress for calling in and cancelling the two
hundred millions of dollars emitted by them, have in general been well
received. The depreciation is stopped, and specie, which before the
passing of the Resolves, was sold for upwards of seventy for one, is
now current at sixty, and has been lately at fiftyfive. The advantage
of this plan will be greatest to the landholder, inasmuch as the
national debt, including certificates and foreign demands, does not
now exceed five millions sterling, which is but a trifling sum
compared with the £200,000,000 sterling due from Great Britain.
Another benefit resulting from it, is a supply of five millions of
dollars, of the new emission, every dollar of which is equal to forty
dollars of the old emission. Indeed this must be called in before that
can be realised; nevertheless there is a greater demand among all
ranks for continental money, than there has been since the
commencement of the war, and specie is no longer hoarded by the
disaffected or timid.
With respect to our resources, Congress are at present much in want of
money, and it is a happy circumstance, for their economy is in
proportion to their wants. The demands on the treasury are generally
answered by warrants on the several States, which are careful by some
means or other to discharge the drafts. The taxes are rendered very
heavy, but the collection goes on, and I doubt not the army will be
well fed and paid. Military stores and clothing must, however, be
procured on credit in Europe, as well as a considerable loan to serve
as a fund for drawing on in case of necessity. Trade and privateering
are brisk, and there is a plenty of goods of every kind excepting
military, but no money to purchase them. This is easily accounted for,
since the whole sum in circulation, as Congress have fixed it, is only
five million dollars. Our privateers and commerce have nevertheless
suffered much by the cruisers of the enemy, who have the command of
the seacoast.
It is much to be wished, that the Court of France would order a
squadron superior to the enemy, to be stationed in some part of the
United States, as the best and only means of putting a speedy end to
the war. It is almost impossible to conceive the havoc, that our
privateers made of the enemy's cruisers and transports, during the
time that the Count d'Estaing was at Rhode Island and Charleston. But
our losses at present nearly equal our captures. Indeed that very
worthy officer, aware of those and other advantages, ordered the Count
de Grasse to be stationed at the Chesapeake, but his plan was defeated
by the tempestuousness of the weather. Had the latter arrived with his
squadron, Charleston would not have been besieged, and three or four
of our frigates, which are now in Ashley's River, and will probably be
destroyed, would have been employed in intercepting the enemy's
transports.
I forgot to mention a resolution of Congress to pay off the
continental certificates, according to the value of money at the time
of their being respectively issued. This is but justice, and will
undoubtedly be satisfactory to foreigners. Bills of exchange are now
at fortyfive for one, and will be higher in consequence of the great
risk of sending vessels from the Eastern States to the Southern for
produce.
I am, &c.
ELBRIDGE GERRY.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, May 8th, 1780.
Sir,
The proceedings of the United Provinces of the Low Countries are at
this period so much attended to by mankind, and are likely to have
such extensive and lasting consequences to us as well as to Europe,
that Congress will excuse my troubling them with them in detail,
however dry and unentertaining they may be.
_Hague, April 30th, 1780._ "We learn that their Noble and Grand
Mightinesses, the States of Holland and West Friesland, have taken a
resolution which had been universally adopted, and that it had been
written to the Count de Welderen, Minister of their High Mightinesses
at the Court of London, to there represent,