the true situation of Europe, of Great Britain, Ireland, and America.
From this statement, his immediate conclusion should have been open
conferences for peace; make peace with all the world, upon the best
terms you can. This is the only chance you have for salvation. It must
come to this very soon; otherwise, there will be a total dissolution
of the British Empire.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, April 24th, 1780.
Sir,
There is intelligence from Stockholm of the 4th of this month, that
"the Envoy Extraordinary of the Empress of Russia has given notice to
that Court, of the declaration made by his sovereign, as well to the
States-General of the United Provinces as to the powers actually at
war, demanding, at the same time, that Sweden would accede to it, and
to this end join herself to Russia, by augmenting the Swedish marine,
to the end, to concur by this means, in the maintenance of a
neutrality. Although this Court appears very well inclined to enter
into the views of Russia, nevertheless, it is thought, that before
anything will be decided upon this object, she will previously give
notice of it to the Court of France. In the meantime, the Minister of
Russia at this Court has received orders to treat directly of this
affair, as well with the Prince de Gallitzin, Envoy Extraordinary of
her Imperial Majesty to their High Mightinesses, as with the other
Ministers of that Court residing at the neutral Courts."
There is also intelligence from Ratisbon of the 13th of April, that
"M. Struxe, Counsellor of the Legislation from Russia, has
communicated there by order of his Court the declaration made by his
sovereign to the belligerent powers, to the end to make her flag be
respected, and to protect the commerce and navigation of her subjects;
and that, in consequence, orders had already been despatched to
Cronstadt and Archangel to equip there a sufficient number of ships of
the line."
There is a paragraph in the Gazette of Amsterdam, of the 21st, from
Paris of the 14th of April. "It is only by conjecture, that we talk of
the plan of the next campaign in Europe; and it is also with the same
uncertainty, that we lend our ear to the report, which runs, that the
Count d'Estaing will command the combined fleet, and even, that the
Count du Chaffault, as well as the Spanish Admirals, have offered to
serve under him. It is pretended, besides, that there may very well be
also some alterations in the progress of our Ministry, if it is true,
as they continue to affirm, that the Count de Parades has been
arrested as a spy of the English Government, to whom he was, in fact,
in a capacity to discover important particulars upon this subject. But
there is another piece of news, to which we give more credit, because,
really, there is no good citizen, nor genuine friend of humanity, who
does not wish to hear it confirmed. It is, that there should be, as it
is said, upon the carpet, a plan concerted between all the maritime
powers of Europe, to the end to form and digest a universal code for
the sea, the laws of which no nation should attempt to infringe,
without devoting herself to the indignation, or exposing herself to
the vengeance, of all the others; an important project, if it could be
executed, which would insure the happiness and tranquillity of
nations, and would set bounds, which could not be passed, to the
audacity, as well as the avarice of any one, which, without any other
right than that of force, should pretend to arrogate to itself the
exclusive empire of the sea."
There is also intelligence from the Hague of the 19th of April, that
there was sent on the 14th of the month to the Assembly of the
States-General of the United Provinces, a Memorial of the following
tenor.
"Their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, the Commissioners of the affairs
of commerce and navigation, conjointly with some counsellors of
Holland, and Ministers of the College of Admiralty residing in this
Province, having, in consequence of a resolution of the 4th of this
month, examined the Memorial presented the day before to the
Generality, by the Prince Gallitzin, Envoy Extraordinary of her
Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, by which the Minister has
communicated a declaration made by his sovereign to the Courts of
France, Spain, and England, that the neutral powers may protect by
common agreement the commerce and navigation of her subjects
respectively, as is more fully explained in the note of the 4th of
April.
"Whereupon having deliberated, their Noble and Grand Mightinesses have
thought fit and resolved, that the affairs be proposed to the
Generality, and that they answer in turn to the before mentioned
Memorial of the Prince de Gallitzin, that their High Mightinesses have
received, with much satisfaction, the communication, which it has
pleased her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, to give them of her
designs, as well as of the declaration, which she has caused to be
made to the said Courts; that their High Mightinesses regard this
communication as the most convincing proof of the benevolence of her
Majesty for this Republic, and holding themselves honored by it, they
think themselves, consequently, obliged in all respects to give her a
cordial and positive answer; that their High Mightinesses put the
highest value on the new proof, which her Imperial Majesty gives on
this occasion of her generosity and acknowledged equity, as well as on
the project she has conceived, and the means which she has resolved to
employ to obtain the most exact neutrality in the present war with the
belligerent powers, and protect not only the honor of the Russian
flag, as well as the commerce and navigation of her subjects, in not
permitting them to be disturbed by any of the powers at war, but also
to assure the liberty and repose of Europe upon the solid foundations
of the justice of the law of nations and the treaties subsisting, and
thus to consolidate the equitable system of navigation and commerce of
the neutral powers; that their High Mightinesses having nothing more
at heart, than to observe a strict neutrality with her Majesty, the
Empress of Russia, in the present war, but instructed by experience,
in the losses which the commerce and navigation of the neutral powers
have suffered, by the fluctuations and uncertainty of the belligerent
powers in the state of the law of nations, from whence have resulted
to them many inconveniences and great damages occasioned by the
operations of the present war, their High Mightinesses have judged it
necessary, in concert with her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, to fix
this law upon a solid basis, and to request, for this end, the
concurrence of the neutral maritime powers; that, moreover, as to what
concerns the extent and limits of this law, their High Mightinesses
conform themselves wholly to the five points contained in the
declaration of her Imperial Majesty made to the Courts of Versailles,
Madrid, and London, communicated to their High Mightinesses by the
Prince de Gallitzin the third of April of this year, and are,
consequently, ready to make similar declarations to the belligerent
powers, their High Mightinesses being sincerely disposed to enter into
conferences with her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, and other
neutral maritime powers, upon the measures which may be unanimously
taken, to the end to maintain effectually, both for the present era
and for the time to come, the liberty of navigation and commerce, by
observing an exact neutrality between the belligerent powers.
"That the extract of the resolution to be taken be sent by the Agent,
Van den Burch Spuonings, back to the Prince de Gallitzin, Envoy
Extraordinary of her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, to the end
to inform his sovereign, and to employ his good offices to lay before
her this answer in the manner the most favorable; that they ought
also to send a similar extract to M. de Swart, Resident of their High
Mightinesses at the Court of Petersburgh, for his information, with an
injunction to co-operate, as far as shall depend upon him, to the
success of the salutary intentions of their High Mightinesses; that
the same measures be taken with regard to the Ministers of the
Republic at the Courts of Copenhagen, Stockholm, and Lisbon, with
orders to act in concert, and to support the measures of the Russian
Ministers at the Courts where they reside."
Their High Mightinesses having deliberated upon this object, the
Deputies of Provinces, which have not as yet declared themselves, have
been desired to pronounce as soon as possible the resolutions of the
States, their principals. The States of the Province of Groningen have
declared themselves authorised, during the suspension of the
deliberations, to confer on this subject with the Prince de Gallitzin
for a further explanation, saving the free deliberations of their
principals.
_Amsterdam, 20th of April._ The College of Admiralty of West Friesland
and of the northern quarter have put in commission, with the
participation of His Most Serene Highness, the Prince Stadtholder, the
frigates of war, the Medemblick, of thirtysix guns, the Horn,
Enkhuisen, of twenty guns, which will be commanded by the Captain Van
Regneveld Heckers and Trykenius."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, April 25th, 1780.
Sir,
I have the honor to inform your Excellency, that a small schooner has
arrived at Nantes from Baltimore, by which came the enclosed
newspapers, which I send to your Excellency without a moment's loss of
time. I hope, however, your Excellency has received these and many
more, and much fuller intelligence by the same vessel; but as it is
possible it may be otherwise, I think it my duty to send them. I have
no other news by this vessel as yet, excepting, that General Gates was
appointed to command the army in Charleston, an event which I esteem
of great importance, because there is in the mind of the American
soldier an affection for that officer, and a confidence in him, that
will show its effects.
A vessel from Martinique had just arrived, with an account, that the
Dean frigate, Captain Nicholson, had sent in there an English frigate
sheathed with copper, mounting twentyeight guns, which struck after a
severe action.
If I should be so happy as to receive any more news from this vessel,
I shall have the honor to transmit it to your Excellency.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, April 25th, 1780.
Sir,
A letter from Dublin, of the 18th of this month, gives us the
following account. "We wait with impatience for the meeting of
Parliament; the day approaches when the political destiny of this
kingdom will be decided. There is yet some softness in one party of
the Parliament, but there is none at all in the body of the people,
and especially in that of our brave volunteers, who are at once the
admiration and the firm hope of the nation, which seems now to spring
up, and out of chaos. One thing very extraordinary is, that among this
body of volunteers, exceeding in fact the number of fortysix thousand
men, (although in so innocent an army composed of so many discordant
parties, commanded by so many chiefs, some more powerful than the
others might be suspected of entertaining views a little opposite to
patriotism,) no ambitious ones, supported by popularity, have
undertaken anything, not only against the liberties, but even against
the tranquillity of the people; not the least disorder, not even the
appearance of disunion, or partial cabals. We contemplate with
astonishment, mixed with a joy most intimately felt, an armed
multitude proceeding to give, so to express myself, the island to the
civil power, and aiding it to protect and facilitate the execution of
its laws. Such are the advantages, which we ought always to provide
ourselves from an army, the humblest soldier of which finds his
interest in good order and good government. Mercenaries fight for
money; volunteers, proprietors of one part of the lands, which are
proposed to be defended, and of the rights, which are to be recovered
or protected, have a direct interest in preserving in all their vigor
the laws, which assure to them the property of those lands, and the
enjoyment of these rights.
"While the nation busies itself about its political emancipation, and
already enjoys it, by anticipation, she does not neglect the
advantages already obtained by the firmness and the wisdom of her
conduct; all the objects of commerce fix the attendance of various
committees; the establishments are multiplied insensibly in proportion
to the rising occasions; where there were manufactories they are
busied about the means of improving them, where there were none, and
it appears convenient to establish them, societies of adventurers are
formed. We have a considerable number of woollen stuffs and cloths, we
have none of cotton. At this day Limerick proposes to become the rival
of Manchester; they are about making the beautiful velvets, and stuffs
of cotton. One company have appropriated to this undertaking a capital
of sixteen thousand pounds sterling, and they have brought over from
England a sufficient number of excellent workmen in this business.
"In reading over my letter, I remark I have stated at fortysix
thousand the number of volunteers actually armed among us; we have not
yet an exact return, it is possible there may be four or five thousand
more, because at the end of last year we generally reckoned upon
fortyfive thousand, and there have been since formed five new corps,
commanded by officers as respectable for their personal courage, as
for their patriotism. If this martial ardor, which animates all the
orders of the community, has any inconvenience, it is, that it takes
away from the manufacturers a prodigious number of hands.
Independently of the time given to military exercise, you would not be
able to conceive how many people are employed in these melancholy but
necessary manufactures, which have no other use, end, or object, than
the destruction of men. The casting of cannon, the manufacture of arms
of every description, of tents, and other articles, which are
required for the preparation for a campaign, employ moreover several
thousands of hands; it is true, that the two levies divide the labor
between them.
"They say, that the Duke of Leinster, on whom they had so unjustly
ventured to publish some offensive reflections, has declared publicly
and in the most solemn manner, that he will support the people in the
vindication of their rights to a free constitution absolutely
independent. If the serenity of our present situation is sometimes
interrupted, it is by those unlucky white boys, who, from time to
time, renew their atrocities. The 1st instant fifty of these banditti
well mounted met upon an eminence at Cloriseu, near to Feathard, where
they conducted themselves in an inhuman manner towards two
individuals."
In the French Gazette is an article from London with regard to
Ireland. "They accuse the Ministry of holding relative to that kingdom
the same conduct, which they held in the beginning of the troubles of
America, that is to say, to leave the sovereign and the nation in
error, concerning all the facts, and endeavor to inspire into the
British Parliament the most sinister carelessness and inattention for
the most important of affairs. People hired to support among us the
blindest confidence write, that the Irish are very well pleased with
Lord Hillsborough, that the concessions made to Ireland satisfy all
its wishes, that even the associations enjoy in peace the good that
has been done to their country. We learn, however, that the city of
Dublin declares in her common council, that she cannot any longer
suspend her judgment upon the conduct of government, that to destroy
the false interpretations, which they have endeavored to give to the
joy, which the people of Ireland have testified upon the subject of
the act, which gives liberty to their commerce, several counties, and
the greatest part of the associations, have thought themselves obliged
to explain to the public, that the motive of this momentary joy
proceeded principally from this, that they regarded the liberty of
commerce as a commencement of the independence of the constitution.
"The principal creatures of the English Ministry, in the Parliament of
Ireland, arrived the beginning of this month to receive instructions
relative to the approaching Assembly, but they say, that during their
absence the chiefs of the national party have been employed in
promoting the meetings of the counties, in cementing the military
associations, and encouraging the people to insist upon a declaration
of rights, so that nothing is yet finished in that respect. Mr
Yelverton proposes to make a motion in the House of Commons, that a
sum shall be voted sufficient to build four strong frigates, which
shall constantly cruise upon the coasts of this kingdom to protect
merchant fleets and convoys. This project announces but too plainly
the design of Ireland to separate herself from us as much as she can,
and to owe her safety only to herself. With what view should England
insist still with the Irish upon the pretension of supremacy? In
renouncing the advantages, which the monopoly of commerce procured,
she has destroyed the only obstacle, which could oppose itself to the
independence of Ireland."
There is in the Leyden Gazette of the 21st another article from
London. "The Earl of Bellamont, who arrived here the 5th of this month
from Ireland, has had an audience of his Majesty, and several
conferences with his Ministers; as this nobleman is one of the
principal supporters of the party of the administration in that
country, it is supposed that his journey here was occasioned by the
crisis, in which affairs are there at this time. Mr Henry Flood, who
has come to Court on the same subject, as well as Mr Seaton Perry, the
speaker of the Irish Commons, and Sir Richard Heron, Secretary of the
Lord Lieutenant, have on the contrary returned to Dublin. As the
Parliament was to sit the 10th of this month, we expect immediately
interesting advices concerning the turn, which affairs may have taken
there, and so much the more as we know, that soon after the meeting,
Mr Yelverton intended to propose a bill, declaratory of the rights of
Ireland, as far as they respect Poyning's law, and the manner of
passing Irish bills in England. In the meantime, the leaders of the
two parties endeavored to increase their forces in the two houses,
although the preponderance in favor of the Court would scarcely have
any effect, in case the party the most considerable of the people
remain in the sentiments they appear to be in at this day. This
consideration they say, supported by the advice of Sir Richard Heron,
Mr Seaton Perry, and Mr Flood, has determined our government to give
way to the wishes of the Irish nation, by consenting to the revocation
of Poyning's law, if there are no other means of assuaging the
fermentation of spirits. It is true, that some cities, counties, and
boroughs, have lately assured the government of their attachment, and
of their gratitude for the favors granted to Ireland, but there is a
great deal wanting before all the people will be equally satisfied.
The most enlightened part of the nation regard these same favors as
granted to necessity, and purely precarious as long as the British
legislature shall have the right to make laws for Ireland. Some
magistrates have even already refused to execute the laws passed by
the Parliament of Great Britain; those of the county of Mayo, having
been among others required to put in force the act against desertions,
and to show that they acknowledge no others than those, which have
been made by their own legislative body. In general, according to the
last accounts received from that country, it appears, that of the four
parts of Ireland, the provinces of Leinster and Connaught are the most
tranquil, reposing themselves upon the assurances, which have been
given them by the respective Colonels of their volunteer associations,
the Duke of Leinster, and the Earl of Clanricarde; and that the Court
is disposed to grant to the nation all its demands. In the province of
Munster, they are less quiet, and they persuade themselves, that there
is little dependence upon a momentary benevolence, which is due only
to necessity. But the inhabitants of Ulster are, of all Ireland, those
who appear the most firmly determined to procure to themselves, at any
price, an entire independence of the British legislation, and the
formal renunciation of all acts, which are contrary to it. As this
province, where they reckon at least thirty thousand families of
Protestants, more than all the rest of the kingdom, distinguishes
itself by the courage of its inhabitants, they will risk a great deal
if they stir up discontents there."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, April 26th, 1780.
Sir,
At last, even the Morning Post of the 18th of April confesses, that
the Memorial from the Empress of Russia to the States-General has
dissipated all their golden dreams of an alliance with the Czarina.
It was announced to us last week, that a Russian squadron had left
Cronstadt to sail to our assistance, nay, some of the public papers
went so far as to announce their arrival at Plymouth. How sadly are we
now disappointed! Instead of an alliance, we find her _Czarish_
Majesty talks of neutrality, so that at present it is pretty clear,
that the various powers in Europe seem determined to stand off, and
leave us to our fate."
In some confused minutes of a debate in the House of Lords on the 14th
of April, it is said, that Lord Camden expressed his astonishment and
regret at the Memorial from Russia, in which, contrary to the
established law of nations, the Empress insisted upon free ships and
free goods. He pointed out how injurious to the country it must be, if
neutral vessels were permitted to supply our enemies, whom we might
blockade, with everything they might want, and remarked, that the
queen of the seas was now deposed, and the Empress had taken
possession of her throne. In another paper, Lord Shelburne is
represented remarking the very dangerous and alarming situation they
stand in, with regard to their wars and foreign alliances. "Of the
former," said his Lordship, "we have three, of the latter none, even
the Empress of Russia, that great potentate, who was constantly held
out by the noble Lord with the green riband, (Lord Stormont,) to be
our principal ally, now shows to all Europe by her late maritime
manifesto, what sort of an ally she means to be to England. The
thought of that manifesto made him shudder when he first read it,
particularly, as he knew how this country stood in respect to other
powers, when Denmark must follow wherever Russia led, when Sweden was
ready at the nod of France; think of having the whole force of the
northern powers against us; already engaged in three wars, and
striving all we can to make a fourth with our old friends and neutral
allies, the States-General."