THE
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE
OF THE
AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
VOL. V.
THE
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE
OF THE
AMERICAN REVOLUTION;
BEING
THE LETTERS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, SILAS DEANE, JOHN
ADAMS, JOHN JAY, ARTHUR LEE, WILLIAM LEE, RALPH
IZARD, FRANCIS DANA, WILLIAM CARMICHAEL, HENRY
LAURENS; JOHN LAURENS, M. DE LAFAYETTE, M.
DUMAS, AND OTHERS, CONCERNING THE FOREIGN
RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES DURING
THE WHOLE REVOLUTION;
TOGETHER WITH
THE LETTERS IN REPLY FROM THE SECRET COMMITTEE OF
CONGRESS, AND THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
ALSO,
THE ENTIRE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE FRENCH MINISTERS,
GERARD AND LUZERNE, WITH CONGRESS.
Published under the Direction of the President of the United States, from
the original Manuscripts in the Department of State, conformably
to a Resolution of Congress, of March 27th, 1818.
EDITED
BY JARED SPARKS.
VOL. V.
BOSTON:
NATHAN HALE AND GRAY & BOWEN;
G. & C. & H. CARVILL, NEW YORK; P. THOMPSON, WASHINGTON.
1829.
Steam Power Press--W. L. Lewis, Printer.
No. 6, Congress Street, Boston.
CONTENTS
OF THE
FIFTH VOLUME.
JOHN ADAMS' CORRESPONDENCE,
CONTINUED.
Page.
To the President of Congress. Paris, April 17th, 1780, 3
Probable effects of the armed neutrality.--Critical situation of
England.--The opposition carry the resolution, that the influence
of the Crown is increasing, and ought to be diminished.
To the President of Congress. Paris, April 18th, 1780, 6
Encloses a letter written from England on the subject of peace
with America.--Exposes the errors of the writer; on the
confederacy with France and Spain; on the probability of
America violating her treaty with France; on the notion that
the policy of France has been to expose the States in order to
exhaust them; on the plan of a reconciliation and reunion of
America with Great Britain.
To the President of Congress. Paris, April 24th, 1780, 12
Proceedings of Russia in regard to the armed neutrality.--
Proceedings in Holland in relation to the same subject.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, April 25th, 1780, 18
Enclosing papers from America.
To the President of Congress. Paris, April 25th, 1780, 18
State of Ireland.
To the President of Congress. Paris, April 26th, 1780, 24
Debate in the House of Lords on the declaration of Russia;
Lord Camden expresses his astonishment at the doctrine of
free ships and free goods; Lord Shelburne's remarks on the
critical state of England.--Anti-English policy of Russia.
To the President of Congress. Paris, April 28th, 1780, 27
Declaration of the English Council, placing the subjects
of the United Provinces on the footing of neutral powers,
not privileged by treaties.--Address of the States of
Groningen to the States-General, recommending the protection
of commerce by convoys.--Second Address of the States of the
same Province, proposing answers to the Memorials of Sir J.
Yorke.--The Province of Holland recommends the acceptance of
the invitation of Russia to accede to the armed neutrality.
To the President of Congress. Paris, April 29th, 1780, 37
English naval expeditions.
To the President of Congress. Paris, April 29th, 1780, 38
Mutiny in the English fleet.--County meetings adopt
resolutions censuring the war.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 2d, 1780, 41
Memorial of the French Ambassador to the States-General,
announcing the abolition of the duty of fifteen per cent
on Dutch merchandise entering France.--Decree of the French
Council on the same subject.--The Seven Provinces have
resolved to refuse the succors demanded by Great Britain; to
grant convoys; and to accept the invitation of Russia.--
Instructions of the States of Holland and West Friesland to
their deputies in the States-General on the attack of the
Dutch convoy by the English.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 3d, 1780, 50
General exchange of prisoners agreed on between France and
England.
From Elbridge Gerry to John Adams. Philadelphia, May 5th,
1780, 52
Favorable effects of the resolutions of Congress for
cancelling the two hundred millions of dollars previously
emitted on the currency.--New emission of five millions.--
Financial concerns of the confederacy.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 8th, 1780, 54
Instructions of the United Provinces to their Minister
at London, on the subject of Lord Stormont's answer
to former representations relative to the attack on the
Dutch convoy.--Resolutions of the States regulating the
trade of foreigners with the Dutch Colonies.--Proceedings
of the different Provinces relative to the Russian Memorial;
the granting of unlimited convoys; raising of subsidies.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 8th, 1780, 63
Enclosing the letter of the Count de Florida Blanca to the
Spanish Minister of the Marine, regulating the treatment
of neutrals.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 8th, 1780, 73
Copy of the Swedish ordinance providing convoys.--Answer
of the Court of St James to the Russian declaration.--
Difference of the English and Russian doctrine of blockade
in these documents.--English recruits in Germany.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 8th, 1780, 79
The Russian declaration hostile to the policy of England.--Lord
Stormont's letter to the Dutch Envoy.
To an unknown person. Paris, May 9th, 1780, 82
Observations on the Dean of Gloucester's proposals.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 9th, 1780, 84
The Dean of Gloucester's proposals for a general pacification.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 10th, 1780, 86
Proceedings in the Irish Commons relative to the sovereignty
of the Irish Parliament.
Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles, May 10th, 1780, 88
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 11th, 1780, 89
Motions of Mr Hartley in the House of Commons, on the subject
of reconciliation.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, May 9th, 1780, 91
The American party in England hope to make a separate peace
with the United States.--The alliance with France will not
be violated.--Mr Adams always an advocate of the alliance.
To John Jay. Paris, May 13th, 1780, 93
Difficulty of influencing the views and conduct of European
Ministers.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 13th, 1780, 94
Answer of France to the Russian declaration, approving the
doctrines of Russia.--Orders issued to the English commanders
to detain Dutch ships, having on board effects belonging to
the enemy, or which are considered as contraband by the law
of nations.
To John Jay. Paris, May 15th, 1780, 98
Facility and importance of intercepting the English West
India fleet.--Policy to be observed towards Spain and Portugal.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 16th, 1780, 100
Rumor of opening the navigation of Antwerp.--Naval
preparations of Austria.
To M. Genet, at Versailles. Paris, May 17th, 1780, 101
Objections to General Conway's assertion, that the alliance
between France and the United States is unnatural.--Habits;
language; religion.--These circumstances will rather tend
to separate America and England.--The commercial interests
of England and America different.--Boundaries will form
a source of dispute.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, May 19th, 1780, 106
The Assembly of Pennsylvania cut to pieces the great seal
of the Province.--American privateers.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 19th, 1780, 107
Answer of Spain to the Russian declaration, approving
the principles therein contained.--Conversation between
Lord Stormont and the Count de Welderen on the attack on
the Dutch convoy.--Proceedings in Ireland.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 20th, 1780, 110
General Conway proposes a bill for reconciliation or
peace.--Debate on the subject in the House of
Commons.--Denmark accedes to the armed neutrality.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 20th, 1780, 116
General Conway's Speech on his bill for reconciliation.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 23d, 1780, 120
The different Powers accede to the armed neutrality.
Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles, May 24th,
1780, 123
Expressing full confidence in his conduct in case of
overtures from England.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 26th, 1780, 124
Address of the Bar at Dublin to Mr Grattan.--Reply of Mr
Grattan.--Extracts from the journals.--Letter of M. de
Sartine, concerning the treatment of neutrals.--Letter
from the Count de Florida Blanca.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 27th, 1780, 133
Application of the principles of the British Constitutions
to external dominions, extensively studied in America.--
Effects of the American publications on this subject, on
other foreign possessions of Great Britain.
To the President of Congress. Paris, June 1st, 1780, 135
Indecisive engagement between the French and English
fleets.--Governor Pownal asks leave to bring in a bill
authorising a convention, truce, or peace with the
Colonies.--The House proceeds to the order of the day.
To the President of Congress. Paris, June 1st, 1780, 137
Report of a Committee of the citizens of Dublin, declaring
the independence of the Irish Parliament, and returning
thanks to those members who have supported it.
To the President of Congress. Paris, June 2d, 1780, 142
Petitions of the Dutch merchants to the States-General,
and to the States of Holland and West Friesland, praying
for a speedy protection of commerce. Answer of Spain to
the Russian declaration.--Extracts from the Journals, on
the destination of the naval forces of France.--Proceedings
of Congress kept more secret than the plans of the European
Courts.
To the President of Congress. Paris, June 2d, 1780, 149
Declaration of Lord George Germain, that there is a prospect
of peace with America, on good and honorable terms for
England, not with the Congress, but with the people.--Fallacy
of these statements; America could not make peace with
England, without involving herself with France and Spain;
Congress cannot oppose the will of the people in America,
which is expressed through the press, the towns, the juries,
and the assemblies.--Other errors concerning the misery of
the people, the debt, dislike to France, &c. exposed.--Barriers
to a reconciliation or peace between England and America.
(_Note._)
To the President of Congress. Paris, June 4th, 1780, 159
Extracts from numerous European journals.
To the President of Congress. Paris, June 5th, 1780, 166
Extracts from the journals.--Petitions of the Corn
Merchants of Amsterdam to the States-General and to the
States of Holland and West Friesland, praying for
protection of the commerce.
To the President of Congress. Paris, June 10th, 1780, 170
Preparations for supporting the armed neutrality.--An
East India company formed at Trieste.--English losses
in Africa.--Critical situation of the British power in
India.--Duty imposed on sugars imported from England,
by the Irish Parliament.--Violation of neutral ground on
the Dutch coast by the English.--Representations of the
States of Holland and West Friesland to the States-General,
and of the latter to the Dutch Minister at London on this
subject.
To the President of Congress. Paris, June 12th, 1780, 181
Extract from Lord Shelburne's Speech, relating to the
policy of the Ministry towards Russia, Prussia, Austria,
and Turkey.--The American war was the true cause of that
policy.
To the President of Congress. Paris, June 12th, 1780, 186
Copy of Governor Pownal's bill, empowering the King to make
peace with the United States.--Meeting of merchants at
Dublin to obtain a duty on sugars imported into the
kingdom.--Proceedings of the Irish House of Commons on
the same subject.--Port of Vendre on the Mediterranean
repaired.
To the President of Congress. Paris, June 16th, 1780, 190
Extracts from pamphlets published under the name of Mr
Galloway, but probably written by the refugees.--Refutation
of the statements therein contained.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, June 16th, 1780, 201
To the President of Congress. Paris, June 17th, 1780, 201
Governor Hutchinson's death and character.--Further extracts
from the pamphlets abovementioned.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, June 20th, 1780, 207
On the paying off of the loan office certificates.
Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles, June 21st,
1780, 208
Injustice of obliging the French holders of the American
paper money to suffer by the depreciation.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, June 22d, 1780, 212
Requesting a delay of the orders instructing the French
Minister in America to make representations against the
resolutions of Congress for the paying off the paper money
at its depreciated value.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, June 22d, 1780, 213
Defence of the resolutions of Congress above referred
to.--The holders have received the bills at the depreciated
value, and are not therefore entitled to the nominal
value.--The loss will not fall on French holders, who have
received them at their depreciated value.--The same
measure was adopted by the colony of Massachusetts Bay,
without being objected to by the English government or
merchants.--Very little of the paper in the hands of
French subjects.
To B. Franklin. Paris, June 22d, 1780, 225
Suggesting the propriety of requesting a revocation of
the orders to the French Minister in America,
abovementioned.--Evils which they may produce in America.
To the President of Congress. Paris, June 26th, 1780, 226
Clamor in Europe against the resolutions providing for
the paying off the paper bills.--Interview and
correspondence with Count de Vergennes on the
subject.
To the President of Congress. Paris, June 29th, 1780, 228
Recommends the appointment of Consuls to relieve the
Minister.--Also, that strict instructions be given to
the commanders of ships-of-war, in which there has been
a want of subordination.
To B. Franklin. Paris, June 29th, 1780, 231
Enclosing his correspondence with the Count de Vergennes,
relative to resolutions of Congress for paying off the
paper money.
Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles,
June 30th, 1780, 232
Adheres to his former opinions on the subject of the
paper money.--Expects the views of Congress in reply
to the representations.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 1st, 1780, 233
To the President of Congress. Paris, July 6th, 1780, 234
Lists of French, Spanish, American, and English vessels
taken and destroyed.
To the President of Congress. Paris, July 6th, 1780, 239
Regrets the American losses, and considers the causes.
Urges Congress to cherish the navy while it is in their
power.
To the President of Congress. Paris, July 7th, 1780, 240
Rejection of Mr Hartley's proposal for a bill to empower
the King to make peace with America.--Abstract of the
bill.--Sir G. Saville's motion, that the American war
be declared unconstitutional and ruinous, rejected.
To the President of Congress. Paris, July 7th, 1780, 243
Petition of the merchants of Amsterdam to the States-General,
for protection of commerce from the English.
B. Franklin to Count de Vergennes. Passy, July 10th, 1780, 245
Agrees that foreign merchants ought not to suffer from
the depreciation of the paper money.--Assures him that
the sentiments of the Americans in general in regard to
the alliance, differ widely from those expressed by
Mr Adams.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 13th, 1780, 247
Determination of the English to undertake a new campaign.--
State of things in America.--The advantages which the
English derive from being masters of the American seas.--The
English in America have been for two years in the power of
their enemies.--Their possessions must be protected and
supplied by a naval power.--A naval superiority in those
seas is the true policy of America and France. The policy
of France has been suspected in America, and misrepresented
in England on this point.--The real importance of
America.--Prejudices against the Americans in France.
To the President of Congress. Paris, July 14th, 1780, 259
Proposed congress at St Petersburg.--English accounts of
their successes in America.--Ignorance of the American
foreign envoys on these subjects.
To the President of Congress. Paris, July 15th, 1780, 260
Preamble of the Russian ordinance relative to neutral
rights.--There is no appearance of favor to England
in the Russian Court.
To the President of Congress. Paris, July 15th, 1780, 263
Attack on the French vessels in the neutral port of Milo
by the English.--Russian, Swedish, Danish, and Dutch
naval preparations.
To the President of Congress. Paris, July 15th, 1780, 265
English, French, and Spanish forces at sea.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 17th, 1780, 266
Reasons why his powers ought no longer to be concealed
from the English Court.
To the President of Congress. Paris, July 19th, 1780, 270
Naval forces of the northern powers.--Russian ordinance
ascertaining the neutral rights of Russian commerce.
To the President of Congress. Paris, July 19th, 1780, 276
Armed neutral forces.--Quotes speculations from the
Amsterdam Gazette relative to the effect of the conquest
of Mobile by the Spaniards.
Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles, July 20th,
1780, 278
A French naval force has been sent to America, to co-operate
with the American military operations.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 21st, 1780, 279
Expresses his satisfaction with the destination of the
armament abovementioned.
To the President of Congress. Paris, July 22d, 1780, 280
Extract from the King's speech on the prorogation of
Parliament.--Extracts from the journals, showing
the state of the navies in Europe.
To the President of Congress. Paris, July 23d, 1780, 285
Messengers pass between London and Madrid.
Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles,
July 25th, 1780, 287
Reasons for opposing Mr Adams' communication of his full
powers to the English Ministry.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 26th, 1780, 294
Reply to the statements and arguments of the preceding
letter.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 27th, 1780, 301
Observations on Count de Vergennes' assertion, that
the King had taken measures for sustaining America
without solicitations from Congress.--Solicitations
were made through the medium of the foreign Envoys
of Congress.--Expresses his fears that the French
have not a decided naval superiority in the American
seas.
Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles,
July 29th, 1780, 304
Expresses his dissatisfaction with the remarks of Mr
Adams.--Shall treat only with Mr Franklin on matters
concerning the United States.
Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles,
July 31st, 1780, 305
Transmitting his correspondence with Mr Adams with the
request that it may be laid before Congress. (Letter
from the President of Congress to Mr Adams on this
subject. _Note._)
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August 14th, 1780, 307
Arrives in Amsterdam.--Importance of maintaining an official
agent in the United Provinces.--Probability of raising a
loan in Holland.--Declaration of Sweden in regard to
neutrality.--Declaration of Denmark on the same subject.
To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, August 17th, 1780, 314
Absurd political speculations in Europe on the conditions
and prospects of America.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August
22d, 1780, 316
Answer of France to the Swedish declaration.--Questions
of Sweden relative to the proposals of Russia, for
reciprocal protection and mutual assistance of the
neutrals.--Russian answer.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August
23d, 1780, 321
The English mission to Madrid merely a cover.--Real
design of England to continue the war, and to separate
the House of Bourbon from America.--Urges the sending
a Minister to Holland.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September
4th, 1780, 323
Capture of the British West India fleet by the combined
fleets of France and Spain.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September
5th, 1780, 324
No measures ever taken in England to fix the English
language.--Proposes that Congress should effect this
object by erecting the American Academy for refining
and ascertaining the English language, and by
furnishing the necessary funds for a library and the
support of its officers.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September
19th, 1780, 327
Acknowledges the receipt of his commission for negotiating
a loan.--Difficulties of this charge.--Expediency of a
Minister Plenipotentiary to Holland, charged with this duty.
Commission to John Adams, referred to in the preceding
letter, 329
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September
16th, 1780, 330
Congress of St Petersburg.--The policy of Holland
doubtful.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September
24th, 1780, 332
Determines to negotiate a loan in a private character.--Little
reputation of the Dutch owing to their language.--Importance
of cultivating the English language in America.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September
25th, 1780, 334
General ignorance of America in Holland.--Predominance
of the English interest there.--Little prospect of
raising a loan.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September
28th, 1780, 338
The Dutch Ministers to St Petersburg have an audience
of the Empress.--Their address on this occasion.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October
5th, 1780, 340
The Dutch Ministers to St Petersburg have an audience
of the Grand Duke and Grand Duchess.--Their addresses
on the occasion.--Report of despatches from St
Petersburg, which will induce Holland to accede to the
armed neutrality.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October
5th, 1780, 342
Has effected nothing in regard to the loan.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October
11th, 1780, 342
Sketch of the constitution of the Dutch Republic in
respect to the powers of the Stadtholder, with the
history of the office.--Copy of the commission of
the Stadtholder.--Capture of Mr Laurens.
To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, October 14th, 1780, 360
Thanks Dr Franklin for the communication of
intelligence.--Does not think it degrading to the
United States to ask for loans, or to seek the
friendship of the maritime powers.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October
14th, 1780, 362
Severe treatment of Mr Laurens.--Determination of
England to prosecute the war.--Superiority of the
United States to the United Provinces.--Forces of
the Dutch Republic.--Advantages of a naval power.--Prospect
of a rupture between England and Holland.--Proposals
for facilitating the loan.
To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, October 24th, 1780, 365
Uncertainty of a loan in Holland.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October
24th, 1780, 366
Sufferings of Mr Laurens.--Recommends Congress to
send cargoes to Dutch ports for the payment of the
interest of the proposed loan.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October
27th, 1780, 367
The capture of Mr Laurens' papers has betrayed his
correspondence with Holland.
James Lovell to John Adams. Philadelphia, October
28th, 1780, 368
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October
31st, 1780, 369
Influence of the refugees in England.--Cruel treatment
of Mr Laurens intended to intimidate the friends of
America.--Necessary to abandon all hope of reconciliation
with England.
To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, November 4th, 1780, 371
Requests him to become responsible for certain bills of
exchange drawn on Mr Laurens.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, November
16th, 1780, 372
Enclosing Sir J. Yorke's Memorial to the States-General.--
Insolence of that document.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, November
17th, 1780, 376
Difficulties in the way of obtaining a loan.--Remarks
on the proceedings of England in regard to Holland.--M.
Van Berckel.
To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Nov. 24th, 1780, 378
Little prospect of procuring a loan.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, November
25th, 1780, 379
A plurality of Provinces declare for the armed neutrality.--
Accepts the bills on Mr Laurens, under assurance from Dr
Franklin that he will meet them in case of Mr Adams'
disability.--The fear of the submission of America
discourages the loan.--The Stadtholder favorable to
England.--Sir J. Yorke's memorial injures the English
cause.
To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Nov. 30th, 1780, 382
Has accepted bills on Mr Laurens.--Prospect of a
loan doubtful.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, November
30th, 1780, 383
The courier, despatched to St Petersburg by Holland,
countermanded.--Preponderance of the English interest
in Holland.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
14th, 1780, 384
Requests that no more drafts be made on Holland.--Little
disposition in Holland to furnish a loan.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
18th, 1780, 386
Memorial of Sir J. Yorke, threatening Amsterdam for
the plan of a treaty with the Americans, unless reparation
is made.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
21st, 1780, 388
Influence of the English in Holland, shown by the
prayers in the English churches there, for the discomfiture
of the rebels.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
25th, 1780, 389
Politics and disposition of the Prince of Orange.--England
will probably declare against the Dutch, on account of
their joining the armed neutrality.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
25th, 1780, 391
Proceedings of the States-General in regard to Amsterdam.--They
determine to demand satisfaction for
the memorials of Sir J. Yorke.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
25th, 1780, 393
Rumors of the recall of Sir J. Yorke and other hostile
indications.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
26th, 1780, 394
Sir J. Yorke leaves Holland abruptly.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
28th, 1780, 395
Holland will be supported by the armed neutrality in
case of war with England.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
30th, 1780, 397
Explanation of the opposition of the Province of Zealand
to the measures of the States-General.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
31st, 1780, 404
Holland will be supported in a war with England,
either by the armed neutrals, or by the other
belligerents.--Death of Maria Theresa.
The President of Congress to John Adams. Philadelphia,
January 1st, 1781, 405
Enclosing his commission as Minister Plenipotentiary
to Holland, resolve of Congress on the Russian
Declaration (_Note_) and other documents.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
1st, 1781, 406
British Manifesto against the States-General.--Orders
in Council directing the seizure of Dutch ships and
goods.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
4th, 1781, 414
Popularity of the American cause in the Provinces.--
Recommends M. Dumas to Congress.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
5th, 1781, 416
Abstract of the proceedings in Holland, in consequence
of Sir J. Yorke's memorial.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
14th, 1781, 418
Resentment in Holland against the English.--Unprepared
state of the country in case of war.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
15th, 1781, 419
Declaration of the States-General on their accession to
the armed neutrality.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
15th, 1781, 422
The Province of Zealand continues to oppose the rupture
with England.--State of the Dutch marine.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
15th, 1781, 423
Address of the Stadtholder to the States-General, recommending
warlike preparations.--The States approve
the proposition and direct it to be communicated
to the Provinces.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
15th, 1781, 425
Obstacles in the way of obtaining a loan in Holland.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
18th, 1781, 425
Proclamation of the States-General for the encouragement
of privateers against the English.--Proclamation
granting indemnifications to those who shall be
wounded in the service of the Republic, in the war
at sea.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, February
1st, 1781, 433
Treaty of Marine between Russia and Denmark.--A
similar treaty between Russia and Sweden, with
modifications.--The States-General accede to the treaty.
To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Feb. 15th, 1781, 443
Requesting funds to discharge bills drawn on him by
Congress.
To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Feb. 20th, 1781, 444
State of American affairs in Holland.
To the Duc de la Vauguyon. Amsterdam, March
1st, 1781, 446
The Province of Friesland resolves to acknowledge the
independence of America.--Considers it time to prepare
for the execution of his instructions.--Requests
his opinion on the enclosed project of a proposition
to the States.
A Memorial to the States-General, 448
To the Prince de Gallitzin, Minister of the Empress
of Russia. Leyden, March 8th, 1781, 449
Transmitting a resolution of Congress, relative to the
rights of neutrals.--Would be happy to accede to
the Marine Treaty in the name of the United States.
To M. Van Berckel, First Counsellor Pensionary of
the city of Amsterdam. Leyden, March 8th, 1781, 450
Enclosing a resolution of Congress on the rights of
neutrals.
To the Duc de la Vauguyon, Ambassador of France
at the Hague. Leyden, March 8th, 1781, 450
Enclosing the resolution of Congress, referred to in
the preceding letters.
From the Duc de la Vauguyon to John Adams.
Hague, March 14th, 1781, 451
Cannot interfere in the measures of Mr Adams in regard
to the neutral powers without instructions.
To the President of Congress. Leyden, March 18th,
1781, 451
Counter manifesto of Holland, in reply to the British
manifesto.--Memorial of Prince Gallitzin to the
States-General, offering the mediation of Russia.
To the President of Congress. Leyden, March
19th, 1781, 469
Acknowledges the reception of his commission as Minister
Plenipotentiary to Holland.--Division of sentiments
in that country.
To the President of Congress. Leyden, March
29th, 1781, 472
Memorial of the Dutch Minister to the King of Sweden,
demanding the protection of the armed neutrals.
To the President of Congress. Leyden, March
29th, 1781, 479
Additional taxes in Great Britain.--Comparison of Lord
North with M. Necker.--Necessity of creating a permanent
public credit in the United States.--Ways and means for
effecting it.
To the Duc de la Vauguyon. Leyden, April 16th, 1781, 481
Acquainting him with the reception of his powers and
instructions.
Memorial of Mr Adams to the States-General, 481
Memorial of Mr Adams to the Prince of Orange. Leyden,
April 19th, 1781, 493
Informing the Stadtholder of his appointment and powers.
To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, April 27th, 1781, 494
Protesting a set of bills drawn by Congress, might enable
him to raise a loan.
To the Duc de la Vauguyon, Ambassador of France at the
Hague. Leyden, May 1st, 1781, 496
Proposing that Holland be invited, according to the terms
of the treaty between France and America, to make common
cause with these powers.
To the President of Congress. Leyden, May 3d, 1781, 497
Interview with the Grand Pensionary of Holland.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, May 7th, 1781, 498
In a second interview with the Grand Pensionary, he is
referred to the President of the States-General.--Interview
with the President, who declines receiving his commission
or memorial, and promises to report to the States.--Delivers
a letter to the Secretary of the Stadtholder for the Prince,
who declines receiving it.--The President reports to the
States, who take the subject _ad referendum_.--The French
Ambassador at the Hague disapproves of the proceedings of Mr
Adams, but promises his support.
To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, May 8th, 1781, 501
Generous aid of France.--America might tax Europe, by
laying export duties.--Cannot accept bills drawn by
Congress, unless Dr Franklin will meet them.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, May 16th, 1781, 503
Encloses his memorials to the States and the Stadtholder.--
No probability of a speedy decision.--Dutch fleet sails.--
Divided state of opinions in Holland.
THE
CORRESPONDENCE
OF
JOHN ADAMS,
ONE OF THE COMMISSIONERS TO FRANCE, MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY TO
HOLLAND, AND ONE OF THE COMMISSIONERS FOR NEGOTIATING THE TREATY OF
PEACE.
THE
CORRESPONDENCE
OF
JOHN ADAMS.
CORRESPONDENCE CONTINUED.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, April 17th, 1780.
Sir,
Late letters from Dantzic imply, that commerce was become very
languishing there for some time, excepting for ship timber, which bore
a very good price there, on account of the English, and which they
carried away, as well in their own vessels as those of Dantzic.
The new face, which the affairs of Europe are about to take from the
alliance formed between the powers of the North for the maintenance of
an exact neutrality, and to which people here are fully persuaded that
the Republic of the United Provinces will agree, gives occasion to
conjectures, either, that the war will be pushed this year with more
vivacity than ever, both by land and sea, or that peace may be made
without delay. They say, even that there may have been already
negotiations commenced on this subject; that it is by the intervention
of the King of Sardinia, who would manage the accommodation between
the belligerent powers, and that his present Ambassador in France is
so much the better able to labor usefully towards this great work,
that having resided in England in the same quality he has the
advantage to know perfectly the Ministers and their system. However
this may be, if there are sometimes occasions in which one may judge
of future events by an examination of the present, and reflection upon
the past, might one be taxed with partiality or temerity, if one
ventured to lay it down as a fact, that, from the beginning of the
contest in which Great Britain is at present engaged, her situation
has never appeared so critical and so dangerous? In fact, as if it was
not enough, that she had quarrelled with her Colonies, as if it was
not enough, that she is at war with two powers so formidable as France
and Spain in consequence of the quarrel with the Colonies, as if her
intestine troubles were not enough, which, by dividing the nation,
contribute not a little to weaken it; and at the end of the
perspective, to see Ireland, at the first moment, make as much of it
as the Americans, in declaring herself also independent. In spite of
so many alarming considerations, England still seems to seek new
enemies, by attacking without distinction the vessels of all the
neutral nations, and even of her allies. Thus she has forced them by
this proceeding, not less arbitrary than inconceivable, especially in
her present circumstances, to make a league with each other for the
maintenance of the safety of the navigation of their respective
subjects, as well as of the honor of their flags, for which they
plainly acknowledge at this day, that they never could have hoped for
any safety, if the English, who, embarrassed as they are, treat them
nevertheless with so little ceremony, could ever recover that
superiority, whereof we cannot deny that they found means to put
themselves in possession at the end of the last war.
But such is the fate of all human things; to have a commencement, to
acquire successively an augmentation, which ought to be expected up to
certain bounds, and beyond which they must necessarily begin to
decrease, until they descend again to the same point from whence they
began; and no human efforts can disturb this constant and immutable
order. After this declaration let us judge whether in fact, this is
not the case of England, and we may after this predict very nearly the
issue of the present events, or of those which may take place in the
course of the year.
By the English papers, Congress will see the state of parties in
England, where the stubble is so dry, that the smallest spark thrown
into it may set the whole field in a blaze. Opposition have carried
triumphantly in the fullest House of Commons ever known, by a majority
of eighteen votes against the utmost efforts of the Ministry, the
resolution, that it is necessary to declare, that the influence of the
Crown has increased, increases, and ought to be diminished; that it is
in the power of the House to take cognizance of, and to reform the
abuses, which may exist in the employment of the civil list revenues,
as well as all other revenues; and that it is the duty of the House to
grant effectual redress to the grievances, exposed in the petitions
presented to the House by the different cities, counties, and towns of
the kingdom. By the speech of Mr Fox, it will be seen to what soaring
heights this young statesman aspires.
Since my arrival the last time in Europe, I have had, six and forty
times, I think, the honor of writing to Congress; but it seems
impossible to get a letter across the Atlantic. Many of my letters
have been waiting long at the seaports for a passage, but when they
will obtain it, I know not; if they all arrive, and Congress should be
able to see at one view the vast chain that is binding almost all
mankind every day closer and faster together, in opposition to the
dangerous power, and the intolerable possessions of the English, they
will see how many of the wisest hands in the world are at work for
their safety and glory, and have the utmost cause of gratitude to
Heaven for ordering events in the course of his Providence so
decidedly in their favor.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, April 18th, 1780.
Sir,
It is my duty to transmit to Congress, as soon as prudence will admit,
everything which deserves consideration, as having either a direct, or
an indirect tendency to peace, or even to negotiations for that
important object. The enclosed letter has been transmitted to Paris
through such a channel, that I have reason to believe, that it was
particularly intended for my inspection. It is from a gentleman, who,
to do him justice, has long expressed an earnest desire for peace, but
who, nevertheless, has never yet reflected maturely enough upon the
state of America, of Great Britain, and of all Europe, to get into a
right way of thinking, concerning the proper means to his end.
Congress will perceive this from the letter itself, in which it is
obvious enough.
The first remarkable sentiment is, "We must at all events support our
national honor, by the most vigorous exertions, without shrinking; but
surely, in such a complicated war as this is, if we can make any
equitable offers of a treaty to any of the parties, common prudence
calls upon us to use our endeavors to unravel by negotiation, the
combination of powers now acting against us." In this paragraph, I see
the manifest marks of a mind that has not yet mastered its subject.
True policy would have omitted everything in this letter, which should
call up to the minds of the people the ideas of national honor. Every
man in the world, who is thoroughly acquainted with the subject, knows
that Great Britain never can obtain a peace without a diminution of
her honor and dignity. It is impossible without miracles, and
therefore the Englishman, who undertakes to plan for peace, must be
convinced of this and take it into his plan, and consequently should
avoid with the utmost caution every word, which should excite these
ideas in the minds of the people. They stir passions which make them
mad.
He should have avoided with equal solicitude every insinuation of a
design to unravel, by negotiation, the combination of powers now
acting against Great Britain. This combination is in fact much more
extensive, much more universal and formidable, than the letter writer
had any idea or suspicion of. But if it had been no more extensive
than France, Spain, and America, the impracticability of unravelling
it ought to have thrown out this sentiment. By it he proposes by
negotiation to bring those to dishonor themselves, who have certainly
no occasion for it; at the same time that he stimulates others to
cherish and preserve their honor, who have already lost it, and under
an absolute necessity, sooner or later, of sacrificing it. By this
means he only puts the confederates more upon their guard, and renders
the attainment of his professed object, peace, impossible.
The next solecism in politics, which he commits, is undertaking to
vindicate America from the charge of having sought and formed this
confederacy. America wanted no such vindication; it is folly to
suppose it a fault, for all mankind will agree, even his
correspondents themselves, that it was wisdom and virtue. Surely
another term must be given to popular ideas, before they will be
brought to petition for peace.
Nor do I think it was prudent in him to hold up the idea, that America
had proceeded with reluctance and regret to the Treaty. That this is
true, I know and feel to this very moment; for although I had no such
reluctance myself, those gentlemen with whom I had the honor to sit in
Congress at the time will remember, that I had very good reasons to be
sensible that others had. But how well soever he might be informed of
the fact, and from what source soever he might draw his information,
it was bad policy in him to hold it up, because he ought to have been
equally sure, that America has now no reluctance to the treaty, nor
any inclination to violate it. He ought not, therefore, to have held
up a hope of this to the people.
Neither ought he to have flattered the people with hopes, that America
would not form any perpetual alliance with France, nor that their
limited alliance might be satisfied and discharged. The alliance
already made is limited, it is true, to a certain number of articles,
but not limited in its duration. It is perpetual, and he had no
grounds to sooth the people with hopes, either that France would give
up any of the articles of the treaty, or that America would violate
them.
He ought also to have avoided his insinuations, that America has been
so much harassed by the war. This is an idea so refreshing to the
present passions of the people of England, that, instead of tending to
dispose them to peace, it only revives their hopes of success, and
inflames their ardor for war. That America has been harassed by the
war is true, and when was any nation at war without being so?
Especially, when did any nation undergo a revolution in government,
and sustain a war at the same time without it? Yet, after all, America
has not been so much harassed, or disastered, or terrified, or
panic-struck from the beginning, as Great Britain has been several
times in the course of it.
But the most exceptionable passage of all, is this. "It is apparent to
all the world, that _France might long ago have put an end to that
part of the war, which has been most distressing to America_, if she
had chosen so to do. Let the whole system of France be considered,
from the very beginning, down to the last retreat from Savannah, and I
think it is impossible to put any other construction upon it, but
this, viz. that it has always been the deliberate intention and object
of France, for purposes of her own, to encourage the continuation of
the war in America, _in hopes of exhausting the strength and resources
of this country, and of depressing the rising power of America_."
Upon this paragraph I scarcely know what remarks to make. But after
deliberating upon it, as patiently and maturely as I can, I will
clearly write my opinion of it; for my obligations to truth and to my
country are antecedent to all other ties.
I am clearly and fully of the opinion, then, that the fact is true,
that France might put an end to that part of the war, which has been
most distressing to Americans; and I certainly know the means were
extremely simple and obvious, and that they were repeatedly proposed,
and explained, and urged to the Ministry; and I should have had a
terrible load of the guilt of negligence of my duty upon my
conscience, if it had not been done while I had the honor of a
commission to this Court. But, when the letter writer proceeds so far
as to say, that it was to _encourage_ the continuance of the war, in
order to exhaust the strength and resources of Great Britain, I cannot
accompany him, much less can I join with him in the opinion, that it
was to depress the rising power in America. I believe, on the
contrary, that France has not wished the continuance of the war, but
that she has wished for peace. The war has been attended with too much
loss and danger to France, to suppose, that she wished its
continuance, and if she did not wish its continuance at all, she could
not wish it to depress the power of America.
She could not wish it, in my opinion, for this reason, because it is
not the means to this end. It has a contrary tendency. The longer this
war is continued in America, the more will America become habituated
to the characters of the soldier and the marine. Military virtues and
talents and passions will gain strength, and additional activity,
every year while the war lasts; and the more these virtues, talents,
and passions are multiplied, the deeper will the foundations of
American power be laid, and the more dangerous will it become to some
or other of the powers of Europe; to France, as likely as to any other
power, because it will be more likely to be ambitious and
enterprising, and to aspire at conquests by sea and land.
This idea, however, deserves to be considered with all the attention
that Americans can give to it; although I am convinced by everything
I see and read and hear, that all the powers of Europe, except,
perhaps, the House of Austria, and I am not very clear in that
exception, rejoice in the American revolution, and consider the
independence of America as for their interest and happiness, in many
points of view, both respecting commerce and the balance of Europe;
yet I have many reasons to think, that not one of them, not even
Spain, nor France, wishes to see America rise very fast to power. We
ought, therefore, to be cautious how we magnify our ideas, and
exaggerate our expressions of the generosity and magnanimity of any of
these powers. Let us treat them with gratitude, but with dignity. Let
us remember what is due to ourselves and to our posterity, as well as
to them. Let us, above all things, avoid, as much as possible,
entangling ourselves with their wars or politics. Our business with
them, and theirs with us, is commerce, not politics, much less war.
America has been the sport of European wars and politics long enough.
I think, however, that this letter writer was very much mistaken in
his judgment, when he threw out this language. It could be meant only
to excite a jealousy and a quarrel between France and America, or
rather feed the Yorkshire people, and the people of England with a
hope of exciting such a quarrel. This is not the way to come at a
peace. They will never succeed in such a plan, and every attempt
towards it is a false policy.
The next mistake is, the idea of a reconciliation and federal union
with America. This must be intended to separate us from our allies,
which this gentleman ought, before now, to have known is totally
impracticable.
I have very little more relish for the notion of a truce. We are in a
safer way at war. We cannot make a truce without France. She will
never consent, that we should make a truce, unless she makes a peace;
and such alterations may be made in the constitutions of the Courts of
France and Spain, and in the other Courts and political connexions in
Europe, before the expiration of the term of a truce, that it would be
attended with too much hazard to us. Neither France, nor Spain, nor
the other powers of Europe, might, after a truce, be ready to go to
war again; and unforeseen divisions may be excited among ourselves by
artful emissaries from England. We are going on now in a sure and
certain road. If we go out of it, we may be lost.