The Course of the Wisdom river is--N. 25 W

The gap at the place the river passes thro a mountain in advance is--S.

18° W. 10 ms.

proceeded on and Encamped on the Lard side no wood except dry willows

and them Small, one Deer killed to day. The river obliges the men to

undergo great fatigue and labour in hauling the Canoes over the Sholes

in the Cold water naked.

[Lewis, August 14, 1805]

Wednesday August 14th

In order to give Capt. Clark time to reach the forks of Jefferson's

river I concluded to spend this day at the Shoshone Camp and obtain

what information I could with rispect to the country. as we had nothing

but a little flour and parched meal to eat except the berries with

which the Indians furnished us I directed Drewyer and Shields to hunt a

few hours and try to kill something, the Indians furnished them with

horses and most of their young men also turned out to hunt. the game

which they principally hunt is the Antelope which they pursue on

horseback and shoot with their arrows. this animal is so extreemly

fleet and dureable that a single horse has no possible chance to

overtake them or run them down. the Indians are therefore obliged to

have recorce to strategem when they discover a herd of the Antelope

they seperate and scatter themselves to the distance of five or six

miles in different directions arround them generally scelecting some

commanding eminence for a stand; some one or two now pursue the herd at

full speed over the hills values gullies and the sides of precipices

that are tremendious to view. thus after runing them from five to six

or seven miles the fresh horses that were in waiting head them and

drive them back persuing them as far or perhaps further quite to the

other extreem of the hunters who now in turn pursue on their fresh

horses thus worrying the poor animal down and finally killing them with

their arrows. forty or fifty hunters will be engaged for half a day in

this manner and perhaps not kill more than two or three Antelopes. they

have but few Elk or black tailed deer, and the common red deer they

cannot take as they secrete themselves in the brush when pursued, and

they have only the bow and arrow wich is a very slender dependence for

killing any game except such as they can run down with their horses. I

was very much entertained with a view of this indian chase; it was

after a herd of about 10 Antelope and about 20 hunters. it lasted about

2 hours and considerable part of the chase in view from my tent. about

1 A.M. the hunters returned had not killed a single Antelope, and their

horses foaming with sweat. my hunters returned soon after and had been

equally unsuccessfull. I now directed McNeal to make me a little paist

with the flour and added some berries to it which I found very

pallateable.

The means I had of communicating with these people was by way of

Drewyer who understood perfectly the common language of jesticulation

or signs which seems to be universally understood by all the Nations we

have yet seen. it is true that this language is imperfect and liable to

error but is much less so than would be expected. the strong parts of

the ideas are seldom mistaken.

I now prevailed on the Chief to instruct me with rispect to the

geography of his country. this he undertook very cheerfully, by

delienating the rivers on the ground. but I soon found that his

information fell far short of my expectation or wishes. he drew the

river on which we now are to which he placed two branches just above

us, which he shewed me from the openings of the mountains were in view;

he next made it discharge itself into a large river which flowed from

the S. W. about ten miles below us, then continued this joint stream in

the same direction of this valley or N. W. for one days march and then

enclined it to the West for 2 more days march, here he placed a number

of beeps of sand on each side which he informed me represented the vast

mountains of rock eternally covered with snow through which the river

passed. that the perpendicular and even juting rocks so closely hemned

in the river that there was no possibilyte of passing along the shore;

that the bed of the river was obstructed by sharp pointed rocks and the

rapidity of the stream such that the whole surface of the river was

beat into perfect foam as far as the eye could reach. that the

mountains were also inaccessible to man or horse. he said that this

being the state of the country in that direction that himself nor none

of his nation had ever been further down the river than these

mountains. I then enquired the state of the country on either side of

the river but he could not inform me. he said there was an old man of

his nation a days march below who could probably give me some

information of the country to the N. W. and refered me to an old man

then present for that to the S. W.--the Chief further informed me that

he had understood from the persed nosed Indians who inhabit this river

below the rocky mountains that it ran a great way toward the seting sun

and finally lost itself in a great lake of water which was illy

taisted, and where the white men lived. I next commenced my enquiries

of the old man to whom I had been refered for information relative the

country S W. of us. this he depicted with horrors and obstructions

scarcely inferior to that just mentioned. he informed me that the band

of this nation to which he belonged resided at the distance of 20 days

march from hence not far from the white people with whom they traded

for horses mules cloth metal beads and the shells which they woar as

orniment being those of a species of perl oister. that the course to

his relations was a little to the West of South. that in order to get

to his relations the first seven days we should be obliged to climb

over steep and rocky mountains where we could find no game to kill nor

anything but roots such as a ferce and warlike nation lived on whom he

called the broken mockersons or mockersons with holes, and said

inhabited those mountains and lived like the bear of other countries

among the rocks and fed on roots or the flesh of such horses as they

could take or steel from those who passed through their country. that

in passing this country the feet of our horses would be so much wounded

with the stones many of them would give out. the next part of the rout

was about 10 days through a dry and parched sandy desert in which no

food at this season for either man or horse, and in which we must

suffer if not perish for the want of water. that the sun had now dryed

up the little pools of water which exist through this desert plain in

the spring season and had also scorched all the grass. that no animal

inhabited this plain on which we could hope to subsist. that about the

center of this plain a large river passed from S. E. to N. W. which was

navigable but afforded neither Salmon nor timber. that beyond this

plain thee or four days march his relations lived in a country

tolerable fertile and partially covered with timber on another large

river which ran in the same direction of the former. that this last

discharged itself into a large river on which many numerous nations

lived with whom his relations were at war but whether this last

discharged itself into the great lake or not he did not know. that from

his relations it was yet a great distance to the great or stinking lake

as they call the Ocean. that the way which such of his nation as had

been to the Stinking lake traveled was up the river on which they lived

and over to that on which the white people lived which last they knew

discharged itself into the Ocean, and that this was the way which he

would advise me to travel if I was determined to proceed to the Ocean

but would advise me to put off the journey untill the next spring when

he would conduct me. I thanked him for his information and advise and

gave him a knife with which he appeared to be much gratifyed. from this

narative I was convinced that the streams of which he had spoken as

runing through the plains and that on which his relations lived were

southern branches of the Columbia, heading with the rivers Apostles and

Collorado, and that the rout he had pointed out was to the Vermillion

Sea or gulph of Callifornia. I therefore told him that this rout was

more to the South than I wished to travel, and requested to know if

there was no rout on the left of this river on which we now are, by

means of which, I could intercept it below the mountains through which

it passes; but he could not inform me of any except that of the barren

plain which he said joined the mountain on that side and through which

it was impossible for us to pass at this season even if we were

fortunate enough to escape from the broken mockerson Indians. I now

asked Cameahwait by what rout the Pierced nosed indians, who he

informed me inhabited this river below the mountains, came over to the

Missouri; this he informed me was to the north, but added that the road

was a very bad one as he had been informed by them and that they had

suffered excessively with hunger on the rout being obliged to subsist

for many days on berries alone as there was no game in that part of the

mountains which were broken rockey and so thickly covered with timber

that they could scarcely pass. however knowing that Indians had passed,

and did pass, at this season on that side of this river to the same

below the mountains, my rout was instantly settled in my own mind,

povided the account of this river should prove true on an investigation

of it, which I was determined should be made before we would undertake

the rout by land in any direction. I felt perfectly satisfyed, that if

the Indians could pass these mountains with their women and Children,

that we could also pass them; and that if the nations on this river

below the mountains were as numerous as they were stated to be that

they must have some means of subsistence which it would be equally in

our power to procure in the same country. they informed me that there

was no buffaloe on the West side of these mountains; that the game

consisted of a few Elk deer and Antelopes, and that the natives

subsisted on fish and roots principally. in this manner I spent the day

smoking with them and acquiring what information I could with respect

to their country. they informed me that they could pass to the

Spaniards by the way of the yellowstone river in 10 days. I can

discover that these people are by no means friendly to the Spaniard

their complaint is, that the Spaniards will not let them have fire arms

and amunition, that they put them off by telling them that if they

suffer them to have guns they will kill each other, thus leaving them

defenceless and an easy prey to their bloodthirsty neighbours to the

East of them, who being in possession of fire arms hunt them up and

murder them without rispect to sex or age and plunder them of their

horses on all occasions. they told me that to avoid their enemies who

were eternally harrassing them that they were obliged to remain in the

interior of these mountains at least two thirds of the year where the

suffered as we then saw great heardships for the want of food sometimes

living for weeks without meat and only a little fish roots and berries.

but this added Cameahwait, with his ferce eyes and lank jaws grown

meager for the want of food, would not be the case if we had guns, we

could then live in the country of buffaloe and eat as our enimies do

and not be compelled to hide ourselves in these mountains and live on

roots and berries as the bear do. we do not fear our enimies when

placed on an equal footing with them. I told them that the Minnetares

Mandans & Recares of the Missouri had promised us to desist from making

war on them & that we would indevour to find the means of making the

Minnetares of fort d Prarie or as they call them Pahkees desist from

waging war against them also. that after our finally returning to our

homes towards the rising sun whitemen would come to them with an

abundance of guns and every other article necessary to their defence

and comfort, and that they would be enabled to supply themselves with

these articles on reasonable terms in exchange for the skins of the

beaver Otter and Ermin so abundant in their country. they expressed

great pleasure at this information and said they had been long anxious

to see the whitemen that traded guns; and that we might rest assured of

their friendship and that they would do whatever we wished them.

I now told Cameahwait that I wished him to speak to his people and

engage them to go with me tomorrow to the forks of Jeffersons river

where our baggage was by this time arrived with another Chief and a

large party of whitemen who would wait my return at that place. that I

wish them to take with them about 30 spare horses to transport our

baggage to this place where we would then remain sometime among them

and trade with them for horses, and finally concert our future plans

for geting on to the ocean and of the traid which would be extended to

them after our return to our homes. he complyed with my request and

made a lengthey harrangue to his village. he returned in about an hour

and a half and informed me that they would be ready to accompany me in

the morning. I promised to reward them for their trouble. Drewyer who

had had a good view of their horses estimated them at 400. most of them

are fine horses. indeed many of them would make a figure on the South

side of James River or the land of fine horses.--I saw several with

Spanish brands on them, and some mules which they informed me that they

had also obtained from the Spaniards. I also saw a bridle bit of

spanish manufactary, and sundry other articles which I have no doubt

were obtained from the same source. notwithstanding the extreem poverty

of those poor people they are very merry they danced again this evening

untill midnight. each warrior keep one ore more horses tyed by a cord

to a stake near his lodge both day and night and are always prepared

for action at a moments warning. they fight on horseback altogether.

lobserve that the large flies are extreemly troublesome to the horses

as well as ourselves.

The morning being cold and the men stif and soar from the exertions of

yesterday Capt. Clark did not set out this morning untill 7 A.M. the

river was so crooked and rapid that they made but little way at one

mile he passed a bold runing stream on Stard. which heads in a mountain

to the North, on which there is snow. this we called track Creek. it is

4 yard wide and 3 feet deep at 7 Ms. passed a stout stream which heads

in some springs under the foot of the mountains on Lard. the river near

the mountain they found one continued rapid, with was extreemly

laborious and difficult to ascend. this evening Charbono struck his

indian Woman for which Capt. C. gave him a severe repremand. Joseph and

Reubin Fields killed 4 deer and an Antelope, Capt. C. killed a buck.

several of the men have lamed themselves by various accedents in

working the canoes through this difficult part of the river, and Capt.

C. was obliged personally to assist them in this labour. they encamped

this evening on Lard. side near the rattlesnake clift

[Clark, August 14, 1805]

August 14th Wednesday 1805.

a Cold morning wind from the S. W. The Thermometer Stood at 51° a 0, at

Sunrise the morning being cold and men Stiff. I deturmind to delay &

take brackfast at the place we Encamped. we Set out at 7 oClock and

proceeded on river verry Crooked and rapid as below Some fiew trees on

the borders near the mountain, passed a bold running Stream at 1 mile

on the Stard. Side which heads in a mountain to the North on which

there is Snow passed a bold running Stream on the Lard. Side which

heads in a Spring undr. a mountain, the river near the mountain is one

continued rapid, which requres great labour to push & haul the Canoes

up. We Encamped on the Lard Side near the place the river passes thro

the mountain. I checked our interpreter for Strikeing his woman at

their Dinner.

The hunters Jo. & R. Fields killed 4 Deer & a antilope, I killed a fat

Buck in the evening, Several men have hurt themselves pushing up the

Canoes. I am oblige to a pole occasionally.

[Lewis, August 15, 1805]

Thursday August 15th 1805.

This morning I arrose very early and as hungary as a wolf. I had eat

nothing yesterday except one scant meal of the flour and berries except

the dryed cakes of berries which did not appear to satisfy my appetite

as they appeared to do those of my Indian friends. I found on enquiry

of McNeal that we had only about two pounds of flour remaining. this I

directed him to divide into two equal parts and to cook the one half

this morning in a kind of pudding with the hurries as he had done

yesterday and reserve the ballance for the evening. on this new

fashoned pudding four of us breakfasted, giving a pretty good allowance

also to the Chief who declared it the best thing he had taisted for a

long time. he took a little of the Hour in his hand, taisted and

examined very scrutinously and asked me if we made it of roots. I

explained to him the manner in which it grew. I hurried the departure

of the Indians. the Chief addressed them several times before they

would move they seemed very reluctant to accompany me. I at length

asked the reason and he told me that some foolish persons among them

had suggested the idea that we were in league with the Pahkees and had

come on in order to decoy them into an ambuscade where their enimies

were waiting to receive them. but that for his part he did not believe

it. I readily perceived that our situation was not entirely free from

danger as the transision from suspicion to the confermation of the fact

would not be very difficult in the minds of these ignorant people who

have been accustomed from their infancy to view every stranger as an

enimy. I told Cameahwait that I was sorry to find that they had put so

little confidence in us, that I knew they were not acquainted with

whitemen and therefore could forgive them. that among whitemen it was

considered disgracefull to lye or entrap an enimy by falsehood. I told

him if they continued to think thus meanly of us that they might rely

on it that no whitemen would ever come to trade with them or bring them

arms and amunition and that if the bulk of his nation still entertained

this opinion I still hoped that there were some among them that were

not affraid to die, that were men and would go with me and convince

themselves of the truth of what I had asscerted. that there was a party

of whitemen waiting my return either at the forks of Jefferson's river

or a little below coining on to that place in canoes loaded with

provisions and merchandize. he told me for his own part he was

determined to go, that he was not affraid to die. I soon found that I

had touched him on the right string; to doubt the bravery of a savage

is at once to put him on his metal. he now mounted his horse and

haranged his village a third time; the perport of which as he

afterwards told me was to inform them that he would go with us and

convince himself of the truth or falsity of what we had told him if he

was sertain he should be killed, that he hoped there were some of them

who heard him were not affraid to die with him and if there was to let

him see them mount their horses and prepare to set out. shortly after

this harange he was joined by six or eight only and with these I smoked

a pipe and directed the men to put on their packs being determined to

set out with them while I had them in the humour at half after 12 we

set out, several of the old women were crying and imploring the great

sperit to protect their warriors as if they were going to inevitable

distruction. we had not proceeded far before our party was augmented by

ten or twelve more, and before we reached the Creek which we had passed

in the morning of the 13th it appeared to me that we had all the men of

the village and a number of women with us. this may serve in some

measure to ilustrate the capricious disposition of those people who

never act but from the impulse of the moment. they were now very

cheerfull and gay, and two hours ago they looked as sirly as so many

imps of satturn. when we arrived at the spring on the side of the

mountain where we had encamped on the 12th the Chief insited on halting

to let the horses graize with which I complyed and gave the Indians

smoke. they are excessively fond of the pipe; but have it not much in

their power to indulge themselves with even their native tobacco as

they do not cultivate it themselves.--after remaining about an hour we

again set out, and by engaging to make compensation to four of them for

their trouble obtained the previlege of riding with an indian myself

and a similar situation for each of my party. I soon found it more

tiresome riding without tirrups than walking and of course chose the

latter making the Indian carry my pack. about sunset we reached the

upper part of the level valley of the Cove which now called Shoshone

Cove. the grass being birned on the North side of the river we passed

over to the south and encamped near some willow brush about 4 miles

above the narrow pass between the hills noticed as I came up this cove

the river was here about six yards wide, and frequently darned up by

the beaver. I had sent Drewyer forward this evening before we halted to

kill some meat but he was unsuccessfull and did not rejoin us untill

after dark I now cooked and among six of us eat the remaining pound of

flour stired in a little boiling water.--Capt. Clark delayed again this

morning untill after breakfast, when he set out and passed between low

and rugged mountains which had a few pine trees distributed over them

the clifts are formed of limestone and a hard black rock intermixed. no

trees on the river, the bottoms narrow river crooked shallow shoally

and rapid. the water is as coald as that of the best springs in our

country. the men as usual suffered excessively with fatiegue and the

coldness of the water to which they were exposed for hours together. at

the distance of 6 miles by water they passed the entrance of a bold

creek on Stard. side 10 yds. wide and 3 f. 3 i. deep which we called

Willard's Creek after Alexander Willard one of our party. at 4 miles by

water from their encampment of las evening passed a bold branch which

tumbled down a steep precipice of rocks from the mountains on the Lard.

Capt Clark was very near being bitten twice today by rattlesnakes, the

Indian woman also narrowly escaped. they caught a number of fine trout.

Capt. Clark killed a buck which was the only game killed today. the

venison has an uncommon bitter taist which is unpleasent. I presume it

proceeds from some article of their food, perhaps the willow on the

leaves of which they feed very much. they encamped this evening on the

Lard. side near a few cottonwood trees about which there were the

remains of several old Indian brush lodges.

[Clark, August 15, 1805]

August 15th Thursday 1805

a Cool windey morning wind from the S W we proceeded on thro a ruged

low mountain water rapid as usial passed a bold running Stream which

falls from the mountain on the Lard. Side at 4 miles, also a bold

running Stream 10 yards wide on the Stard Side 8 feet 3 In. Deep at 6

miles, Willards Creek the bottoms narrow, the Clifs of a Dark brown

Stone Some limestone intermixed--an Indian road passes on the Lard Side

latterly used. Took a Meridian altitude at the Comsnt. of the Mountain

with Octent 65° 47' 0". The Latd. 44° 0' 48 1/10" proceeded on with great

labour & fatigue to the Mouth of a Small run on the Lard. Side

passed Several Spring runs, the men Complain much of their fatigue and

being repetiedly in the water which weakens them much perticularly as

they are obliged to live on pore Deer meet which has a Singular bitter

taste. I have no accounts of Capt Lewis Sence he Set out

In walking on Shore I Saw Several rattle Snakes and narrowly escaped at

two different times, as also the Squar when walking with her husband on

Shore--I killed a Buck nothing else killed to day--This mountn. I call

rattle Snake mountain. not one tree on either Side to day

[Lewis, August 16, 1805]

Friday August 16th 1805.

I sent Drewyer and Shields before this morning in order to kill some

meat as neither the Indians nor ourselves had any thing to eat. I

informed the Ceif of my view in this measure, and requested that he

would keep his young men with us lest by their hooping and noise they

should allarm the game and we should get nothing to eat, but so

strongly were there suspicions exited by this measure that two parties

of discovery immediately set out one on ech side of the valley to watch

the hunters as I beleive to see whether they had not been sent to give

information of their approach to an enemy that they still preswaided

themselves were lying in wait for them. I saw that any further effort

to prevent their going would only add strength to their suspicions and

therefore said no more. after the hunters had been gone about an hour

we set out. we had just passed through the narrows when we saw one of

the spies comeing up the level plain under whip, the chief pawsed a

little and seemed somewhat concerned. I felt a good deel so myself and

began to suspect that by some unfortunate accedent that perhaps some of

there enimies had straggled hither at this unlucky moment; but we were

all agreeably disappointed on the arrival of the young man to learn

that he had come to inform us that one of the whitemen had killed a

deer. in an instant they all gave their horses the whip and I was taken

nearly a mile before I could learn what were the tidings; as I was

without tirrups and an Indian behind me the jostling was disagreeable I

therefore reigned up my horse and forbid the indian to whip him who had

given him the lash at every jum for a mile fearing he should loose a

part of the feast. the fellow was so uneasy that he left me the horse

dismounted and ran on foot at full speed, I am confident a mile. when

they arrived where the deer was which was in view of me they dismounted

and ran in tumbling over each other like a parcel of famished dogs each

seizing and tearing away a part of the intestens which had been

previously thrown out by Drewyer who killed it; the seen was such when

I arrived that had I not have had a pretty keen appetite myself I am

confident I should not have taisted any part of the venison shortly.

each one had a peice of some discription and all eating most

ravenously. some were eating the kidnies the melt and liver and the

blood runing from the corners of their mouths, others were in a similar

situation with the paunch and guts but the exuding substance in this

case from their lips was of a different discription. one of the last

who attacted my attention particularly had been fortunate in his

allotment or reather active in the division, he had provided himself

with about nine feet of the small guts one end of which he was chewing

on while with his hands he was squezzing the contents out at the other.

I really did not untill now think that human nature ever presented

itself in a shape so nearly allyed to the brute creation. I viewed

these poor starved divils with pity and compassion I directed McNeal to

skin the deer and reserved a quarter, the ballance I gave the Chief to

be divided among his people; they devoured the whole of it nearly

without cooking. I now boar obliquely to the left in order to

interscept the creek where there was some brush to make a fire, and

arrived at this stream where Drewyer had killed a second deer; here

nearly the same seene was encored. a fire being kindled we cooked and

eat and gave the ballance of the two deer to the Indians who eat the

whole of them even to the soft parts of the hoofs. Drewyer joined us at

breakfast with a third deer. of this I reserved a quarter and gave the

ballance to the Indians. they all appeared now to have filled

themselves and were in a good humour. this morning early soon after the

hunters set out a considerable part of our escort became allarmed and

returned 28 men and three women only continued with us. after eating

and suffering the horses to graize about 2 hours we renued our march

and towads evening arrived at the lower part of the cove Shields killed

an Antelope on the way a part of which we took and gave the remainder

to the Indians. being now informed of the place at which I expected to

meat Capt C. and the party they insisted on making a halt, which was

complyed with. we now dismounted and the Chief with much cerimony put

tippets about our necks such as they temselves woar I redily perceived

that this was to disguise us and owed it's origine to the same cause

already mentioned. to give them further confidence I put my cocked hat

with feather on the chief and my over shirt being of the Indian form my

hair deshivled and skin well browned with the sun I wanted no further

addition to make me a complete Indian in appearance the men followed my

example and we were son completely metamorphosed. I again repeated to

them the possibility of the party not having arrived at the place which

I expected they were, but assured them they could not be far below,

lest by not finding them at the forks their suspicions might arrise to

such hight as to induce them to return precipitately. we now set out

and rode briskly within sight of the forks making one of the Indians

carry the flag that our own party should know who we were. when we

arrived in sight at the distance of about 2 miles I discovered to my

mortification that the party had not arrived, and the Indians slackened

their pace. I now scarcely new what to do and feared every moment when

they would halt altogether, I now determined to restore their

confidence cost what it might and therefore gave the Chief my gun and

told him that if his enimies were in those bushes before him that he

could defend himself with that gun, that for my own part I was not

affraid to die and if I deceived him he might make what uce of the gun

he thought proper or in other words that he might shoot me. the men

also gave their guns to other indians which seemed to inspire them with

more confidence; they sent their spies before them at some distance and

when I drew near the place I thought of the notes which I had left and

directed Drewyer to go with an Indian man and bring them to me which he

did. the indian seeing him take the notes from the stake on which they

had been plased I now had recource to a stratagem in which I thought

myself justifyed by the occasion, but which I must confess set a little

awkward. it had it's desired effect. after reading the notes which were

the same I had left I told the Chief that when I had left my brother

Chief with the party below where the river entered the mountain that we

both agreed not to bring the canoes higher up than the next forks of

the river above us wherever this might happen, that there he was to

wait my return, should he arrive first, and that in the event of his

not being able to travel as fast as usual from the difficulty of the

water, that he was to send up to the first forks above him and leave a

note informing me where he was, that this note was left here today and

that he informed me that he was just below the mountains and was coming

on slowly up, and added that I should wait here for him, but if they

did not beleive me that I should send a man at any rate to the Chief

and they might also send one of their young men with him, that myself

and two others would remain with them at this place. this plan was

readily adopted and one of the young men offered his services; I

promised him a knife and some beads as a reward for his confidence in

us. most of them seemed satisfyed but there were several that

complained of the Chief's exposing them to danger unnecessarily and

said that we told different stories, in short a few were much

dissatisfyed. I wrote a note to Capt. Clark by the light of some willow

brush and directed Drewyer to set out early being confident that there

was not a moment to spare. the chief and five or six others slept about

my fire and the others hid themselves in various parts of the willow

brush to avoid the enimy whom they were fearfull would attack them in

the course of the night. I now entertained various conjectures myself

with rispect to the cause of Capt. Clarks detention and was even fearful

l that he had found the river so difficult that he had halted below the

Rattlesnake bluffs. I knew that if these people left me that they would

immediately disperse and secrete themselves in the mountains where it

would be impossible to find them or at least in vain to pursue them and

that they would spread the allarm to all other bands within our reach &

of course we should be disappointed in obtaining horses, which would

vastly retard and increase the labour of our voyage and I feared might

so discourage the men as to defeat the expedition altogether. my mind

was in reallity quite as gloomy all this evening as the most affrighted

indian but I affected cheerfullness to keep the Indians so who were

about me. we finally laid down and the Chief placed himself by the side

of my musquetoe bier. I slept but little as might be well expected, my

mind dwelling on the state of the expedition which I have ever held in

equal estimation with my own existence, and the fait of which appeared

at this moment to depend in a great measure upon the caprice of a few

savages who are ever as fickle as the wind. I had mentioned to the

chief several times that we had with us a woman of his nation who had

been taken prisoner by the Minnetares, and that by means of her I hoped

to explain myself more fully than I could do by signs. some of the

party had also told the Indians that we had a man with us who was black

and had short curling hair, this had excited their curiossity very

much. and they seemed quite as anxious to see this monster as they wer

the merchandize which we had to barter for their horses.

at 7 A M. Capt. C. set out after breakfast. he changed the hands in

some of the canoes; they proceeded with more ease than yesterday, yet

they found the river still rapid and shallow insomuch that they were

obliged to drag the large canoes the greater part of the day. the water

excessively cold. in the evening they passed several bad rapids.

considerable quantities of the buffaloe clover grows along the narrow

bottoms through which they passed. there was no timber except a few

scatiring small pine on the hills. willow service berry and currant

bushes were the growth of the river bottoms. they geatherd considerable

quantities of service berries, and caught some trout. one deer was

killed by the hunters who slept out last night. and did not join the

party untill 10 A.M.

Capt. Clark sent the hunters this evening up to the forks of the river

which he discovered from an eminence; they mus have left this place but

a little time before we arrived. this evening they encamped on the

Lard. side only a few miles below us. and were obliged like ourselves

to make use of small willow brush for fuel. the men were much fatigued

and exhausted this evening.

[Clark, August 16, 1805]

August 16th Friday 1805

as this morning was cold and the men fatigued Stiff and Chilled

deturmined me to detain & take brackfast before I Set out. I changed

the hands and Set out at 7 oClock proceeded on Something better than

yesterday for the fore part of the Day passed Several rapids in the

latter part of the day near the hills river passed between 2 hills I

saw a great number of Service berries now ripe. the Yellow Current are

also Common I observe the long leaf Clover in great plenty in the

vallie below this vallie--Some fiew tres on the river no timber on the

hills or mountn. except a fiew Small Pine & Cedar. The Thmtr. Stood at

48° a. 0 at Sunrise wind S W. The hunters joined me at 1 oClock, I

dispatched 2 men to prosue an Indian roade over the hills for a fiew

miles, at the narrows I assended a mountain from the top of which I

could See that the river forked near me the left hand appeared the

largest & bore S. E. the right passed from the West thro an extensive

Vallie, I could See but three Small trees in any Direction from the top

of this mountain. passed an Isld. and Encamped ion the Lard. Side the

only wood was Small willows

[Lewis, August 17, 1805]

Saturday August 17th 1805.

This morning I arrose very early and dispatched Drewyer and the Indian

down the river. sent Shields to hunt. I made McNeal cook the remainder

of our meat which afforded a slight breakfast for ourselves and the

Cheif. Drewyer had been gone about 2 hours when an Indian who had

straggled some little distance down the river returned and reported

that the whitemen were coming, that he had seen them just below. they

all appeared transported with joy, & the chef repeated his fraturnal

hug. I felt quite as much gratifyed at this information as the Indians

appeared to be. Shortly after Capt. Clark arrived with the Interpreter

Charbono, and the Indian woman, who proved to be a sister of the Chif

Cameahwait. the meeting of those people was really affecting,

particularly between Sah cah-gar-we-ah and an Indian woman, who had

been taken prisoner at the same time with her, and who had afterwards

escaped from the Minnetares and rejoined her nation. At noon the Canoes

arrived, and we had the satisfaction once more to find ourselves all

together, with a flattering prospect of being able to obtain as many

horses shortly as would enable us to prosicute our voyage by land

should that by water be deemed unadvisable.

We now formed our camp just below the junction of the forks on the

Lard. side in a level smooth bottom covered with a fine terf of

greenswoard. here we unloaded our canoes and arranged our baggage on

shore; formed a canopy of one of our large sails and planted some

willow brush in the ground to form a shade for the Indians to set under

while we spoke to them, which we thought it best to do this evening.

acordingly about 4 P.M. we called them together and through the medium

of Labuish, Charbono and Sah-cah-gar-weah, we communicated to them

fully the objects which had brought us into this distant part of the

country, in which we took care to make them a conspicuous object of our

own good wishes and the care of our government. we made them sensible

of their dependance on the will of our government for every species of

merchandize as well for their defence & comfort; and apprized them of

the strength of our government and it's friendly dispositions towards

them. we also gave them as a reason why we wished to petrate the

country as far as the ocean to the west of them was to examine and find

out a more direct way to bring merchandize to them. that as no trade

could be carryed on with them before our return to our homes that it

was mutually advantageous to them as well as to ourselves that they

should render us such aids as they had it in their power to furnish in

order to haisten our voyage and of course our return home. that such

were their horses to transport our baggage without which we could not

subsist, and that a pilot to conduct us through the mountains was also

necessary if we could not decend the river by water. but that we did

not ask either their horses or their services without giving a

satisfactory compensation in return. that at present we wished them to

collect as many horses as were necessary to transport our baggage to

their village on the Columbia where we would then trade with them at

our leasure for such horses as they could spare us.--They appeared well

pleased with what had been said. the chief thanked us for friendship

towards himself and nation & declared his wish to serve us in every

rispect; that he was sorry to find that it must yet be some time before

they could be furnished with firearms but said they could live as they

had done heretofore untill we brought them as we had promised. he said

they had not horses enough with them at present to remove our baggage

to their village over the mountain, but that he would return tomorrow

and encourage his people to come over with their horses and that he

would bring his own and assist us. this was complying with all we

wished at present. we next enquired who were chiefs among them.

Cameahwait pointed out two others whom he said were Chiefs we gave him

a medal of the small size with the likeness of Mr. Jefferson the

President of the U States in releif on one side and clasp hands with a

pipe and tomahawk on the other, to the other Chiefs we gave each a

small medal which were struck in the Presidency of George Washing Esqr.

we also gave small medals of the last discription to two young men whom

the 1st Chief informed us wer good young men and much rispected among

them. we gave the 1st Chief an uniform coat shirt a pair of scarlet

legings a carrot of tobacco and some small articles to each of the

others we gave a shirt leging handkerchief a knife some tobacco and a

few small articles we also distributed a good quantity paint mockerson

awls knives beads lookingglasses &c among the other Indians and gave

them a plentifull meal of lyed corn which was the first they had ever

eaten in their lives. they were much pleased with it. every article

about us appeared to excite astonishment in ther minds; the appearance

of the men, their arms, the canoes, our manner of working them, the

back man york and the segacity of my dog were equally objects of

admiration. I also shot my air-gun which was so perfectly

incomprehensible that they immediately denominated it the great

medicine. the idea which the indians mean to convey by this appellation

is something that eminates from or acts immediately by the influence or

power of the great sperit; or that in which the power of god is

manifest by it's incomprehensible power of action. our hunters killed 4

deer and an Antelope this evening of which we also gave the Indians a

good proportion. the cerimony of our council and smoking the pipe was

in conformity of the custom of this nation perfomed bearfoot. on those

occasions points of etiquet are quite as much attended to by the

Indians as among scivilized nations. To keep indians in a good humour

you must not fatiegue them with too much business at one time.

therefore after the council we gave them to eat and amused them a while

by shewing them such articles as we thought would be entertaining to

them, and then renewed our enquiries with rispect to the country. the

information we derived was only a repetition of that they had given me

before and in which they appeared to be so candid that I could not

avoid yealing confidence to what they had said. Capt. Clark and myself

now concerted measures for our future operations, and it was mutually

agreed that he should set out tomorrow morning with eleven men

furnished with axes and other necessary tools for making canoes, their

arms accoutrements and as much of their baggage as they could carry.

also to take the indians Carbono and the indian woman with him; that on

his arrival at the Shoshone camp he was to leave Charbono and the

Indian woman to haisten the return of the Indians with their horses to

this place, and to proceede himself with the eleven men down the

Columbia in order to examine the river and if he found it navigable and

could obtain timber to set about making canoes immediately. In the mean

time I was to bring on the party and baggage to the Shoshone Camp,

calculating that by the time I should reach that place that he would

have sufficiently informed himself with rispect to the state of the

river &c. as to determine us whether to prosicute our journey from

thence by land or water. in the former case we should want all the

horses which we could perchase, the latter only to hire the Indians to

transport our baggage to the place at which we made the canoes. in

order to inform me as early as possible of the state of the river he

was to send back one of the men with the necessary information as soon

as he should satisfy himself on this subject. this plan being settled

we gave orders accordingly and the men prepared for an early march. the

nights are very cold and the sun excessively hot in the day. we have no

fuel here but a few dry willow brush. and from the appearance of

country I am confident we shall not find game here to subsist us many

days. these are additional reasons why I conceive it necessary to get

under way as soon as possible.--this morning Capt. Clark had delayed

untill 7 A.M. before he set out just about which time Drewyer arrived

with the Indian; he left the canoes to come on after him, and

immediately set out and joined me as has been before mentioned.The

sperits of the men were now much elated at the prospect of geting

horses.

[Clark, August 17, 1805]

August 17th Satturday 1805

a fair Cold morning wind S. W. the Thermometer at 42 a. 0 at Sunrise,

We Set out at 7 oClock and proceeded on to the forks I had not

proceeded on one mile before I saw at a distance Several Indians on

horsback Comeing towards me, The Intertrepeter & Squar who were before

me at Some distance danced for the joyful Sight, and She made signs to

me that they were her nation, as I aproached nearer them descovered one

of Capt Lewis party With them dressed in their Dress; the met me with

great Signs of joy, as the Canoes were proceeding on nearly opposit me

I turned those people & joined Capt Lewis who had Camped with 16 of

those Snake Indians at the forks 2 miles in advance. those Indians Sung

all the way to their Camp where the others had provd. a cind of Shade

of Willows Stuck up in a Circle the Three Chiefs with Capt. Lewis met

me with great cordialliaty embraced and took a Seat on a white robe,

the Main Chief imedeately tied to my hair Six Small pieces of Shells

resembling perl which is highly Valued by those people and is prcured

from the nations resideing near the Sea Coast. we then Smoked in their

fassion without Shoes and without much cerimoney and form.

Capt Lewis informed me he found those people on the Columbia River

about 40 miles from the forks at that place there was a large camp of

them, he had purswaded those with him to Come and See that what he said

was the truth, they had been under great apprehension all the way, for

fear of their being deceived. The Great Chief of this nation proved to

be the brother of the Woman with us and is a man of Influence Sence &

easey & reserved manners, appears to possess a great deel of Cincerity.

The Canoes arrived & unloaded--every thing appeared to asstonish those

people. the appearance of the men, their arms, the Canoes, the Clothing

my black Servent. & the Segassity of Capt Lewis's Dog. we Spoke a fiew

words to them in the evening respecting our rout intentions our want of

horses &c. & gave them a fiew presents & medals--we made a number of

inquires of those people about the Columbia River the Countrey game &c.

The account they gave us was verry unfavourable, that the River

abounded in emence falls, one perticularly much higher than the falls

of the Missouri & at the place the mountains Closed So Close that it

was impracticable to pass, & that the ridge Continued on each Side of

perpendicular Clifts inpenetratable, and that no Deer Elk or any game

was to be found in that Countrey, aded to that they informed us that

there was no timber on the river Sufficiently large to make Small

Canoes, This information (if true is alarming) I deturmined to go in

advance and examine the Countrey, See if those dificueltes presented

themselves in the gloomey picture in which they painted them, and if

the river was practiable and I could find timber to build Canoes, those

Ideas & plan appeard to be agreeable to Capt Lewis's Ideas on this

point, and I selected 11 men, directed them to pack up their baggage

Complete themselves with amunition, take each an ax and Such tools as

will be Soutable to build Canoes, and be ready to Set out at 10 oClock

tomorrow morning. Those people greatly pleased our hunters killed three

Deer & an antilope which was eaten in a Short time the Indians being so

harrassed & compelled to move about in those rugid mountains that they

are half Starved liveing at this time on berries & roots which they

geather in the plains. Those people are not begerley but generous, only

one has asked me for anything and he for powder.

This nation Call themselves Cho-shop-ne the Chief is name

Too-et-te-con'l Black Gun is his war name Ka-me-ah-wah--or Come &

Smoke. this Chief gave me the following name and pipe Ka-me-ah-wah.

[Lewis, August 18, 1805]

Sunday August 18th 1805.

This morning while Capt Clark was busily engaged in preparing for his

rout, I exposed some articles to barter with the Indians for horses as

I wished a few at this moment to releive the men who were going with

Capt Clark from the labour of carrying their baggage and also one to

keep here in order to pack the meat to camp which the hunters might

kill. I soon obtained three very good horses for which I gave an

uniform coat, a pair of legings, a few handkerchiefs, three knives and

some other small articles the whole of which did not cost more than

about 20$ in the U States. the Indians seemed quite as well pleased

with their bargin as I was. the men also purchased one for an old

checked shirt a pair of old legings and a knife. two of those I

purchased Capt. C. took on with him. at 10 A.M. Capt. Clark departed

with his detatchment and all the Indians except 2 men and 2 women who

remained with us. Two of the inferior chiefs were a little displeased

at not having received a present equivolent to that given the first

Chief. to releive this difficulty Capt. Clark bestoed a couple of his

old coats on them and I promised that if they wer active in assisting

me over the mountains with horses that I would give them an additional

present; this seemed perfectly to satisfy them and they all set out in

a good humour. Capt. Clark encamped this evening near the narrow pass

between the hills on Jefferson's river in the Shoshone Cove. his

hunters killed one deer which the party with the aid of the Indians

readily consumed in the course of the evening.--after there departure

this morning I had all the stores and baggage of every discription

opened and aired. and began the operation of forming the packages in

proper parsels for the purpose of transporting them on horseback. the

rain in the evening compelled me to desist from my operations. I had

the raw hides put in the water in order to cut them in throngs proper

for lashing the packages and forming the necessary geer for pack

horses, a business which I fortunately had not to learn on this

occasion. Drewyer Killed one deer this evening. a beaver was also

caught by one of the party. I had the net arranged and set this evening

to catch some trout which we could see in great abundance at the bottom

of the river. This day I completed my thirty first year, and conceived

that I had in all human probability now existed about half the period

which I am to remain in this Sublunary world. I reflected that I had as

yet done but little, very little indeed, to further the hapiness of the

human race, or to advance the information of the succeeding generation.

I viewed with regret the many hours I have spent in indolence, and now

soarly feel the want of that information which those hours would have

given me had they been judiciously expended. but since they are past

and cannot be recalled, I dash from me the gloomy thought and resolved

in future, to redouble my exertions and at least indeavour to promote

those two primary objects of human existence, by giving them the aid of

that portion of talents which nature and fortune have bestoed on me; or

in future, to live for mankind, as I have heretofore lived for myself.

[Clark, August 18, 1805]

August 18th Sunday 1805

Purchased of the Indians three horses for which we gave a Chiefs Coat

Some Handkerchiefs a Shirt Legins & a fiew arrow points &c. I gave two

of my coats to two of the under Chiefs who appeared not well Satisfied

that the first Chief was dressed so much finer than themselves. at 10

oClock I Set out accompanied by the Indians except 3 the interpreter

and wife, the fore part of the day worm, at 12 oClock it became hasey

with a mist of rain wind hard from the S. W. and Cold which increased

untill night the rain Seased in about two hours. We proceeded on thro a

wide leavel vallie without wood except willows & Srubs for 15 miles and

Encamped at a place the high lands approach within 200 yards in 2

points the River here only 10 yards wide Several Small Streams

branching out on each Side below. all the Indians proceeded on except

the 3 Chiefs & two young men. my hunters killed two Deer which we eate.

The Course from the forks is West 9 miles N. 60° W. 6 miles. The Laid. of

the forks agreeable to observations is 43° 30' 43" North-

[Lewis, August 19, 1805]

Monday August 19th 1805.

This morning I arrose at dylight. and sent out three hunters. some of

the men who were much in want of legings and mockersons I suffered to

dress some skins. the others I employed in repacking the baggage,

making pack saddles &c. we took up the net this morning but caugt no

fish. one beaver was caught in a trap. the frost which perfectly

whitened the grass this morning had a singular appearance to me at this

season. this evening I made a few of the men construct a sein of willow

brush which we hawled and caught a large number of fine trout and a

kind of mullet about 16 Inhes long which I had not seen before. the

scales are small, the nose is long and obtusely pointed and exceedes

the under jaw. the mouth is not large but opens with foalds at the

sides, the colour of it's back and sides is of a bluish brown and

belley white; it has the faggot bones, from which I have supposed it to

be of the mullet kind. the tongue and pallate are smooth and it has no

teeth. it is by no means as good as the trout. the trout are the same

which I first met with at the falls of the Missouri, they are larger

than the speckled trout of our mountains and equally as well flavored.-

The hunters returned this evening with two deer. from what has been

said of the Shoshones it will be readily perceived that they live in a

wretched stait of poverty. yet notwithstanding their extreem poverty

they are not only cheerfull but even gay, fond of gaudy dress and

amusements; like most other Indians they are great egotists and

frequently boast of heroic acts which they never performed. they are

also fond of games of wrisk. they are frank, communicative, fair in

dealing, generous with the little they possess, extreemly honest, and

by no means beggarly. each individual is his own sovereign master, and

acts from the dictates of his own mind; the authority of the Cheif

being nothing more than mere admonition supported by the influence

which the propiety of his own examplery conduct may have acquired him

in the minds of the individuals who compose the band. the title of

cheif is not hereditary, nor can I learn that there is any cerimony of

instalment, or other epoh in the life of a Cheif from which his title

as such can be dated. in fact every man is a chief, but all have not an

equal influence on the minds of the other members of the community, and

he who happens to enjoy the greatest share of confidence is the

principal Chief. The Shoshonees may be estimated at about 100 warriors,

and about three times that number of woomen and children. they have

more children among them than I expected to have seen among a people

who procure subsistence with such difficulty. there are but few very

old persons, nor did they appear to treat those with much tenderness or

rispect. The man is the sole propryetor of his wives and daughters, and

can barter or dispose of either as he thinks proper. a plurality of

wives is common among them, but these are not generally sisters as with

the Minnetares & Mandans but are purchased of different fathers. The

father frequently disposes of his infant daughters in marriage to men

who are grown or to men who have sons for whom they think proper to

provide wives. the compensation given in such cases usually consists of

horses or mules which the father receives at the time of contract and

converts to his own uce. the girl remains with her parents untill she

is conceived to have obtained the age of puberty which with them is

considered to be about the age of 13 or 14 years. the female at this

age is surrendered to her sovereign lord and husband agreeably to

contract, and with her is frequently restored by the father quite as

much as he received in the first instance in payment for his daughter;

but this is discretionary with the father. Sah-car-gar-we-ah had been

thus disposed of before she was taken by the Minnetares, or had arrived

to the years of puberty. the husband was yet living and with this band.

he was more than double her age and had two other wives. he claimed her

as his wife but said that as she had had a child by another man, who

was Charbono, that he did not want her. They seldom correct their

children particularly the boys who soon become masters of their own

acts. they give as a reason that it cows and breaks the Sperit of the

boy to whip him, and that he never recovers his independence of mind

after he is grown. They treat their women but with little rispect, and

compel them to perform every species of drudgery. they collect the wild

fruits and roots, attend to the horses or assist in that duty cook

dreess the skins and make all their apparal, collect wood and make

their fires, arrange and form their lodges, and when they travel pack

the horses and take charge of all the baggage; in short the man dose

little else except attend his horses hunt and fish. the man considers

himself degraded if he is compelled to walk any distance, and if he is

so unfortunately poor as only to possess two horses he rides the best

himself and leavs the woman or women if he has more than one, to

transport their baggage and children on the other, and to walk if the

horse is unable to carry the additional weight of their persons--the

chastity of their women is not held in high estimation, and the husband

will for a trifle barter the companion of his bead for a night or

longer if he conceives the reward adiquate; tho they are not so

importunate that we should caress their women as the siouxs were and

some of their women appear to be held more sacred than in any nation we

have seen I have requested the men to give them no cause of jealousy by

having connection with their women without their knowledge, which with

them strange as it may seem is considered as disgracefull to the

husband as clandestine connections of a similar kind are among

civilized nations. to prevent this mutual exchange of good officies

altogether I know it impossible to effect, particularly on the part of

our young men whom some months abstinence have made very polite to

those tawney damsels. no evil has yet resulted and I hope will not from

these connections.--notwithstanding the late loss of horses which this

people sustained by the Minnetares the stock of the band may be very

safely estimated at seven hundred of which they are perhaps about 40

coalts and half that number of mules.these people are deminutive in

stature, thick ankles, crooked legs, thick flat feet and in short but

illy formed, at least much more so in general than any nation of

Indians I ever saw. their complexion is much that of the Siouxs or

darker than the Minnetares mandands or Shawnees. generally both men and

women wear their hair in a loos lank flow over the sholders and face;

tho I observed some few men who confined their hair in two equal cues

hanging over each ear and drawnn in front of the body. the cue is

formed with throngs of dressed lather or Otterskin aternately crossing

each other. at present most of them have cut short in the neck in

consequence of the loss of their relations by the Minnetares.

Cameahwait has his cut close all over his head. this constitutes their

cerimony of morning for their deceased relations. the dress of the men

consists of a robe long legings, shirt, tippet and Mockersons, that of

the women is also a robe, chemise, and Mockersons; sometimes they make

use of short legings. the ornements of both men and women are very

similar, and consist of several species of sea shells, blue and white

beads, bras and Iron arm bands, plaited cords of the sweet grass, and

collars of leather ornamented with the quills of the porcupine dyed of

various colours among which I observed the red, yellow, blue, and

black. the ear is purforated in the lower part to receive various

ornaments but the nose is not, nor is the ear lasserated or disvigored

for this purpose as among many nations. the men never mark their skins

by birning, cuting, nor puncturing and introducing a colouring matter

as many nations do. there women sometimes puncture a small circle on

their forehead nose or cheeks and thus introduce a black matter usually

soot and grease which leaves an indelible stane. tho this even is by no

means common. their arms offensive and defensive consist in the bow and

arrows sheild, some lances, and a weapon called by the Cippeways who

formerly used it, the pog-gal'-mag-gon'. in fishing they employ wairs,

gigs, and fishing hooks. the salmon is the principal object of their

pursuit. they snair wolves and foxes. I was anxious to learn whether

these people had the venerial, and made the enquiry through the

intrepreter and his wife; the information was that they sometimes had

it but I could not learn their remedy; they most usually die with it's

effects. this seems a strong proof that these disorders bothe

gonaroehah and Louis venerae are native disorders of America. tho these

people have suffered much by the small pox which is known to be

imported and perhaps those other disorders might have been contracted

from other indian tribes who by a round of communication might have

obtained from the Europeans since it was introduced into that quarter

of the globe. but so much detatched on the other had from all

communication with the whites that I think it most probable that those

disorders are original with them. from the middle of May to the firt of

September these people reside on the waters of the Columbia where they

consider themselves in perfect security from their enimies as they have

not as yet ever found their way to this retreat; during this season the

salmon furnish the principal part of their subsistence and as this

firsh either perishes or returns about the 1st of September they are

compelled at this season in surch of subsistence to resort to the

Missouri, in the vallies of which, there is more game even within the

mountains. here they move slowly down the river in order to collect and

join other bands either of their own nation or the Flatheads, and

having become sufficiently strong as they conceive venture on the

Eastern side of the Rockey mountains into the plains, where the

buffaloe abound. but they never leave the interior of the mountains

while they can obtain a scanty subsistence, and always return as soon

as they have acquired a good stock of dryed meat in the plains; when

this stock is consumed they venture again into the plains; thus

alternately obtaining their food at the risk of their lives and

retiring to the mountains, while they consume it.--These people are now

on the eve of their departure for the Missouri, and inform us that they

expect to be joined at or about the three forks by several bands of

their own nation, and a band of the Flatheads. as I am now two busily

engaged to enter at once into a minute discription of the several

articles which compose their dress, impliments of war hunting fishing

&c I shall pursue them at my leasure in the order they have here

occurred to my mind, and have been mentioned. This morning capt. Clark

continued his rout with his party, the Indians accompanying him as

yesterday; he was obliged to feed them. nothing remarkable happened

during the day. he was met by an Indian with two mules on this side of

the dividing ridge at the foot of the mountain, the Indian had the

politeness to offer Capt. C. one of his mules to ride as he was on

foot, which he accepted and gave the fellow a waistcoat as a reward for

his politeness. in the evening he reached the creek on this side of the

Indian camp and halted for the night. his hunters killed nothing today.

The Indians value their mules very highly. a good mule can not be

obtained for less than three and sometimes four horses, and the most

indifferent are rated at two horses. their mules generally are the

finest I ever saw without any comparison.--today I observed time and

distance of sun's and moon's nearest limbs with sextant sun East.

[Clark, August 19, 1805]

August 19th Monday 1805

A verry Cold morning Frost to be Seen we Set out at 7 oClock and

proceeded on thro a wide leavel Vallie the Chief Shew me the place that

a number of his nation was killed about 1 years past this Vallie

Continues 5 miles & then becoms narrow, the beaver has Darned up the

River in maney places we proceeded on up the main branch with a gradial

assent to the head and passed over a low mountain and Decended a Steep

Decent to a butifull Stream, passed over a Second hill of a verry Steep

assent & thro a hilley Countrey for 8 miles an Encamped on a Small

Stream the Indians with us we wer oblige to feed--one man met one with

a mule & Spanish Saddle to ride, I gave him a wistoat a mule is

considered a of great value among those people we proceeded on over a

verry mountanious Countrey across the head of hollows & Springs

[Lewis, August 20, 1805]

Tuesday August 20th 1805.

This morning I sent out the two hunters and employed the ballance of

the party pretty much as yesterday. I walked down the river about--3/4

of a mile and scelected a place near the river bank unperceived by the

Indians for a cash, which I set three men to make, and directed the

centinel to discharge his gun if he pereceived any of the Indians going

down in that direction which was to be the signal for the men at work

on the cash to desist and seperate, least these people should discover

our deposit and rob us of the baggage we intend leaving here. by

evening the cash was completed unperceived by the Indians, and all our

packages made up. the Pack-saddles and harries is not yet complete. in

this operation we find ourselves at a loss for nails and boards; for

the first we substitute throngs of raw hide which answer verry well,

and for the last to cut off the blades of our oars and use the plank of

some boxes which have heretofore held other articles and put those

articles into sacks of raw hide which I have had made for the purpose.

by this means I have obtained as many boards as will make 20 saddles

which I suppose will be sufficient for our present exegencies. The

Indians with us behave themselves extreemly well; the women have been

busily engaged all day making and mending the mockersons of our party.

In the evening the hunters returned unsuccessfull. Drewyer went in

search of his trap which a beaver had taken off last night; he found

the beaver dead with the trap to his foot about 2 miles below the place

he had set it. this beaver constituted the whole of the game taken

today. the fur of this animal is as good as I ever saw any, and beleive

that they are never out of season on the upper part of the Missouri and

it's branches within the Mountains. Goodrich caught several douzen fine

trout. today. I made up a small assortment of medicines, together with

the specemines of plants, minerals, seeds &c. which, I have collected

betwen this place and the falls of the Missouri which I shall deposit

here. the robe woarn by the Shoshonees is the same in both sexes and is

loosly thrown about their sholders, and the sides at pleasure either

hanging loose or drawn together with the hands, sometimes if the

weather is cold they confine it with a girdel arround the waist; they

are generally about the size of a 21/2 point blanket for grown persons

and reach as low as the middle of the leg. this robe forms a garment in

the day and constitutes their only covering at night. with these people

the robe is formed most commonly of the skins of Antelope, Bighorn, or

deer, dressed with the hair on, tho they prefer the buffaloe when they

can procure them. I have also observed some robes among them of beaver,

moonax, and small wolves. the summer robes of both sexes are also

frequently made of the Elk's skin dressed without the hair. The shirt

of the men is really a commodious and decent garment. it roomy and

reaches nearly half way the thye, there is no collar, the apperture

being sufficiently large to admit the head and is left square at top,

or most frequently, both before and behind terminate in the tails of

the animals of which they are made and which foald outwards being

frequently left entire or somtimes cut into a fring on the edges and

ornimented with the quills of the Porcupine. the sides of the shirt are

sewed deeply fringed, and ornamented in a similar manner from the

bottom upwards, within six or eight inches of the sieve from whence it

is left open as well as the sieve on it's under side to the elbow

nearly. from the elbow the sieve fits the arm tight as low as the wrist

and is not ornimented with a fringe as the sides and under parts of the

sieve are above the elbow. the sholder straps are wide and on them is

generally displayed the taste of the manufacterer in a variety of

figures wrought with the quills of the porcupine of several colours;

beads when they have them are also displayed on this part. the tail of

the shirt is left in the form which the fore legs and neck give it with

the addition of a slight fringe. the hair is usually left on the tail,

& near the hoofs of the animal; part of the hoof is also retained to

the skin and is split into a fring by way of orniment. these shirts are

generally made of deer's Antelope's, Bighorn's, or Elk's skins dressed

without the hair. the Elk skin is less used for this purpose than

either of the others. their only thread used on this or any other

occasion is the sinews taken from the back and loins of the deer Elk

buffaloe &c. Their legings are most usually formed of the skins of the

Antelope dressed without the hair. in the men they are very long and

full each leging being formed of a skin nearly entire. the legs, tail

and neck are also left on these, and the tail woarn upwards; and the

neck deeply fringed and ornimented with porcupine qulls drags or trails

on the ground behind the heel. the skin is sewn in such manner as to

fit the leg and thye closely; the upper part being left open a

sufficient distance to permit the legs of the skin to be dran

underneath a girdle both before and behind, and the wide part of the

skin to cover the buttock and lap before in such manner that the

breechcloth is unnecessary. they are much more decent in concealing

those parts than any nation on the Missouri the sides of the legings

are also deeply fringed and ornimented. sometimes this part is

ornimented with little fassicles of the hair of an enimy whom they have

slain in battle. The tippet of the Snake Indians is the most eligant

peice of Indian dress I ever saw, the neck or collar of this is formed

of a strip of dressed Otter skin with the fur. it is about four or five

inches wide and is cut out of the back of the skin the nose and eyes

forming one extremity and the tail the other. begining a little behind

the ear of the animal at one edge of this collar and proceeding towards

the tail, they attatch from one to two hundred and fifty little roles

of Ermin skin formed in the following manner. the skin is first dressed

with the fur on it and a narrow strip is cut out of the back of the

skin reaching from the nose and imbracing the tail. this is sewed

arround a small cord of the silk-grass twisted for the purpose and

regularly tapering in such manner as to give it ajust proportion to the

tail which is to form the lower extremity of the stran. thus arranged

they are confined at the upper point in little bundles of two-three, or

more as the disign may be to make them more full; these are then

attatched to the collars as before mentioned, and to conceal the

connection of this part which would otherwise have a course appearance

they attatch a broad fringe of the Ermin skin to the collar overlaying

that part. little bundles of fine fringe of the same materials is

fastened to the extremity of the tails in order to shew their black

extremities to greater advantage. the center of the otterskin collar is

also ornamented with the shells of the perl oister. the collar is

confined arond the neck and the little roles of Ermin skin about the

size of a large quill covers the solders and body nearly to the waist

and has the appearance of a short cloak and is really handsome. these

they esteem very highly, and give or dispose of only on important

occasions. the ermin whic is known to the traiders of the N. W. by the

name of the white weasel is the genuine ermine, and might no doubt be

turned to great advantage by those people if they would encourage the

Indians to take them. they are no doubt extreemly plenty and readily

taken, from the number of these tippets which I have seen among these

people and the great number of skins employed in the construction of

each timppet. scarcely any of them have employed less than one hundred

of these skins in their formation.--This morning Capt. Clark set out at

6 in the morning and soon after arrived near their camp they having

removed about 2 miles higher up the river than the camp at which they

were when I first visited them. the chief requested a halt, which was

complyed with, and a number of the indians came out from the village

and joined them after smoking a few pipes with them they all proceeded

to the village where Capt C. was conducted to a large lodge prepared in

the center of the encampment for himself and party. here they gave him

one salmon and some cakes of dryed berries. he now repeated to them

what had been said to them in council at this place which was repeated

to the village by the Cheif. when he had concluded this address he

requested a guide to accompany him down the river and an elderly man

was pointed out by the Cheif who consented to undertake this task. this

was the old man of whom Cameahwait had spoken as a person well

acquainted with the country to the North of this river. Capt. C.

encouraged the Indians to come over with their horses and assist me

over with the baggage. he distrubuted some presents among the Indians.

about half the men of the village turned out to hunt the antelope but

were unsuccessfull. at 3 P.M. Capt. Clark departed, accompanyed by his

guide and party except one man whom he left with orders to purchase a

horse if possible and overtake him as soon as he could. he left

Charbono and the indian woman to return to my camp with the Indians. he

passed the river about four miles below the Indians, and encamped on a

small branch, eight miles distant. on his way he met a rispectable

looking indian who returned and continued with him all night; this

indian gave them three salmon. Capt. C. killed a cock of the plains or

mountain cock. it was of a dark brown colour with a long and pointed

tail larger than the dunghill fowl and had a fleshey protuberant

substance about the base of the upper chap, something like that of the

turkey tho without the snout.

[Clark, August 20, 1805]

August 20th Tuesday 1805

Set out at half past 6 oClock and proceeded on (met maney parties of

Indians) thro a hilley Countrey to the Camp of the Indians on a branch

of the Columbia River, before we entered this Camp a Serimonious hault

was requested by the Chief and I Smoked with all that Came around for

Several pipes, we then proceeded on to the Camp & I was introduced into

the only Lodge they had which was pitched in the Center for my party

all the other Lodges made of bushes, after a fiew Indian Seremonies I

informed the Indians the object of our journey our good intentions

towards them my consern for their distressed Situation, what we had

done for them in makeing a piece with the Minitarras Mandans Rickara

&c. for them-. and requested them all to take over their horses &

assist Capt Leiwis across &c. also informing them the oject of my

journey down the river and requested a guide to accompany me, all of

which was repeited by the Chief to the whole village.

The Journals of Lewis and Clark, 1804-1806 · 第 94 / 120 题