Although the Tartar troops had proved themselves a formidable enemy
at Chin-keang-foo, and the loss sustained on our side had been much
greater than in any previous encounter, a far more dangerous enemy
soon began to show itself. Cholera and low marsh fever now made their
appearance, and carried off a great many men, particularly among the
new comers. The 98th regiment, recently arrived from England, suffered
perhaps more severely than the rest; but, in reality, every ship,
whether a man-of-war, or belonging to the transport service, had
numerous sick on board; and some of the transport ships were at length
scarcely manageable, owing to the shortness of hands. Nor was the
sickness limited to one part of the river more than another; for the
North Star, and the French frigate, Erigone, which were at anchor at
Woosung, were quite as much afflicted by it as the rest of the squadron
higher up the river. Nor did it begin to diminish until cool weather
set in, and the fleet gradually withdrew out of the river, after the
peace. Many a brave man, too, suffered from its effects for months
after leaving the country; and the officers were not more exempt than
the men.
We may next proceed to inquire what was being done elsewhere by the
naval branch of the expedition, particularly by the advanced squadron
higher up the river, during these operations at Chin-keang-foo. The
great object in view was to stop the entire trade through that part of
the country, which, having numerous branches of the Grand Canal passing
through it, or at all events being intersected by several canals having
communications with the great one, may be considered as a centre of
commercial intercourse with some of the most important provinces of
China. The annual grain-junks had already passed up the canal towards
Pekin; but the importance of this great commercial highway (if a canal
may so be called in a country where the only means of transport is by
water) may be estimated from the fact, that in the course even of a few
days no less than seven hundred trading-junks were stopped; by which
means no less panic was created throughout the country, far and near,
than by the successes of our arms.
There are at least three principal communications between the
Yangtze-Keang and the southern portion of the Grand Canal, of which,
perhaps, the largest passes along the western side of the walls of
Chin-keang-foo, through the suburbs of that city. It runs very near the
west and south gates, where it is crossed by stone bridges, which, of
course, impede the navigation for large junks. In its narrowest part,
where it is contracted by stone buttresses, it is about twenty feet
broad; but, in other parts, it varies from seventy to eighty feet in
breadth, with very high, steep banks, and with a depth of water varying
from nine to fifteen feet. These observations were made by Captain
Grey, of the Endymion.
The communications on the northern side of the Yangtze-Keang are much
more numerous, and the main canal becomes much larger and finer. The
principal branch of communication opens about a mile above Golden
Island; but there are, in fact, so many openings, and such numerous
cross-lines running from one branch to the other, that the whole of
this part of the country resembles a network of water-courses. It is in
reality, so little above the level of the river, that it is entirely
laid out in paddy-swamps, which are only separated from the various
canals by embankments artificially made, and which form the only roads
or footways.
The main canal itself, on that side, varies from eighty to one hundred
yards in width, and has a fine towing-path, running along upon the top
of the embankment by which its waters are confined. A few junks had
been sunk at its entrance, and barriers had also been formed in other
branches, in order to impede the navigation, in case our small steamers
should attempt to ascend them. At the time our forces were in the
neighbourhood, the waters were evidently much higher than usual; the
paddy-fields were deeply inundated, although the rice was being cut;
and some of the villages and courts of the joss-houses were flooded.
Shortly afterwards, while our squadron was lying off Nankin, the river
overflowed its banks so extensively, that the Chinamen were obliged
to move about in boats from house to house in the suburbs; and great
distress arose, both from this cause, and from the entire stoppage of
trade in the river.
A country so subject to inundations, and intersected as it is by
canals in all directions, cannot but be at times extremely unhealthy;
and it is not to be wondered at that sickness should have broken out
extensively, among a body of foreigners long confined on board ship.
We shall presently allude to the sickness prevailing among the Chinese
themselves in the neighbourhood of Nankin, which may, in some degree,
account for the great falling off in its population.
From what has been said of the numerous openings and communications of
the Grand Canal, it is evident that it would require a considerable
force to establish an efficient blockade. But not only was it necessary
to stop the trade, but also to take measures, at the same time, to
prevent the panic among the people from reaching such a pitch as to
drive them away from their homes, and leave the country at the mercy of
the rabble, and of the lawless plunderers who flock into the towns from
all parts, causing uneasiness even to the government.
The Blonde and Modeste, together with the Proserpine, were placed so as
to blockade the two principal entrances of the canal immediately above
Chin-keang-foo, two or three days before the town was taken; while
the Nemesis and the Queen steamers, having the Plenipotentiary and
Captain Bourchier on board, proceeded some miles higher up the river,
until they suddenly discovered a large fleet of not less than three
hundred trading-junks. These were all ordered to drop down immediately
to Chin-keang, where they could more easily be prevented from making
their escape. A number of papers written in Chinese were distributed
among the captains of the junks, telling them that no harm would be
done to them, but their vessels must be detained. The Plenipotentiary
immediately returned to Chin-keang-foo, and the Nemesis was left to
hasten the departure of the junks, which were made to get under way
at once. A grand scene of confusion followed, as they were crowded
together, and all were glad to be allowed to get away from the steamer
without molestation. They were afterwards brought-to, in one of the
branches of the southern canal, just above Golden Island, and, for some
time, were under the charge of the Proserpine steamer, Commander Hough.
A few miles up the branch of the canal near the mouth of which this
large fleet of junks was discovered, was situated the third-class town
called Esching, distant about twelve or fourteen miles from Chin-keang.
The approach of the Nemesis, and the detention of the junks, caused so
much consternation, that in the evening a respectably-dressed Chinaman,
who, from the authority he was afterwards found to possess, must have
been a mandarin of some rank, came down to the steamer, bringing a few
trifling presents of tea &c., as a means of introduction. His object
evidently was to ascertain whether there was any intention of taking
possession of the town; and, if so, to endeavour to avert the calamity
by the offer of a ransom.
Supplies of fresh provisions were at this time greatly wanted in
the fleet. Many ships, particularly transports, had not been able
to procure fresh meat or vegetables for a considerable time, and
the sick were, consequently, deprived of what was most essential to
their recovery. This opportunity of procuring supplies was not to be
neglected. The Chinese gentleman and his attendants were conducted
over every part of the steamer, with which they were evidently much
surprised, but above all with the engines. He was soon made to
understand that if he promised to send down abundant supplies, all of
which would be equitably paid for, no harm whatever would be done to
the town or its inhabitants; but that no trading-junks could on any
account be permitted to pass up the river, or through that branch of
the canal.
A demand for twenty bullocks was made, and they were to be delivered
on the following day. This was declared to be impossible--so many
could not be found; however, he was quietly told that they _must_ be
forthcoming, and that ten dollars would be paid for each of them. Late
in the evening the party of Chinamen returned to the town, apparently
quite satisfied with the civility they had received, and equally
convinced of the formidable character of their new visiter.
On the following morning, the 19th, the same people again came on board
very early, bringing with them vegetables and fruit, and remained some
hours, while the Nemesis was chasing the junks, which were continually
coming into view as she proceeded, and were naturally trying to make
their escape. There were two interpreters (Chinamen from Canton) on
board, who hailed them to bring-to, telling them that they would
receive no molestation if they went quietly _down_ the river. But
some of them continued to persevere in their attempt to escape, and,
when two shots across their bows failed to bring them to, a third was
invariably fired into them, which soon had the desired effect. One or
two Congreve rockets frightened them still more, and at last they were
all brought-to in great consternation. The Chinese visiters, who were
on board all this time, were perfectly astonished and bewildered, but
were not prevented from making a good breakfast, nevertheless.
A short distance further up the river, they fell in with several junks
laden with coal, but abandoned by their crews. Some of them were soon
driven on shore at different points, where they could not easily be
got off, in order to serve as coal depôts for the steamer, and one of
the largest of them was lashed alongside and taken in tow, while the
Nemesis still continued her pursuit of the other junks up the river;
one part of her crew being occupied in "coaling" from the junk, and
the other at quarters, occasionally firing a shot across the bows of
any junk that refused to bring-to.
It is here worth while to remark that coal is found in great abundance
in China. Indeed, it is difficult to say what is _not_ found there:
gold, silver, iron, copper, zinc, coal, in short, all that is most
requisite for a commercial and manufacturing people. Coal is known to
exist in abundance in the gulf of Pechelee; it is found in the province
of Che-Keang, and in almost every town visited by the expedition it
was exposed for sale in greater or less quantity. At Nankin, immense
heaps of it were found stored up by the river side, and divided into
three qualities, separated from each other. That which answered best
for steaming purposes had a less promising appearance than the other
qualities. It looked slaty, but was found to burn better than the
Indian coal, and our steamers all found it to answer well. Probably, if
the mines were worked to a greater depth, a better description of coal
would be found.[71]
About a mile and a half above the lower branch of the canal leading
up to Eshing, another larger branch was discovered, which joined the
first one a little below the town. On the evening of the 19th, the Dido
and Childers arrived, and joined the Nemesis; the former, commanded
by the Honourable Captain Keppel, who was now the senior officer, was
stationed off the upper branch, while the latter blockaded the lower
one. Captain Hall immediately presented to Captain Keppel the Chinese
gentleman, or, in reality, mandarin, who had hitherto been so polite
and attentive; and the assurances previously given were reiterated,
that no harm would be done to the town or the neighbouring country,
if abundant supplies were brought down. The same evening they went up
the canal in three boats to the town, where they were very politely
received by the same Chinaman, who appeared to possess great authority
over the people, who obeyed every direction he gave. At first they
looked on in half stupid wonder, but were evidently reassured when
they were told that nothing would be demanded but supplies of meat and
vegetables.
On the following day, the Chinaman again came down to the Nemesis,
bringing with him all the gentlemen of his family, in order to show
his confidence, and at the same time invited Captain Keppel and other
officers to visit him at his house in the city, and proposed to give
them an entertainment at a joss-house ashore. He even hinted that he
would _introduce them to his wife_.
Arrangements were now made for establishing a regular market in
the courtyard of the large joss-house, which stood close to the
landing-place at the mouth of the canal. The man scrupulously kept
his word, supplies in great abundance of every description were
brought down for sale, and the sight of dollars soon overcame all the
Chinamen's fears. In fact, they reaped a good harvest. These supplies
were all sent down to the fleet at Chin-keang as fast as they could be
procured, Chinese boats or small junks being employed to convey them,
escorted by a boat alternately from the Dido and the Nemesis, to ensure
their safe delivery. Such was the result of conciliating the good-will,
and pacifying the fears of the Chinese.
For a moment the fears of the people were awakened by the accidental
burning of some buildings at the mouth of the lower branch of the
canal, where the Childers was stationed. But fortunately the Admiral
came up in person, on board the Pluto, in the afternoon, to examine
the river, and the assurance of protection, if abundant supplies were
provided, being circulated among the people by a written paper or chop
in the Chinese character, they resumed their former confidence, and did
not conceal their delight. This was the evening before Chin-keang was
taken.
The next day, the 21st July, the Chinese gentleman and his attendants,
according to previous invitation, came down to conduct the officers
to his house in the city, situated four or five miles up the canal.
It is not a little singular, that while one party of our countrymen
were partaking of Chinese hospitality, upon the most friendly terms,
in the centre of a considerable town, the rest were engaged in deadly
hostility, fighting for hearth and home, in a city only a few miles
distant. Although the distance from one to the other by the river
cannot be less than twelve or thirteen miles, it must be very much less
in a direct line by land, as the firing was distinctly heard.
On coming on board to fetch the officers who were invited to the
entertainment at his house, the unhappy Chinaman burst into a flood of
tears, and soon made them understand that his wife had ran away from
him, the moment it was announced that they were coming to pay her a
visit. Probably tidings had already been brought of the commencement of
the attack upon Chin-keang; nevertheless, on reaching the town, there
were no indications of alarm among the people; they crowded round in
all directions, out of mere curiosity; the shops were not closed, and
business did not appear to be interrupted.
A proclamation was distributed as the party proceeded, announcing to
the inhabitants that all supplies would be scrupulously paid for,
and that no injury would be done to the city. The best interpreter
was found to be a little Chinese boy, only ten years old, who had
been several months on board the Nemesis, having been almost adopted
by her commander, after the death of his father, who was killed at
Chusan. In this short time he had picked up English in an astonishing
manner. His extreme youth was a guarantee for his honesty; and, at
last, the Chinese gentleman carried on all his conversation through
this interesting little boy; declaring that the little follow spoke
truth and could be depended on, but that the two Canton interpreters
perverted what was said, by purposely translating it wrongly, to suit
their own purposes, and with a view to extort money.
The Chinese gentleman's house was situated in the very heart of the
city; it was a very respectable mansion, with courts and buildings of
great extent, ornamented with carved wood-work, similar to most other
respectable houses of its class. All the relations and friends of the
family had been invited on the occasion, refreshments were handed
round, but no females made their appearance. At length, the master of
the house was resolved to drown his sorrows for the loss of his wife,
by the delicious enjoyment of his opium-pipe, which soon revived his
drooping spirits.
The return of the party through the streets towards the boats was
the occasion of greater movement among the people than before. As
an additional mark of respect, two well-dressed persons accompanied
each of the officers, one on either side, _fanning_ them as they
went, for the day was extremely sultry. Altogether, it was a most
interesting scene. Another entertainment was also given to them in the
joss-house, at the mouth of the canal, where the market was held; and,
in short, nothing was omitted on the part of the Chinese, to show their
confidence, and their wish to cultivate our good-will.
On the following day, the surveying vessels, Starling, Plover, and
Medusa, having on board the masters of the fleet, joined the advanced
squadron under Captain Keppel, bringing the first intelligence of the
fight of the previous day.
We must now return for a moment to Chin-Keang, which we left in the
last chapter in the possession of our troops, the greater part of which
were already preparing to move up towards Nankin. Another attempt was
now made by the Chinese commissioners, Keying and Elepoo, to open
negotiations with the Plenipotentiary; but since they did not even now
produce full authority from the Emperor to treat for peace, no other
than the answer they had previously received could be given to them.
It has before been mentioned that the Tartar general, Hailing, when he
saw that all was lost, set fire to his house, and burned himself to
death in it. His wife and his grandson shared the same fate; at least
so it would appear from the orders issued by the Emperor afterwards,
whose mandate was sent to Keying, "that he should despatch messengers
to make diligent search for their bodies, in order that great honours
might be conferred upon them. Such loyalty and devotion are worthy of
the highest praise!" A temple was also ordered to be erected to his
memory, as soon as the war should be ended, upon which his own name,
and also those of his wife and his grandson, were to be inscribed.
Moreover, as soon as the prescribed period of mourning of one hundred
days should have expired, the whole of his sons and daughters were to
be sought out, and conducted into the imperial presence. Such, then,
are the rewards which the Emperor holds out to those who put an end to
their own lives after a defeat.
Sir Hugh Gough, finding that it would take a much larger body of men
to garrison the town than could be spared from his small force, and
that, moreover, it could scarcely be considered habitable during the
great heat, on account of the horrible stench proceeding from the dead
bodies of the fallen Tartars, (principally by their own hands,) and
from the stagnant water in the smaller canals, determined merely to
occupy the heights commanding the city towards its north-eastern angle.
Major-General Schoedde's brigade was to be left in charge of the place,
together with a detachment of artillery. In order to establish a direct
communication between the heights and the city on that side, a portion
of the wall was blown in, (with very large charges of Chinese powder,)
and the rubbish removed, so as to leave a large, free opening into the
city. The whole line of parapet on that side was also demolished.
Another hill commanding the southern entrance to the Grand Canal was
also to be occupied. The troops left behind were quite sufficient to
hold these positions against any force the Chinese could bring against
them after their late defeat. It consisted of the 55th regiment, and
one company of the 98th, with the 2nd and 6th M.N.I., with artillery
and sappers.
Perhaps the most curious object discovered at Chin-keang, and which
has excited many ingenious speculations as to the ancient progress
of the Chinese in many of the useful arts, was a small pagoda _made
entirely of cast iron_. Some have called it Gutzlaff's Pagoda, for
he is said to have been the first to find it out; and it excited so
much attention, that the question was at one time mooted, as to the
possibility of taking it to pieces, and conveying it to England,
as a remarkable specimen of Chinese antiquity. Nor would this have
been at all impossible; for, although it had seven stories, it was
altogether little more than thirty feet high, and each story was cast
in separate pieces. It was of an octagonal shape, and had originally
been ornamented in high relief on every side, though the lapse of ages
had much defaced the ornaments. It was calculated by Mr. Gutzlaff, that
this remarkable structure must be at least _twelve hundred years old_,
judging from the characters still found upon it. Whatever its age may
be, there can be no question that it proves the Chinese were acquainted
with the art of casting large masses of iron, and of using them both
for solidity and for ornament, centuries before it was adopted in
Europe.
On the 2nd of August, the preparations were all completed for the
advance of the forces upon Nankin, the surveying vessels having already
preceded the squadron. The principal difficulty which remained to
be overcome was the great force of the current, which it required a
strong favourable wind to enable the ships to stem. Indeed, without the
assistance of steamers, it is doubtful whether all the ships could have
got up. On the 5th, the General reached Nankin in the Marion transport,
towed by the Queen steamer, having the Plenipotentiary on board.
On the following day, the Admiral got up in the Cornwallis, with
some other vessels, but the whole of the squadron did not join
until the 9th. The Nemesis attended a part of the fleet, to render
assistance wherever it was most required, particularly in getting off
the transports which took the ground, a service requiring no little
judgment and perseverance. Just below Nankin the river takes a very
considerable bend, its former course having been nearly east and west,
while it now turns nearly due south until it has passed Nankin. There
is, however, a cut, or canal, or creek, at all events, a water passage,
which cuts off this bend, of course materially shortening the distance,
which from point to point is about ten miles round, and only six miles
by the cut. The passage, however, is narrow; but the Nemesis, taking in
tow one of the transports, found her way safely through it.
On the 10th, the proper positions were assigned to the ships, in case
it should be necessary to bombard the city. The nearest point of the
walls to the river was about seven hundred yards, and the nearest gate
about one thousand. The Cornwallis, Blonde, and heavy steamers were
placed so as to breach the walls, if required.
Already before leaving Chin-keang, a regular summons had been sent
up to Nankin, addressed to New Kien, the viceroy of the province. It
was hoped that by these means bloodshed might be avoided. Immediately
the forces arrived before the city, it was determined that the
troops should be landed without delay, with a view to make a strong
demonstration against the city, and there was some reason to think
that this would be sufficient to decide the wavering councils of the
Chinese, without further resort to arms; and, at all events, it was
requisite to support our demands by a show of the means of enforcing
them.
A memorial was intercepted, addressed to the Emperor by the Tartar
general commanding at Nankin, boldly announcing the defeat and
dispersion of the Chinese troops, and the imminent danger even of
Nankin itself. It was evident that great alarm was felt, and that a
general desire to stay hostilities had got the better of all their
hatred of the foreigners. The entire stoppage of the trade of that
part of the empire, and the distress resulting from it, tended very
materially to promote this desirable object.
The venerable Elepoo had arrived at Nankin nearly at the same time
with Sir Henry Pottinger; and very soon afterwards, Keying, the
other imperial commissioner, a member of the imperial house sent
expressly from Pekin, joined his colleague. Various messages and
writings now passed between the governor of Nankin, New Kien, and
the Plenipotentiary, in which, among other things, a heavy ransom
was offered for the city. In short, the grand effort of the Chinese
authorities was to gain time, to defer the evil hour of absolute
concession to our demands, and to put us off in some way or other for
the moment, as they had formerly done at Canton, without committing
themselves to a final settlement of affairs.
Fortunately, they had a man of determined energy and statesmanlike
qualities to deal with, in Sir Henry Pottinger; one who took a broad,
defined view of all the questions involved, and who would not swerve
for a moment from what he considered just demands and capable of
being enforced. All the astute efforts of the Chinese to temporize,
to _shirk_ the main question, to save their own dignity, and to
withhold what was due to that of their opponents, were promptly and
energetically met. With all the honour which we justly accord to the
naval and military operations of the war, with all due consideration
for the diplomatic difficulties which had hitherto beset our efforts
to make an equitable adjustment of the pending disputes, we cannot
but concede to Sir Henry Pottinger the well-earned palm of praise and
eminence for the consummate tact and skill with which he conducted the
difficult negotiations at Nankin to a speedy and successful issue.
It is not necessary, nor indeed would it be an easy matter even for
one initiated into the secrets of the diplomatic correspondence which
followed, to describe all the attempts at evasion which were made by
the Chinese, and the cunning with which they at first endeavoured
to arrogate to their Emperor and to themselves superior titles of
distinction and precedence. Even when it was announced that the high
commissioners, Elepoo and Keying, had arrived, with full powers under
the imperial pencil to treat upon every subject, it was no easy task
to bring them to straightforward matters of business, or to force them
to produce the actual instrument of authority which they professed
to possess. The landing of the troops, however, and the earnest
preparations which were made for storming the city, tended to bring
them speedily to their senses.
After deducting the garrison left at Chin-keang, and the sick which
remained on board the transports, the actual force at Sir Hugh Gough's
disposal for the attack of the city amounted to about three thousand
four hundred men, exclusive of the officers; a force sufficient for
the easy attainment of the object itself, but very small indeed for
the duties likely to be required of it, when once in possession of
the city. Sickness would very soon have greatly reduced the number of
effective men; and although they would, in case of need, have received
accessions, by the addition of the marines and seamen of the squadron,
still there were even at that time so many sick on board the ships,
that it would have been very difficult to make any calculation as to
the number which would have remained fit for service at the end of
a couple of months. The waters of the river were exceedingly high;
in many parts the banks were overflowed in the neighbourhood of the
city, and fever and cholera were the most dangerous enemies to be
apprehended. In every point of view, it is a matter of the greatest
congratulation, not only that the war was so soon brought to a close,
but even that our forces were not detained for any great length of time
at Nankin.
The position of Nankin is evidently well chosen for that of a great
capital; but the city is greatly fallen from its ancient importance and
extent. There are remains of an ancient or outer wall, which can be
traced over hill and dale for a distance of not less than thirty-five
miles. The Chinese have a saying, that if two horsemen start at
daybreak from any given point of the walls, in opposite directions, and
gallop round the walls of the city, they will not meet until sunset.
But this must be a regular _Chinese_ gallop, and not exactly that of
an English hunter. How much of this immense space was in ancient times
occupied by houses, it would be difficult to determine. The walls of
the present city are not nearly of so great an extent; and of the
actual space enclosed within them, a very small portion indeed, perhaps
not exceeding an eighth part, is occupied by the actual town.
Here again, as at Chin-keang and Chapoo, the Tartar city is separated
from the Chinese part of it by a wall and gates running across
it;--so carefully have the conquerors preserved their broad line of
distinction, in person, habits, mode of life, and privileges, even in
the ancient capital of the empire.
The great extent of the walls, even in the present day, rendered the
city ill calculated for defence, independently even of its being
commanded by hills, particularly on its eastern side. The principal
of these was called the Chungshan hill, the base of which commanded
the ramparts, and from the summit of which there was a magnificent
prospect over the whole surrounding country, including the city itself.
It was principally from this, the eastern side, that the chief attack
was to have been made, had it been necessary to resort to extremities.
There were three gates in that face of the walls, which run very
irregularly, and towards the river are almost inaccessible, owing to
the swampy nature of the ground; a considerable lake occupies the space
between two of the gates. The latter are, however, approached by good
causeways, by which they might easily have been threatened, while the
real attack would have been made higher up, under cover of the guns
planted upon the slope of the Chungshan hill.
The greater part of the troops were landed at a village about four or
five miles up the creek or short cut before described, because there
were good causeways leading directly from that point towards the city.
The Nemesis was able to land at one time not less than a thousand men,
and, in case of absolute necessity, could have contrived to carry at
least a hundred and fifty more.
On the opposite or western side of the city, there was a large canal
running from the river directly up under the walls, and serving to
strengthen the approaches to them on that side. The mouth of this
canal was completely stopped up by very strong rafts, firmly secured.
They were, moreover, constructed in such a manner that there were, in
fact, a succession of rafts, one above the other. On removing the upper
tier, another lower one immediately rose to the surface; and, as they
were made of stout timbers, well secured together, they effectually
prevented our boats from getting up the canal. Upon the top of the
rafts, little huts had even been erected, in which a few poor fellows
were living, but apparently not with any purpose of defence.
At daylight, on the 14th, the attack was ordered to be made upon the
city, all being now in readiness, and the guns in position. Due warning
was finally given to the commissioners, that nothing could delay or
suspend the attack except the production of the actual document itself,
of the contents of which they had hitherto only given a very partial
account. It was not until past midnight, _scarcely more than three
hours_ before the artillery would have opened, and the assault have
taken place, that the commissioners at length yielded, and sent a
letter, addressed to Sir Henry Pottinger, promising the production of
the all-important document at a meeting to be arranged for the morning,
and entreating that hostilities might at least be delayed until that
time.
This was a moment of intense excitement to all who were acquainted with
the circumstances. The attack was of course delayed, but it was doubted
by many whether some new pretext would not still be found to delay
or to break off the negotiations, and render the capture of the city
inevitable. However, the proposed meeting did take place at a temple
on shore, in the southern suburbs of the city, near the canal; and at
length, with great form and ceremony, the emperor's commission was
produced, and carefully examined by Mr. Morrison, in the presence of
Major Malcolm; and, at the same time, Sir Henry Pottinger's patent was
likewise produced, and translated to the deputies who attended for the
purpose on the part of the imperial commissioners.
As yet, no personal interview had taken place between Sir Henry and the
commissioners. Matters now proceeded satisfactorily. It was evident
that the Chinese were at length prepared to yield anything we might
demand; their anxiety to put an end to the blockade of the river and
the canal was not concealed, and it was said to be freely admitted that
the people were in the greatest distress.
Three days afterwards--viz., on the 17th, it was announced by Sir
Henry Pottinger to the naval and military commanders-in-chief, that
the negotiations had arrived at that stage which authorized him to
beg that hostilities might be considered suspended. Some little delay
was necessarily occasioned, by the time required, and the difficulty
experienced, in translating the lengthened correspondence which took
place. The distance, moreover, of the city from the ships, and the time
necessary to receive and transmit the communications and their replies,
tended to prolong the proceedings. Even in three days, however, the
treaty was actually drafted in English and Chinese, (the latter a task
of extreme difficulty, from the precision of terms necessary,) and the
commissioners acceded to the whole tenour and forms of a document of
incalculable importance, not only to England and the other nations of
Europe, but to the whole future welfare and progress of the Chinese
empire.
Many days must have elapsed before the terms of the treaty could be
made known at Pekin, and the assent of the emperor be received. It
might still have been doubted whether, even in the eleventh hour,
the emperor could bring himself to submit to the hard necessity of
accepting terms which he had hitherto believed himself able rather to
dictate to every other nation, or to accord, as a matter of "especial
favour," to submissive barbarians, than to receive from them as a boon.
The high commissioners, of course, professed to be confident that all
the provisions of the treaty would be assented to by the emperor. They
were extremely anxious to persuade Sir Henry Pottinger that the ships
might safely be withdrawn from the river _at once_, even before an
answer could be received from Pekin. Their great anxiety to have the
blockade raised was by no means concealed; but the plenipotentiary was
far too clever a diplomatist to think of foregoing, for a moment,
the immense advantage which the position of our forces already gave
him, and the commissioners were distinctly apprised that everything
would still continue to be held in readiness for the resumption of
hostilities, in the event of the emperor's confirmation of the acts of
his commissioners being withheld.
The report which was sent up to the emperor by the two high
commissioners was certainly remarkable for its clearness and
simplicity, compared with the tone usually adopted in Chinese
documents. Indeed, it has generally been accorded to Keying, that he
was the first high officer who, since the commencement of the war, had
dared to tell the naked truth to his imperial master.
The time which elapsed between the sending up of the draft of the
treaty for submission to the emperor, and its return with the imperial
assent, was partially occupied by visits of ceremony between the high
commissioners and the British plenipotentiary. On the 19th, the former
paid their first visit on board the Cornwallis, having been conveyed
thither from the mouth of the canal, on board the little Medusa
steamer. They were received on board by the plenipotentiary, supported
by the admiral and general, and after having partaken of refreshments,
were conducted round the ship, every part of which they inspected, but
without _expressing_ any particular astonishment, which in China is
considered ill bred.[72]
The commissioners were accompanied by New Kien, the viceroy, and also
by the Tartar general.
On the 22nd, the visit was returned by Sir Henry Pottinger, accompanied
by the Commanders-in-chief, and attended by upwards of a hundred
officers in full uniform. They were escorted by a guard of honour of
the grenadiers of the 18th royal Irish. The place of meeting was at the
temple outside the walls, at which the previous conferences respecting
the production of the imperial commission had been held. It was an
imposing and interesting scene; the number and variety of the costumes,
contrasted with the uniforms of our officers, and the novelty of the
spectacle altogether, could not fail to make a deep impression upon all
present.
On the 26th, a conference was held _within_ the walls of Nankin itself,
between Sir Henry Pottinger and the commissioners, and the terms of the
treaty were again read and discussed. Sir Henry was escorted by a guard
mounted upon the Arab horses brought from Madras for the artillery.
Little could have been seen of the city upon this occasion, as the
procession passed directly up to one of the public halls, and returned
by the same route. The bearing of the people was perfectly quiet and
orderly; and the mark of confidence on both sides shewn by the visit of
the commissioners on board the Cornwallis, and of the plenipotentiary
within the walls of the city, must certainly have tended to increase
the mutual good understanding which it was now so desirable to
cultivate.
At length, on the 29th of August, three days after the previous visit,
the emperor's full assent to the provisions of the treaty having in
the meantime arrived, the ceremony of the actual signature of this
most interesting document took place on board the Cornwallis. Every
arrangement was made which could at all enhance the solemnity of the
ceremony; and even the venerable Elepoo, though sick and very infirm
from age and ill health, allowed himself to be _carried_ on board, and
into the after-cabin, rather than delay for a day the signature of the
treaty.
A great number of officers (all those having a rank equal to that of a
field-officer) were admitted into the after-cabin, in order to witness
the intensely interesting ceremony. Captain Hall was likewise permitted
to be present, as a mark of especial favour, although not then of the
prescribed rank. Just at the eventful moment, also, Captain Cecille, of
the French frigate Erigone, arrived from Woosung, having made his way
up in a Chinese junk hired for the occasion at Shanghai, and manned by
a picked crew of his own men. He presented himself uninvited, on board
the flag-ship, and almost _demanded_ to be present. It is said that his
reception was not very cordial.
It was at first feared by many that the Chinese government would
prove itself insincere in its professions, and would probably seek
an early opportunity of nullifying the provisions of the treaty. By
others, it has been thought that even the people themselves would not
only continue their ancient hostility to foreigners, but might urge,
and almost force the government itself into renewed collision with
us--that, in fact, nothing short of the capture of Pekin itself, at
some future day, would suffice to humble the nation, and compel them to
hold reluctant intercourse with us.
[Illustration: EAST COAST OF CHINA _FROM_ CANTON TO NANKING]
The disturbances which took place at Canton, _after_ the peace (to be
described in the next chapter) gave some colour, for the moment, to
these apprehensions; and the less people at a distance were acquainted
with the origin and nature of those disturbances, and with the Chinese
character generally, the more readily such apprehensions found
credence. In this respect, I firmly believe that we do the Chinese some
injustice; and I cannot but think that, if further difficulties should
arise, which might lead to a collision much to be deplored, they will
be occasioned rather by some indiscretion, some want of forbearance,
or some undue and unwarranted interference with the acknowledged
rights and customs of the Chinese, _by foreigners themselves_, than by
violence on the part of the people, or a wish to annul the provisions
of the treaty on the part of the government. It is only necessary to
read the whole of the published correspondence of Sir Henry Pottinger,
and to look at the scrupulous exactness with which the Chinese have
acted, and, we may add, the readiness with which they have met Sir
Henry's wishes, to be convinced that it only requires judgment,
forbearance, and strict propriety on our part, not only to continue,
but even to _increase_, the good understanding which already exists.
The regulations already published by Sir Henry Pottinger, respecting
the future trade, will go far to prevent any _wilful_ misunderstanding.
But if we wish to extend our intercourse, and to benefit by increased
good-will and confidence, we must win it from the Chinese by
cultivating their good feelings, not by offending their prejudices, and
by treating them with consideration, firmness, and _scrupulous honesty_.
The consuls at the five ports will have arduous and responsible duties
to perform, and very much must depend upon their tact and judgment.
The Chinese are not only a prejudiced, but a _timid_ people; they
require to be led rather by good management and scrupulous faith, than
to be irritated by overbearing manner, or forced into dishonesty by
the constant suspicion of it. During the existence of the company's
charter, the mark of the company was considered by the Chinese as
an unfailing guarantee of the genuine character and quality of the
articles, in accordance with the description given of them. The mark no
longer exists, and the Chinese merchants have not that implicit faith
in the written description of our goods which they formerly had. It is
impossible to be too scrupulous in maintaining our character for strict
integrity and fair dealing; and it is to be hoped that these will be
kept strictly in view, more especially in the new ports just opened to
us.
FOOTNOTES:
[71] Dr. Smith makes particular mention of coal as being commonly seen
in China during Lord Macartney's embassy. Pits of coal were found
near the Poyang lake above Nankin. He says that the coal found in the
province of Pechelee was a species of graphite; that which was seen
near the Yangtze river was like Kennel coal, and that observed near the
Poyang lake resembled covey coal. Other coal found at Chow-chow-foo
contained much sulphur, and was used in the manufacture of sulphate of
iron in the neighbourhood of that city.
[72] I have heard it said by some who were present on this occasion,
that the commissioners appeared more struck with the fact of _boys_,
midshipmen, wearing uniform, and learning the art of war so young,
than with anything else. I think it was Elepoo who had the curiosity
to examine the dress of one of the youngsters; as much as to say, that
he would be much better at school, imbibing the "doctrines of pure
reason," than learning how to fight so young, on board a man-of-war.
The same remark had also been made, on another occasion, by Keshen, at
Canton, respecting the young Mr. Gray; and, I believe, a remark very
much like it, was made by the grandfather of the present Emperor, to
Sir George Staunton, who was then a boy.