All intention of advancing upon the important cities of Hang-chow
or Soo-chow-foo was now given up; large reinforcements had already
arrived, and more were daily expected at Woosung; and it was resolved
to advance immediately upon Nankin, the ancient capital of the empire.
The navigation of the Yangtze river was almost entirely unknown, only
a small portion of it having been surveyed by Captain Bethune in the
Conway. To the Chinese themselves the ascent of large ships or junks,
as far as Nankin, appeared quite impracticable, principally owing to
the amazing strength of the currents, and the numerous sand-banks which
render its channel intricate.
Sir William Parker, however, felt so much confidence in his own
resources, and in the aid of his numerous steam-vessels, (several more
of which had now arrived,) that he did not hesitate to undertake the
bold measure of conducting a fleet of between seventy and eighty sail,
including two _line of battle ships_, besides the large troop-ships,
into the very heart of the empire, more than two hundred miles from
the sea. The whole commerce of this vast Yangtze river would thus be
cut off; the Grand Canal itself would be blockaded, and it was hoped
that we should be able to intercept the large fleet of grain-junks,
which, at this time of the year, carry up their cargoes to the imperial
metropolis, and not only furnish its inhabitants with food, but also
the imperial treasury _with tribute_. It appeared, however, from
official documents afterwards found at Chin-keang-foo, the Tartar
stronghold at the mouth of the Grand Canal, that the authorities had
anticipated the possibility of their communications being interrupted,
and had, therefore, hastened on this annual supply, and had collected
a body of militia to act as an escort for it. It was ascertained that
these grain-junks had all crossed the Yangtze river, from the southern
to the northern branch of the canal, on the 26th of June--viz., a few
days before our fleet left Woosung.
On the 23rd of June, our troops returned from Shanghai to Woosung,
principally on board the steamers; but two companies of the 18th,
and the Rifles, together with the horses of the artillery, marched
back by land, the guns being brought down on board the vessels. The
Nemesis, having conveyed her detachments of troops to their respective
transports, volunteered to go and fetch off the other division, and
also the horses, which had marched overland, and had been waiting for
several hours at Woosung without the means of getting on board their
ships. The men were embarked direct from the river's bank, and the
horses were hoisted in with slings, and it was late at night before
they were put on board their respective transports; in doing which one
boat was unfortunately capsized.
The Belleisle, with the whole of the 98th on board, had just arrived
from England, together with the Rattlesnake troop-ship, and the Vixen,
heavily-armed steamer, Commander H. Boyes; and the Proserpine, Captain
J. J. Hough, R.N. They were preceded by the Endymion, 44 guns, Captain
Honourable F. W. Grey; the Dido, 20, Honourable H. Keppel; Calliope,
26, Captain A. S. Kuper, C.B.; Childers, 16, Commander Halsted; and
numerous transports, having on board the 2nd and 6th regiments Madras
Native Infantry; also the Bengal Volunteers, and reinforcements of
artillery, together with the necessary proportion of camp followers.
Shortly afterwards two French ships of war also arrived at Woosung, for
the purpose of watching our movements--the Erigone, 44, Captain Cecille,
and the Favorite, 18, Captain Le Page. The latter attempted to follow
the fleet up the river, and the Admiral was politely requested to
allow the use of one of his steamers to assist her in getting up; but
this, of course, could not be complied with, as our steamers were all
indispensable, to enable the numerous fleet of transports to stem the
current, and to tow them off whenever they chanced to get on shore.
Before our forces left Shanghai, the same mandarin who had before
frequently presented himself at head-quarters[68] again made his
appearance as the bearer of a communication from the high authorities
to Sir Henry Pottinger. But, as no document was shewn by which any
individual could prove his having received full authority from the
Emperor to treat for peace, no attention whatever was paid to these
very equivocal overtures. At the same time, however, Sir Henry
Pottinger published a very important and interesting proclamation,
addressed to the Chinese people, and adopting something of the tone of
Oriental language. It was, of course, published in Chinese. The opening
sentences form a sort of quaint imitation of the celestial style,
with the object, probably, of fixing the attention of the Chinese at
the outset. For instance: "Under the canopy of heaven, and within the
circumference of the earth, many are the different countries: of the
multitude of these, not one is there that is not ruled by the Supreme
Heavenly Father, nor are there any that are not brethren of one family.
Being then of one family, very plain is it that they should hold
friendly and brotherly intercourse together, and not boast themselves
one above the other." After this exordium, it proceeds to lay open the
grievances of the English, the extortions and double dealings of the
local authorities at Canton, gradually increasing year after year; and
then recapitulates the proceedings adopted by the English, their visit
to the Peiho, the conferences and stipulations agreed to by Keshen,
and rejected by the Imperial Cabinet, the treacherous attack of the
Chinese, and other matters already fully explained. It then refers
to the cruelties practised upon our countrymen when taken prisoners,
either by being kidnapped, or in cases where they were shipwrecked.
It further reminds the people that in ancient times foreigners were
permitted to trade at various ports in China, to the manifest advantage
of all parties, and that it was only by false statements and local
intrigue that the Emperor was at length induced to confine the foreign
trade solely to Canton, and to establish the monopoly of the thirteen
Hongs. Finally, it is declared that hostilities will continue to be
carried on, until some high officer shall be appointed by the Emperor,
with full powers to negotiate and conclude arrangements, of which
the three following points were to be the basis:--Compensation for
losses and expenses; a friendly and becoming intercourse, on terms of
_equality_, between officers of the two countries; and the cession of
_insular territory_ for commerce, and for the residence of merchants,
and as a security and _guarantee_ against future renewal of offensive
acts.
This proclamation was issued the day before the fleet set sail from
Woosung for Nankin. It is a curious coincidence that, a few days before
this, an edict, or proclamation, was issued by the Emperor, in which
_he also_ recapitulated the leading events of the war, and tried to
make it appear that the whole difficulties had arisen solely from the
crusade which his Majesty had directed to be carried on against the
"Opium poison." He blames Commissioner Lin for his bad management; and
with regard to the six million dollars ransom for Canton, his celestial
Majesty declares that it was a very small matter, and that he did not
grudge it at all. But when the rebellious foreigners left Canton,
and then advanced to recapture Chusan, and to take Ningpo and other
cities, then says his Majesty, with unaffected bitterness of spirit,
"I severely blame _myself_, and hate _myself_ for being unequal to my
duties; I cannot rescue my subjects; and repose by day or night is
difficult for me." At the same time, he is slow to believe that the
strength of the barbarian ships is really so great as represented, and
strongly hints that his people are cowards; and while, on the one hand,
he promises rewards to the valiant, he orders that those who run away
shall be instantly executed without mercy. Carefully losing sight of
every other grievance or source of difficulties, his Majesty reiterates
his prohibition against opium, and urges the most strenuous exertions
to sweep the worthless barbarians clean away into the depths of the
wide ocean.
In fact, it now became very manifest that the Emperor was seriously
alarmed; and, although his spirit breathed a bitter hostility, it could
not be doubted that his Majesty ardently longed for peace.
Sir Henry's proclamation soon afterwards called forth a reply from
Niew-kien, the Viceroy of the two Kiang provinces, to which the seat of
war was now removed. It was one of those curious little essays in which
the Chinese delight, made up of a few common-place truisms dressed
in the peculiar phraseology of the East. He cunningly recommends the
plenipotentiary to draw up a full statement of all _grievances_, to be
transmitted through him (the Viceroy) to the Emperor, which would of
course bear upon its very face the appearance of _asking for favours_,
instead of dictating _terms_. He farther reminds his Excellency, that
although the Chinese have suffered much, still the English must have
lost many brave men also, and by coming from so great a distance must
have likewise incurred great expense; that it would be much better for
_both parties_ to put an end to the war at once, and vows the most
perfect sincerity before all the gods. At the same time, he confesses
his great alarm at seeing all the people fly from their habitations,
and the country given up to the plundering of the _native_ robbers.
Indeed, Miew-Kien, in another report addressed to the Emperor,
expressed the greatest possible apprehension lest the people should
be frightened away, either by severe measures on his own part, or by
the approach of the enemy, and thus the whole country be given up to
the excesses of the lawless native plunderers, who would take the
opportunity to rob, and commit all kinds of mischief.
The Chinese appear to have rested all their hopes for the defence
of the Yangtze river, and the approach to Nankin, entirely upon the
strength of their works at Woosung, and had consequently made little
or no preparations for resistance higher up. It had, indeed, been
recommended by one of the Tartar generals that a portion of the river
below Nankin should be staked across, and junks laden with stones sunk
to impede the navigation, and likewise that fire-vessels should be
prepared. But this advice was overruled by Niew-Kien, the Viceroy, upon
the ground of its inutility; and it was urged that the extreme rapidity
of the current, and the sunken rocks and sands in parts most difficult
of navigation, would be the best defences, and that any attempts to
stake the river would not only be expensive and useless, but would
greatly alarm the people. Fire-rafts were only ordered to be got ready,
when there was no time whatever even to commence them, the enemy being
already close to the city of Chin-keang-foo.
From documents which subsequently fell into our possessions it was also
ascertained that the apprehension of our advance upon Pekin by way of
the river Peiho was so great, that a body of troops, already ordered
to march to Soo-chow-foo, were recalled, and directed to proceed
immediately to Tientsin, in order to defend the approaches to the
metropolis.
During the latter part of June, the weather was very squally and
unsettled, and therefore not very well adapted for the advance of a
fleet of more than seventy sail, up a river, the navigation of which
was almost entirely unknown. The channels were now buoyed off, and
beacon-vessels were also placed at one or two of the most important
parts; and Commanders Kellett and Collinson, accompanied by the masters
of the ships of war were sent in advance on the 29th, to sound and
to make preparations for the passage of the fleet, and particularly
for the purpose of surveying the river above the point where Captain
Bethune's researches terminated.
The distance of Nankin from Woosung is about one hundred and seventy
miles, and a very accurate survey was ultimately completed of this
beautiful river, as far as that ancient capital. Even there the river
is very broad and the channel deep, so that the Cornwallis was able to
lie within one thousand yards of the walls of the city. It is, perhaps,
to be regretted that the river was not examined for some distance
above the city, for it could not be doubted that, with the assistance
of steamers, even large ships would be able to ascend several hundred
miles further. But the conclusion of the peace followed so soon after
the arrival of our forces before the ancient capital, that there
was no opportunity of continuing our discoveries further into the
interior, without compromising our character for sincerity, while the
negotiations were in progress. It could not have failed, however, had
circumstances permitted, of furnishing much interesting information
respecting the interior of this extraordinary country.
There are few rivers in the world to be compared with the Yangtze,
in point of extent, and the richness of the provinces through which
it flows. Supposed to take its rise at a distance of more than three
thousand miles from the sea, among the furthest mountains of Thibet, it
traverses the whole empire of China from west to east, turning a little
to the northward, and is believed to be navigable through the whole of
these valuable provinces.[69]
The navigation of this river was found less difficult than might have
been expected. There are, indeed, numerous sand-banks, some of which
change their places, owing to the rapidity of the current; and at the
upper part of the river, towards Chin-keang-foo, there is some danger
from rocks; but the greatest obstacle to the navigation is the rapidity
of the current, which, even when beyond the influence of the tide, runs
down at the rate of three and a half to four miles an hour. It is not
surprising that almost every ship of the squadron should have touched
the ground; but, as the bottom was generally soft mud, no serious
damage was sustained. The steamers were of course indispensable, and
the assistance of two or three of them together was, in some instances,
requisite to haul the ships off.
One of the largest transports, the Marion, having the head-quarters and
staff on board, was thrown upon the rocks by the force of the current,
on the way _down_ from Nankin, and would certainly have been lost, but
for the aid rendered by two steamers, the Nemesis and the Memnon, and
the valuable experience already gained by the former in the Chinese
rivers.
Sir William Parker's arrangements for the merchant transports were
perfect; their orders were definite, and were generally obeyed with
alacrity; boats were always in readiness, and signals carefully
watched. Probably, if it were required to point out any one
circumstance which redounded more than another to the honour of the
British service, it would be that of having carried a fleet of nearly
eighty sail up to the walls of the city of Nankin and brought it safely
back again.
At the beginning of July, the weather became very favourable for the
ascent of the river, and the Phlegethon, having returned with the
intelligence that a clear and deep channel had been found as far as
Golden Island, close to the entrance of the Grand Canal, and that buoys
had been laid down to facilitate the navigation, orders were given that
the fleet should be in readiness to get under weigh on the morning of
the 6th. It was formed into five divisions, each consisting of from
eight to twelve transports, conducted by a ship-of-war, and under
the orders of her captain; and to each division also a steamer was
attached, to render assistance when required.
In addition to the steamers so employed, the Phlegethon, Medusa, and
Pluto were in attendance, principally upon the advanced squadron, and
in readiness to assist any other ship which stood in need of it. The
Nemesis and Proserpine also accompanied the fleet. Thus there were not
less than ten steamers attached to the squadron when it set sail from
Woosung, and they were afterwards joined up the river (but not until
hostilities had ceased) by two other powerful steamers, the Driver and
the Memnon.
A list of all her majesty's ships of war and steam vessels, together
with those belonging to the East India Company, which were present in
the Chinese waters at the conclusion of the peace, will be given in its
proper place. The following was the order of sailing of the squadron
on leaving Woosung, each division being about two or three miles in
advance of the next one. The North Star, Captain Sir E. Home, Bart.,
was left at Woosung to blockade that river, with orders to detain all
merchant junks which might attempt to pass up the Yangtze, or into the
Woosung, laden with provisions.
It was a curious sight afterwards to look at the numerous fleet of
junks, some of them of large size, which were collected at that
anchorage, and for some time it was no easy matter for the North Star
to prevent them from attempting to make their escape; but when a round
shot or two had been sent through some of the most refractory, and
a few of the captains had been brought on board the North Star and
strictly warned, they all became "very submissively obedient," and
patiently awaited the permission to depart, which was not accorded to
them until the peace had been proclaimed.
The advanced squadron consisted of the--
Starling 6 Commander Kellett, } Surveying vessels.
Plover 8 Commander Collinson,}
Modeste 18 Commander R. B. Watson.
Clio 16 Commander T. Troubridge.
Columbine 16 Commander Morshead.
Childers 16 Commander Halsted.
H.C. Steamer Phlegethon Lieutenant M'Cleverty, R.N.
H.C. Steamer Pluto Lieutenant Tudor, R.N.
H.C. Steamer Medusa Lieutenant Hewitt, R.N.
H.C. Steamer Nemesis Lieutenant W. H. Hall, R.N.
H.C. Steamer Proserpine Commander J. J. Hough, R.N.
H.M.S. Cornwallis 72 Captain Richards,
flag-ship of Vice-Admiral
Sir William Parker, G.C.B.
FIRST DIVISION.
H.M.S. Calliope 26 Captain A. S. Kuper, C.B.
H.M. armed Steamer Vixen Commander H. Boyes.
Marion transport,
with Lieutenant-General Sir H. Gough and general staff.
Seven transports, with Sappers and Miners, followers, &c.
SECOND DIVISION.
H.M.S. Blonde 42 Captain T. Bourchier, C.B.
H.M. Steamer Auckland Commander Ethersey, I.N.
Ten transports, conveying the Artillery Brigade and horses, &c.
THIRD DIVISION.
H.M. troop-ship Belleisle, Captain T. Kingcomb,
having on board Major-General Lord Saltoun,
and H.M. 98th regiment.
H.M. troop-ship Jupiter, master commanding, G. Hoffmeister,
with H.M. 26th regiment.
Nine transports, conveying Bengal volunteers and
flank companies 41st M.N.I.
FOURTH DIVISION.
H.M.S. Endymion 44 Captain Honourable F. W. Grey.
H.C. Steamer Sesostris Commander H. A. Ormsby, I.N.
Thirteen transports, conveying H.M. 55th regiment,
with the 2nd and 6th regiments M.N.I.,
and the Madras Rifle Company.
FIFTH DIVISION.
H.M.S. Dido 20 Captain Hon. H. Keppel.
H.C. Steamer Tenasserim Master Commanding, P. Wall.
H.M. troop-ship Apollo Commander Frederick,
with H.M. 49th regiment.
H.M. troop-ship Rattlesnake Master Commanding, James Sprent,
with H.M. 18th regiment.
Eight transports, conveying the remainder of the
18th and 49th regiments, together with the 14th M.N.I.
The Chinese had prepared no means of resisting the advance of our
squadron up the river; and even the few guns which had previously been
mounted on two small forts on the right bank of the river, adjoining
the towns of Foushan and Keang-yin, were withdrawn on the approach of
our forces, in order to avert the injury which might have been done to
those towns had any show of resistance been offered.
The country along the lower part of the Yangtze is altogether alluvial,
and intersected by innumerable canals and water-courses. In most parts
it is highly cultivated, but in others less so than we were led to
expect. On one occasion, I walked for the distance of five or six miles
into the interior, attended by crowds of the peasantry, who appeared
to be a strong, hardy, well-disposed race, and offered no kind of
violence or insult. They appeared to be solely influenced by curiosity,
and a few of them brought us poultry for sale, but the greater part
seemed afraid to have any dealings with us. The small cotton plant
was cultivated very extensively, and at nearly every cottage-door an
old woman was seated, either picking the cotton or spinning it into
yarn. The hop plant was growing abundantly in a _wild state_, and was
apparently not turned to any use.
The small town of Foushan, at the base of a partially fortified hill,
and a conical mountain with a pagoda upon its summit, situated upon
the opposite side of the river, form the first striking objects which
meet the eye, and relieve the general monotony of the lower part of
the river. Above this point, the scenery becomes more interesting, and
gradually assumes rather a mountainous character.
Compared with the neighbourhood of Ningpo, or Chapoo, you are inclined
to be disappointed in the aspect of the country generally; you find it
less carefully and economically cultivated, and perhaps one of your
first hasty impressions would be to doubt whether the population of
China can be so dense as the best-received accounts lead us to suppose.
When you consider the immense extent of country through which this
magnificent river flows, and the alluvial nature of the great belt of
land which runs along the sea-coast, you are prepared to expect that
here, if anywhere, a great mass of people would be congregated, and
that town would succeed town, and village follow village, along the
whole course of this great artery.
About twenty-five miles above Foushan, stands the rather considerable
town of Keang-yin, situated in a very picturesque valley, about a
mile distant from the river side; but there is a small village close
to the landing-place. The river suddenly becomes narrow at this spot,
but soon again spreads out to nearly its former breadth. The town of
Keang-yin is distinguished by a remarkable pagoda, to which, with great
difficulty, we persuaded a venerable-looking priest to conduct us.
He hesitated a long time before he could be induced to lead us into
the town, which was surrounded by a very high, thick, parapeted wall,
banked up with earth on the inside. No soldiers were to be seen, and
many of the inhabitants began very hastily to shut up their shops the
moment they saw us enter the streets.
The pagoda appeared to be the only striking object in the place, and
from the peculiarity of its construction was well worth seeing. It was
built of red brick, in the usual octagonal form, gradually inclining
upwards, but was so constructed _in the inside_, that each story
slightly overhung the one below it, although the outside appeared
quite regular. The building was partly in ruins, but looked as if
it had never been perfectly finished. Not far from it was a well of
clear, delicious water, some of which was brought to us in basins, with
marks of good-nature, as if the people intended to surprise us with a
treat. We afterwards learned that good water is rarely found in the
neighbourhood of the river, and that the inhabitants are in the habit
of purifying it by dissolving in it a small portion of alum. It was
also stated that fish caught in the river are considered unwholesome.
The distance from Keang-yin to Chin-keang-foo is about sixty-six miles
by the river, but not much more than half that distance by land,
the course of the former being very tortuous. The country gradually
increases in interest, becoming more hilly and picturesque the higher
you ascend.
At Seshan, which is about fifteen miles below Chin-keang-foo, some show
of opposition was offered by two or three small batteries, mounting
twenty guns, situated at the foot of a remarkable conical hill. They
opened fire at first upon the Pluto and Nemesis steamers, which were
at that time employed on the surveying service. The day afterwards
they opened fire also upon the Phlegethon and Modeste, which were sent
forward to attack them. The garrison were, however, soon driven out,
and could be seen throwing off their outer wadded jackets, to enable
them to escape with greater nimbleness. The guns, magazines, and
barracks, were destroyed.
A little way below Chin-keang-foo, the channel is much narrowed by
the island of Seung-shan, and the current is consequently extremely
rapid, so that the utmost skill and care, aided by a strong breeze,
are necessary to enable a vessel to stem the stream and overcome the
strength of the eddies and whirlpools. Seung-shan, or Silver Island, is
all rocky, but rendered picturesque by the trees which are planted in
the hollows. It is devoted to religious purposes, being ornamented with
temples, and it was formerly honoured by the visits of the Emperors, to
whom it is said still to belong.
Nearly the same description will also apply to Kinshan, or Golden
Island, situated higher up the river, nearly opposite the mouth of the
Grand Canal. It is distinguished by a pagoda which crowns its summit,
and by its numerous yellow tiled temples. The decayed condition of
some of the pavilions, and the remnants of former splendour which
once decorated their walls, together with the imperial chair itself,
ornamented with well-carved dragons all over its back and sides, attest
the importance which this island and the environs of the great southern
capital possessed in times long past, and the low estate into which
this interesting part of the country has fallen since Pekin became the
metropolis of China, and the Imperial residence of its Conquerors.
On the 16th, Sir William Parker and Sir Hugh Gough proceeded up the
river in H.M. steamer Vixen, followed by the little Medusa, to
reconnoitre the approaches to Chin-keang-foo. They passed up above the
city without any opposition, approaching very near the entrance of the
Imperial Canal, which takes its course close under the city walls. No
preparations for resistance were apparent--at least, there were no
soldiers visible upon the city walls, and the inhabitants, who came out
in great numbers, were evidently attracted only by curiosity. Hence
the first impression was, that no resistance would be offered, and the
information obtained through the interpreters tended to encourage the
same conclusion.
The walls of the city, which is situated on the right bank of the
river, were, however, in good repair, and the distance from the river
was not too great to enable the ships to bombard it if requisite. But
the general feeling was, that the attack (if indeed any resistance at
all were offered) was to be left entirely to the military arm of the
expedition, the more particularly as the engagement at Woosung had been
entirely monopolized by the navy, and an opportunity was desired by the
army to achieve for itself similar honours. A second reconnoissance,
made from the top of the pagoda on Golden Island, brought to view three
encampments on the slope of the hills, a little to the south-west of
the city, which rather tended to confirm the impression that the troops
had moved out of the town.
The advanced squadron, under Captain Bourchier, had been sent a
little higher up, to blockade the entrances of the Grand Canal, and
the other water-communications by which the commerce of the interior
is maintained. On the 19th, the Cornwallis was enabled to take up a
position close off the city, near the southern entrance of the Grand
Canal; and on the 20th, the whole of the fleet had assembled in that
neighbourhood.
It has been already stated that little or no resistance was expected in
the town itself; but the ships might have easily thrown a few shells
into it, to make the enemy shew themselves, or have regularly bombarded
the place if necessary. It seems, however, to have been settled that
it should be altogether a military affair; and with the exception of
some boats, which were sent up the canal, and a body of seamen who
were landed, and did gallant service under Captain Peter Richards and
Captain Watson, the naval branch of the expedition had little to do.
From documents subsequently found within the city, it was ascertained
that there were actually about two thousand four hundred fighting men
within the walls, of whom one thousand two hundred were resident
Tartar soldiers, and four hundred Tartars sent from a distant province.
Very few guns were mounted, as the greater part of them had been
carried down for the defence of Woosung.
Outside the walls there were three encampments, at some distance from
the town, in which there was a force altogether of something less than
three thousand men, with several guns, and a quantity of ginjals. As
the adult Tartar population of every city are, in fact, soldiers by
birth, it may be supposed that even those who do not belong to the
regular service are always ready to take up arms in defence of their
hearths; and in this way some of our men suffered, because they did
not know, from their external appearance, which were the ordinary
inhabitants, and which were the Tartars.
On our side, the whole force engaged at Chin-keang-foo, though very
much larger than any hitherto brought into the field in China, did not
amount to seven thousand men, including officers, non-commissioned
officers, and rank and file. The exact numbers, according to the field
list, amounted to six thousand six hundred and sixty-four men, besides
officers. They were divided into four brigades.
ARTILLERY BRIGADE.
Under Lieutenant-Colonel Montgomerie, C.B., Madras Artillery.
Captain Balfour, M.A., Brigade-Major.
Captain Greenwood, R.A., Commanding Royal Artillery.
Officers. Men.
European 26 ditto 318
Native 6 ditto 252
----- -----
32 570
----- -----
FIRST BRIGADE
Major-General Lord Saltoun, C.B.
Captain Cunynghame, 3rd Buffs, A.D.C.
J. Hope Grant, 9th Lancers, Brigade-Major.
26th Cameronians, Lieutenant-Colonel Pratt.
98th regiment, Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell.
Bengal Volunteers, Lieutenant-Colonel Lloyd.
41st M.N.I. Flank Companies, Major Campbell.
Total, 83 officers.--2235 other ranks.
SECOND BRIGADE.
Major-General Schoedde, 55th.
Captain C. B. Daubeney, 55th, Brigade-Major.
55th regiment, Major Warren.
6th M.N.I. Lieutenant-Colonel Drever.
2nd M.N.I., Lieutenant-Colonel Luard.
Rifles of 36th M.N.I., Captain Simpson.
Total, 60 officers--1772 other ranks.
THIRD BRIGADE.
Major-General Bartley, 49th.
Captain W. P. K. Browne, 49th Brigade-Major.
18th Royal Irish, Major Cowper.
49th regiment, Lieutenant-Colonel Stevens.
14th M.N.I., Major Young.
Total, 68 officers--2087 other ranks.
GENERAL STAFF.
Aides-de-Camp to the General Commanding-in-Chief:
Captain Whittingham, 26th regiment.
Lieutenant Gabbett, Madras Artillery.
Adjutant-General, Lieutenant-Colonel Mountain, 26th.
Assistant ditto, Captain R. Shirreff, 2nd M.N.I.
Deputy Assistant ditto, Lieutenant Heatly, 49th.
Deputy Quartermaster-General, Major Gough.
Field Engineer, Captain Pears, M.E.
Commissary of Ordnance, Lieutenant Barrow.
On the evening of the 20th, all the arrangements were completed for the
attack upon the city and upon the encampments beyond it, to take place
on the following morning at daylight. It has been already stated, that
it was not proposed that the ships should bombard the town; and the
only vessel which fired into it was the Auckland steamer, which covered
the landing, and threw a few shot and shells into the city. But a body
of seamen and marines of the squadron (as will presently be described)
took an active share in the work of the day, under Captain Peter
Richards and other officers; and Sir William Parker himself accompanied
the general, and forced his way with him through the city gate.
The plan adopted by Sir Hugh Gough was to endeavour to cut off the
large body of Chinese troops encamped upon the slope of the hills;
for which purpose the first and third brigades, together with part of
the artillery, were to be landed in the western suburbs of the city,
opposite Golden Island, near where a branch of the Grand Canal runs
close under the city walls; Lord Saltoun, with the first brigade,
was to attack the encampments; while Sir Hugh Gough, in person, with
the third brigade and the rest of the artillery, proposed to operate
against the west gate, and the western face of the walls.
The second brigade, under Major-General Schoedde, was to land under a
bluff point somewhat to the northward of the city, where there were two
small hills which commanded the walls on that side. The object was to
create a diversion, and draw the attention of the enemy towards that
side, while the real attack was to be made upon the western gate, which
was to be blown in by powder-bags. General Schoedde was directed to
use his own discretion, as to turning his diversion into a real attack,
should he think proper to do so.
There was found to be more difficulty in landing the troops than
had been expected, many of the transports lying at a considerable
distance, and the great strength of the current rendering the operation
troublesome and protracted. The first brigade, under Lord Saltoun,
succeeded in driving the enemy completely over the hills, after
receiving a distant and ineffectual fire as they advanced; but they
met with a more determined resistance from a column of the enemy, who
were in great danger of being cut off. Several casualties occurred
on our side, in this encounter. Upon the walls of the town itself,
few soldiers shewed themselves, and the resistance which was soon
experienced was not at all expected.
General Schoedde, with a portion of the second brigade, took possession
of a joss-house, or temple, upon the hill overlooking the northern
and eastern face of the walls, near the river, and there awaited the
landing of the rest of his brigade, being received by a spirited fire
of guns, ginjals, and matchlocks, which was opened from the city walls;
this was returned by a fire of rockets.
As soon as a sufficient force had been collected, the rifles, under
Captain Simpson, descended from a small wooded hill which they
occupied, and crept up close under the walls, keeping up a well
sustained fire upon the Tartars. Major-General Schoedde now gave orders
for escalading the wall, although, from its not having been part of
the regular plan of attack, only three scaling ladders were provided.
The grenadier company of the 55th, with two companies of the 6th
Madras Native Infantry, advanced to the escalade, under the command
of Brevet-Major Maclean, of the 55th. The first man who mounted the
walls was Lieutenant Cuddy, of the 55th, who remained sitting upon the
wall, assisting the others to get up, with astonishing coolness. He was
shortly afterwards wounded in the foot by a matchlock ball.
The 55th and the 6th Madras Native Infantry vied with each other in
gallantly mounting the ladders, together with the rifles; but the
Tartars fought desperately. As they retreated along the wall, they made
a stand at every defensible point, sheltering themselves behind the
large guard stations and watch-boxes, which are found at intervals upon
most of the Chinese walls.
Many anecdotes are told by those who were present, of the desperate
determination with which the Tartars fought. Many of them rushed upon
the bayonets. In some instances, they got within the soldiers' guard,
and seizing them by the body, dragged their enemies with themselves
over the walls; and in one or two instances succeeded in throwing them
over, before they were themselves bayoneted. The Tartars were fine
muscular men, and looked the more so from the loose dresses which they
wore. They did not shrink from sword combats, or personal encounters of
any kind; and had they been armed with weapons similar to those of our
own troops, even without much discipline, upon the top of walls where
the front is narrow, and the flanks cannot be turned, they would have
probably maintained their ground for a much longer time, and perhaps
even, until they were attacked by another body in the rear. Major
Warren and Captain Simpson were wounded, as well as Lieutenant Cuddy.
As soon as the wall was scaled, one body of our troops proceeded to
clear the walls to the right, and the other to the left; and the
latter, as they scoured the walls, afterwards fell in with the third
brigade, with the General and the Admiral at their head, who had just
forced their way in at the gateway. While these important successes
had been gained by General Schoedde with the second brigade, two other
operations had been conducted at the western gate, one by the third
brigade, and the other by a small body of marines and seamen, under
Captain Peter Richards. These are now to be detailed.
Sir Hugh Gough, as soon as he had been joined by the 18th and the
greater part of the 49th, with the 26th, which had not accompanied
Lord Saltoun's brigade, gave orders to blow in the west gate with
powder-bags. The canal which runs along the walls on that side was
found not to be fordable; and this was ascertained by four officers who
volunteered to swim across it to ascertain the fact. Sir Hugh Gough
was at this time with the third brigade, under Major-General Bartley,
at about midway between the south and west gates, but determined to
storm the latter, because the suburbs afforded shelter for the men to
approach it, with little exposure. A few Tartar soldiers only appeared
upon the walls at this point, as the main body had probably been
marched off to reinforce those who were opposed to our troops, after
the escalade of the walls on the northern side.
Two guns, under Lieutenant Molesworth, were placed so as to command the
approach to the gate, and to cover the advance of a party of sappers
and miners, under Captain Pears, who were to fix the powder-bags
against the gate. This operation was perfectly successful; and the
General, putting himself at the head of the 18th, who had just come
up, rushed in over the rubbish, the grenadiers forming the advance,
and entered a long archway, which led into what might be called an
outwork, from which there was a second gate, conducting into the town
itself.
It appears that in Chinese fortifications, as before described, there
are always two gateways; the outer one placed at right angles to the
main wall of the town, so as to be flanked by it, and leading into a
large court, surrounded by walls similar to the walls of the town, and
in which there are commonly cells for prisoners, &c. The second gate
and archway leads from it directly into the body of the place, and is
surmounted by a guard-house upon the top of the gateway, to which you
ascend by a flight of stone steps on either side.
All resistance at the gateways had been already overcome, the Chinese
guard at the inner gate having given way before the advanced party
of the 55th regiment; and the open court, or space between the two
gateways, having been just occupied by a party of marines and seamen,
under Captain Peter Richards and Captain Watson, who had escaladed the
outer wall very near the gateway.
As no detailed account of this interesting part of the day's work has
yet appeared, and as some misapprehension has prevailed with regard
to the affair of the boats of the Blonde in the canal, I have taken
pains to ascertain the particulars from two officers who were present,
and who were both wounded on the occasion. The following condensed
statement of what took place may therefore be relied on for its
accuracy.
The boats of the Blonde, which vessel was at anchor off one of the
principal southern branches of the Grand Canal running under the city
walls, having been employed in landing the Artillery Brigade during
the early part of the morning, were ordered, about ten o'clock, to
re-embark part of the Artillery and Gun-Lascars, with two howitzers,
for the purpose of assisting in the attack of the west gate, and to
create a diversion in favour of the troops. At all events, whatever
the object of the movement might have been, it is certain that the
guns were put on board the boats of the Blonde, and that there were
altogether about one hundred men embarked. The boats consisted of the
launch, barge, pinnace, cutter, and flat of that ship, together with
two boats belonging to transports. They proceeded up the canal, which
took a winding direction through the suburbs, for some distance, until
they came suddenly in sight of the west gate of the city, which until
then had been obscured by the houses. The whole of these boats were
under the command of Lieutenant Crouch, of the Blonde, having Messrs.
Lambert, Jenkins, and Lyons, midshipmen, under his orders.
On coming in sight of the gate, the barge, cutter, and flat were a
little in advance of the other boats, and proceeding in single line
towards a spot pointed out by Major Blundell, of the Madras Artillery,
as well adapted for the landing of the guns. Suddenly a heavy fire of
ginjals and matchlocks was opened on them from the whole line of the
city wall, running parallel with the canal; and, as the height of it
was little less than forty feet, the small gun of the barge could not
be elevated sufficiently to do any service, and the fire of musketry
which was returned was inefficient.
The Chinese opened their fire with deadly effect upon the advancing
boats, and, in the course of about ten minutes, sixteen seamen and
eight artillerymen were wounded; Lieutenant Crouch himself was hit in
three places, and one midshipman (Mr. Lyons) and two officers of the
Artillery were also wounded. Under these circumstances, the men were
got out of the boats as quickly as possible, and placed under cover of
the houses in the suburbs, on the opposite side of the canal. At this
time these three boats were considerably in advance of the rest, and,
as soon as the men were all landed, the boats were abandoned and the
guns left behind. The launch and pinnace, who were behind them, as soon
as they saw the disaster, and that to advance further would only expose
themselves to a destructive fire, without the possibility of returning
it with effect, stopped under cover of some buildings, which sheltered
them from the city walls.
The officers and men who belonged to the advanced boats, having many
of their comrades wounded, were now in a trying predicament. The only
alternative left was to endeavour to join the other boats which had
remained under cover; to do which they had to pass across an open space
by the side of the canal, exposed to the whole fire of the enemy from
the walls on the opposite side. This was, however, effected without
farther loss, although a heavy fire was opened on them, (but of course
at a greater distance than when in the boats.) Some of the wounded were
necessarily left behind, and were kindly treated by the Chinese people
in the suburbs, who shewed no hostility.
As it was evident that nothing further could be attempted at present,
they all returned down the canal in the launch and pinnace, and
reported the circumstances to Captain Richards, of the Cornwallis, to
which ship the rest of the wounded were immediately removed.
On receiving the information of what had happened, Captain Peter
Richards lost not a moment in landing with two hundred marines, at
the entrance of the canal, where he was joined by about three hundred
men of the 6th M.N.I., under Captain Maclean, of that corps, and then
pushed through the suburbs towards the city walls; at the same time the
whole of the boats of the Cornwallis, under the command of Lieutenant
Stoddart, advanced by the canal, in company with the remaining boats
of the Blonde, to bring off the boats and guns which had been left
behind. They were also to endeavour to check the fire of the Chinese at
the west gate, when Captain Richards advanced through the suburbs to
escalade the wall.
As soon as Captain Richards had landed, he was joined by Captain Watson
and Mr. Forster, (master,) of the Modeste, with a boat's crew and a
small body of marines belonging to that vessel. On reaching the foot
of the walls, a heap of rubbish was luckily found to have been left by
accident not far from the gate. Upon this the ladders were planted by
Captain Peter Richards and Captain Watson, under cover of the fire of
the Marines, in face of a large body of Tartars, who lined the walls,
and appeared determined to defend their post to the last. These two
officers, together with Lieutenant Baker, of the Madras Artillery, and
a private marine of the Modeste, were the first to ascend the ladders.
As they got upon the wall (with much difficulty) they were directly
exposed to the cross fire from the guard-houses over the outer and
inner gateway, by which the marine was killed, and Captain Watson and
Lieutenant Baker were wounded; the former having one of the buttons
of his jacket driven into his side, and three balls passing through
his jacket. The marine was killed by several shots passing through his
body, and another marine, (also belonging to the Modeste,) who followed
afterwards, was severely wounded.
With great difficulty and exertion about a dozen men got upon the wall;
and Lieutenant Fitzjames, having succeeded in bringing up some rockets,
lodged one of them in a guard-house over the gateway, which immediately
caught fire, and threw the enemy into such consternation that they then
gave way. Captain Richards, (who had, as if by a miracle, escaped being
wounded,) was now able to dash down, at the head of his men, into the
open space between the two gateways; and, just afterwards, the outer
gate was blown in, as before described, by powder-bags. The advanced
guard of the 55th had in the meanwhile come round along the walls
from their north-eastern angle, where General Schoedde's brigade had
escaladed it, and had now reached the inner gateway.
The third brigade, under Major-General Bartley, accompanied by Sir
Hugh Gough, and also by Sir William Parker, dashed in over the ruins
of the gate, and, to their great disappointment, found that the walls
had been already carried; but, within the city itself, the resistance
of the Tartars was by no means overcome. Part of the 18th and 49th
regiments, under Major-General Bartley, were now ordered to march along
the western face of the walls, and they threw out a line of skirmishers
as they advanced along some ditches and old houses below the wall. As
the brigade filed along the walls left in front, they suddenly received
a heavy fire from a body of Tartars, by which two officers were killed
and two wounded, and several men struck down. The leading division of
the 49th immediately dashed down the ramparts upon the enemy's left,
while the 18th pushed forward to turn their right. They were soon
dispersed, although many of them fought with great determination. One
company of the 18th pursued them into the Tartar city. In this spirited
affair the 18th had one officer killed and one wounded, with about
twenty men killed and wounded. The loss of the 49th was one officer
killed, one wounded, and about twenty-four rank and file killed and
wounded.
In the meantime, the Admiral, having put himself at the head of the
seamen and marines, marched some way along the walls, where they had
been already cleared by the 55th, and, as the heat of the sun at this
time (past noon) was almost insupportable, he had directed the men to
take shelter for a little while, in one of the watch-houses upon the
ramparts. The heat was quite overpowering, and the men being already
much fatigued, several of them died from sun-stroke. Here it was that
the gallant Major Uniacke, R.M., fell, from the effects of the sun,
and in the list of casualties of the day no less than sixteen men are
included, who died from the same cause.
Having rested something less than an hour in the guard-house, a heavy
firing was heard within the Tartar city, and the men were instantly
formed, and advanced in the direction of the firing, under Captain
Richards and Captain Watson. On passing through a narrow street in the
Tartar part of the city, a sudden fire was poured upon them by a body
of Tartars drawn up across the street, behind a small gateway, where
they seemed prepared to make a most determined stand. Several men were
wounded, and it was necessary to advance with caution, taking advantage
of shelter when it could be found. Here Lieutenant Fitzjames was
wounded while endeavouring to get a rocket off.
Captain Watson was now sent round by a side-lane, to endeavour to turn
the flank of the Tartars, but there also the latter were prepared for
them, behind a temporary barricade. However, a cheer, and a sudden rush
from both divisions at once, upon the front and flank of the Tartars,
carried the point, and the enemy were driven back with heavy loss,
after shewing individual instances of the most desperate valour, in
several hand-to-hand encounters. When the brave Tartars at length saw
that their utmost efforts were of no avail, then began the scenes of
horror, and the tragedy of self-immolation, which makes one's very
blood run cold to hear of. The Admiral himself was a witness of what
took place. Some of the Tartars kept the doors of their houses with
their very lives, while others could be seen within, deliberately
cutting the throats of their women, and destroying their children, some
by strangulation, and others by throwing them into the wells. In one
house in particular, a Tartar was found in the act of sawing his wife's
throat with a rusty sword, as he held her over the mouth of the well
into which his children had been already thrown. He was shot before the
deed was completed, in order to save the woman, who was immediately
taken care of, and had the wound, which was not severe, tied up. Yet
the first use she made of her tongue, as soon as she could speak, was
to utter the most violent imprecations upon the heads of the victors.
The children who were in the well (in which there was little water)
were all got up, and recovered.
In other houses, numbers of poor creatures were found dead, some by
their own hands or the hands of each other, and the rest by the hands
of their husbands. In one house no less than fourteen dead bodies were
discovered, principally women; in others the men began to cut their own
throats the moment they saw any of our soldiers approaching; while in
other instances they rushed out furiously from some hiding-place, and
attacked with the sword any one who came in their way.
Several of our officers had to defend their own lives with the sword,
long after all systematic opposition had ceased. An officer of the
14th M.N.I. had a sword combat with three Tartars who rushed out
upon him sword in hand, and by retreating so as to endeavour to take
them singly, he was able to cut down two of them just at the moment
when a fatal blow was about to be aimed at him by the third, who was
fortunately shot at the very critical moment, by a soldier who was
coming up to his officer's assistance.
It is impossible to calculate the number of victims to the barbarous
practice of self-immolation and wholesale murder. Chin-keang-foo was
a Tartar stronghold considered by them as impregnable; they could not
brook defeat, or the desecration of their hearths, by the tread of the
unknown but thoroughly-hated barbarian; every house had its victims;
and to add to the horrors of the day, and the desolation of the city,
the Chinese plunderers flocked in from the country in multitudes,
pillaging in all directions. They even set fire to the streets in some
parts, to enable them to carry on their work with less interruption in
others.
On our side, although the place had been taken by storm, and not
without heavy loss, the strictest orders were given to prevent the
pillage of the town as much as possible. Measures were taken, not only
to control our own men, (who, according to European custom, might have
expected to be allowed to pillage a town taken by assault,) but also to
arrest the violent proceedings of the Chinese rabble, who, in this as
in other instances, were the worst enemies of their own countrymen.
The authorities and nearly all the respectable inhabitants had fled;
and the Tartar general (who had complained bitterly to the Emperor of
insufficient means for defence) had set fire to his own house, and
buried himself and part of his family in its ashes.
Notwithstanding all the attempts to prevent the destruction of
property, it was impossible altogether to arrest it in so large a city.
Plunder was sometimes taken from the _Chinese thieves outside_ the
town, and occasionally articles of value were thrown over the walls,
because they were not allowed to be carried through the gates. In this
way, plunder was sometimes obtained, and many ingenious devices were
adopted to endeavour to secure a few valuables; but nearly all the
mischief was done by the Chinese themselves.
The public offices were taken possession of by our troops, and all
the arms and warlike stores which were found were destroyed. Only
sixty thousand dollars, worth of Sycee silver was found in the public
coffers; but a little addition was made to the prize fund by the sale
of articles which were taken from plunderers, when they were discovered
trying to carry property out of the gates. The waste and destruction
of property was, however, enormous. When more valuable objects were
discovered, those of smaller value were left in the streets; costly
furs lay strewed in all directions; silks and satins lay about in such
profusion that the only difficulty was to choose among them. So little
had the inhabitants expected that their stronghold would fall, that
valuables of all kinds, gems, and gold ornaments, and curiosities
of every description, and in some instances even money, were left in
the wardrobes of the best houses, at the mercy of the first comers.
Under these circumstances, it is surprising that so little plunder was
carried away from a city taken by assault.
Terrible as was the downfall of Chin-keang-foo in the eyes of the
Chinese, and great as was the desolation throughout the city in every
direction, it cannot be doubted that the loss of this important Tartar
stronghold, and the panic created by it, (the whole trade of the
country being at the same time suspended,) tended very materially to
produce in the mind of the Emperor and of his ministers the conviction
that a speedy peace, on any terms, was preferable to a continuance of
the war.[70]
FOOTNOTES:
[68] He was jocularly christened Corporal White.
[69] The extent and importance of the numerous rivers which traverse
this vast empire cannot but strike every one with astonishment. Most of
them naturally take their course from west to east, from the mountains
towards the sea; but there is one important exception to this rule.
The river Amoor, or Sagalin, takes its rise from numerous branches
along the Kinkow mountains, not far from Kiachta and Maimaichis, the
two places at which trade is carried on with Russia, and after taking
a tortuous course to the northward, it receives a very large branch,
called the Schilka, which rises _within_ the Russian frontier in
the Baikal mountains, and at length, after traversing the whole of
Mantchouria, empties itself into the sea of Okotsk, not far from the
Russian frontier. The caravans from Kiachta have to cross most of the
numerous branches of this river on their way to Pekin.
[70] NAMES OF MILITARY OFFICERS KILLED AND WOUNDED AT CHIN-KEANG-FOO.
H.M.'s 49th regiment, Lieut. T. P. Gibbons,
Sub. Ass. Com. Gen., killed.
" 18th " Captain Collinson, killed.
6th M.N.I. " Lieut. Col. Drever, fell dead from sun-stroke.
WOUNDED.
Royal Artillery Lieut. J. N. A. Freese, slightly.
Madras Artillery Lieut. Waddell, severely.
" Assistant Surgeon ----, severely.
H.M.'s 49th Lieut. Baddeley, dangerously.
" Lieut. Grant, slightly.
" 18th Lieut. Bernard, slightly.
" 26th Ensign Duperier, slightly.
" 55th Major Warren, severely.
" Lieut. Cuddy, severely.
2nd M.N.I. Lieut. Carr, Adjutant, slightly.
" Ensign Travers, slightly.
36th M.N.I. Rifles Capt. Simpson, severely.
TOTAL LOSS.
Killed, three officers, two sergeants, twenty-nine rank and
file. Total, thirty-four.
Wounded, fourteen officers, one warrant-officer, four
sergeants, eighty-seven rank and file, one follower. Total,
one hundred and seven. Missing, three men. Grand total in the
military arm, killed, wounded, and missing, all ranks, one
hundred and forty-four.
Of these, one officer (Lieutenant-Colonel Drever) and sixteen
rank and file, of H.M. 98th and 49th regiments, were killed by
sun-stroke.
In the naval arm of the expedition, one officer of marines and
two privates were killed, and two private marines wounded. Four
officers of the Royal Navy and fifteen seamen were wounded. The
names of the above naval officers have been mentioned in the
narrative.
Grand total in the naval arm, 24.
Grand total of casualties during the day, one hundred and
sixty-eight.