The two most interesting objects which deserve attention outside the
walls of Nankin are, the famous porcelain tower, or pagoda, and the
tombs of the kings of the ancient Chinese dynasty. Of the former it
would be extremely difficult to give such a description as would convey
to the reader's mind an accurate idea of its peculiar structure and
character. It stands pre-eminent above all other similar buildings in
China for its completeness and elegance, the quality of the material
of which it is built, or rather with which it is faced over--namely,
variously coloured porcelain bricks, highly glazed; and for the
quantity of gilding, and particularly of gilt images, with which its
interior is embellished.
The building is of an octagonal shape, about two hundred feet high,
divided into nine stories. The circumference of the lower story is
one hundred and twenty feet, so that each face must measure about
fifteen feet; but this measurement decreases as you ascend, although
each story is of equal height. Its base rests upon a solid foundation
of brickwork, raised about ten feet above the ground, and you ascend
to the entrance of the tower by a flight of twelve steps. Its face is
covered with slabs of glazed porcelain of various colours, principally
green, red, yellow, and white; but the whole building is not, by any
means, constructed with porcelain. At every story there is a projecting
roof, covered with green-glazed tiles, and from each of its eight
corners is suspended a small bell.
The effect of this building, when viewed from a moderate distance,
is imposing, no less from the novelty than the peculiarity of its
appearance. You ascend to the top of it by one hundred and ninety
steps, leading through the different compartments, but they are not
all in very good repair. The interior of each story appears at first
view striking, but is rather gaudy than elegant, being filled with an
immense number of little gilded images, placed in niches, in each of
the compartments, between the windows.
[Illustration:
Lieut. White, R.M. del. S. Bull, fc.
High Priest of the Porcelain Tower at Nankin.
London. Henry Colburn. 1845.
]
The view from the summit of this temple amply compensates you for all
the trouble of reaching it, and for any little disappointment that may
have been felt at the appearance of the interior of the building. The
property extends over an area of nearly thirty miles, and a great part
of this is enclosed within the ruins of a dilapidated wall. The country
is beautifully diversified by hill and dale, and houses and cultivated
grounds; yet, in some parts, it looks almost deserted. Yet it cannot
be viewed without great interest, not only from the appearance of the
country, but from the associations connected with the locality, and
with the tower itself. This latter is said to have cost an immense sum
of money (seven or eight hundred thousand pounds), and to have occupied
nineteen years in its completion.
A not unnatural desire to possess specimens or relics, as mementos
of the first, and probably the last, visit to the ancient capital of
the empire, led to a few instances of defacement and injury to some
parts of the building, and to many of the figures within it. But the
complaints made upon the subject afterwards by the head priest of
the tower, or of the monastery attached to it, seem to have been a
good deal exaggerated, probably in the hope of obtaining handsome
compensation. It was notorious that a great part of the specimens
which were carried away were actually sold to visitors by the priests
themselves. A complaint, however, was made upon the subject to Sir
Henry Pottinger, and at his request measures were adopted to prevent
any recurrence of the violence; and, indeed, with the laudable object
of encouraging a good understanding with the Chinese, and of doing
what, under the circumstances, appeared to be an act of justice, a
considerable sum of money was paid over to the chief priest, or abbot,
of the monastery, to be applied to the restoration and decoration of
the building. It much exceeded the actual value of the damage done.
Another object of very great interest, which engaged attention at
Nankin, was the large and extremely ancient cemetery, which apparently,
without sufficiently well-ascertained grounds, came to be called the
Tombs of the Kings, supposed to be of the Ming dynasty. They were
situated on the slope of the hills, at no great distance from the
principal gate of the city, at the extremity of a fine paved road.
But, perhaps, still more curious is the avenue of gigantic figures,
most of them hewn from a solid piece of stone, which leads up towards
the tombs. Nothing else of the kind was seen in China, and they bore
all the appearance of extreme antiquity; the grass grew very high
among them, and served to conceal the fragments of some which had been
broken. The engraving, which forms the frontispiece to this volume,
will convey a better idea of them than any written description. It is
taken from an admirable sketch, drawn on the spot, by Captain Watson,
R.N., C.B. The figures bear the appearance of gigantic warriors, cased
in a kind of armour, standing on either side of the road, across which,
at intervals, large stone tablets are extended, supported by large
blocks of stone in place of pillars, such as are frequently seen on the
roads leading to temples in China, and occasionally across the streets,
erected in honour of particular individuals.
In the drawing are represented a number of colossal figures of horses,
elephants, zebras, and other animals, rudely, executed, and placed
without any distinct arrangement. Properly speaking, they are situated
at a considerable distance from the alley of giants, but have been
introduced to give an effective representation of the whole. There
is something peculiarly Egyptian in the appearance of them all, and
one could rather imagine that the scene was laid in the vicinity of
Thebes than under the walls of Nankin. It tends, in some measure,
to strengthen the opinion of those who have endeavoured to trace a
connexion between China and Egypt, at a very remote period of their
history.
Little remains to be said concerning the rest of the short period of
the detention of our forces at Nankin. On the 15th of September, the
Emperor's positive assent to the treaty, signed by his commissioners,
on the 29th of August, was received at Nankin.
All were now anxious to quit the river without delay, in which so many
brave men had already found a grave, through sickness. Every ship was
full of invalids; in many of them full one-third of the crew were
unable to work, and in some even more. The officers appeared to suffer
equally with the men; and on this account some of the transports were
in a pitiable condition. The recovery of the men was extremely slow,
and, even after the fever was apparently cured, relapses were very
frequent. There are no means, however, of ascertaining the actual
number of deaths which occurred, but in some ships they were numerous.
Among the troops, the 98th regiment and the Bengal Volunteers suffered
the most; but the latter were affected more by their confinement on
board ship, and by the voluntary starvation to which they submitted,
on account of the prejudices of their religion, than by the mere effect
of climate. They principally suffered from dysentery, occasioned by
their abstinence from proper food. Most of them being Rajpoots, high
caste Hindoos, they were prohibited by their superstition from eating
any food cooked on board ship. Dry rice and gram (a shrivelled pea, of
which sheep and cattle are very fond) constituted almost the only food
they would eat, and edible tobacco their only luxury. Medicine could
afford little aid to men under these circumstances; and they preferred
death to the violation of their religious feelings; indeed, it was not
until the survivors reached Hong-Kong, and were sent ashore to live in
tents, in order to be able to cook proper food for themselves, that
they began to recover strength enough to enable them to support the
remainder of the voyage to Calcutta.
While the Hindoos suffered thus severely, the few Mohammedans who were
in the regiment escaped almost without sickness, and there was scarcely
a death amongst them. A finer regiment than the Bengal Volunteers, when
they arrived in China only a few weeks before, nine hundred strong,
could hardly be seen. They were even seven hundred and fifty strong
when they landed at Nankin, after having been in action at Chin-Keang;
and yet, when the regiment arrived in Calcutta, there were less than
four hundred survivors. Indeed, there were little more than three
hundred upon the field when they were reviewed at Barrackpore, with the
rest of the garrison, by Sir Hugh Gough.
Before leaving Nankin, the ceremony of conferring the order of the
Grand Cross of the Bath upon Sir Hugh Gough was performed on board the
Cornwallis, with all the attendant marks of honour. As it was directed
that it should take place in the most public manner possible, the high
Chinese officers were invited to attend, and every preparation was
made to give eclât to the proceedings. Very few of the Chinese came to
witness it, but a few were sufficient to make known to their countrymen
generally, that great honours were being conferred upon the English
general, for his successes against their best troops.
Towards the end of September, the different transports and ships
of war began to move down the river. The steamers were now almost
entirely supplied with Nankin coal, immense heaps of which were found
regularly stored up along the banks of the river, nearly in front of
the city.[73]
The descent of the river was in some respects more difficult for the
squadron than the ascent, particularly as the buoys, which had been
laid down to mark the channel, had been removed by the Chinese in the
interim. Under these circumstances, and in the absence of proper charts
of the river, it is highly creditable to the transports that they
all succeeded in getting down without any serious accident. Steamers
generally went ahead, and gave the soundings by signal, notwithstanding
which, most of the ships got aground several times. The weather was now
very unsettled and hazy, as the north-east monsoon was just setting in,
and this added, of course, to the difficulty.
The plenipotentiary, together with the Admiral and General, paid a
visit to Shanghai, on their arrival at Woosung, and the arrangements
respecting the ransom of the town, which was to be considered as part
of the money paid under the terms of the treaty, were now completed,
and the money was shipped; by this payment, the first instalment of
6,000,000 dollars was completed.
At the end of October the whole of the fleet had finally quitted the
Yangtze Keang, and were assembled in the beautiful harbours of Chusan.
I never remember to have witnessed so picturesque and striking a scene
as was there presented to view. Both the outer and inner harbours were
crowded with men-of-war, transports, and steamers.
About the middle of November, nearly all our ships had reassembled
at Hong-Kong. It was a most animated and bustling scene, and during
the two or three weeks in which our forces were detained there, the
Chinese reaped a rich harvest from the sale of Chinese manufactures and
curiosities, which were eagerly sought for.
From various causes, our forces were detained at Hong-Kong longer
than had been expected, and in some respects it happened fortunately,
although the weather had become excessively cold and trying for the
men. On the 7th of December disturbances took place at Canton, which
resulted in the total destruction of the old company's factory, the
Dutch factory, (occupied by American merchants,) and the adjacent
extensive buildings, called the Creek Hong. As this event produced
great alarm in the minds of the foreign residents in China, and
even produced an impression on the minds of mercantile people at a
distance, who were, in consequence, led to doubt the practicability
of maintaining peaceable relations with the Chinese for any length of
time, some few details will be necessary.
It is proper to remark that the community of Canton differs in many
respects from that of any other part of China. Long accustomed to
a profitable intercourse with foreigners, and encouraged by their
government to look upon them as an inferior, or, at all events, a less
favoured race, arrogant also in proportion to their ignorance, they
could not reconcile to themselves the advantageous terms which had
been exacted as the price of peace from the Emperor; and forgetting
the numerous lessons they had been taught in the Canton river, they
believed they could still have succeeded against the foreigner, had
their professed patriotism been appealed to, and their proud spirit
permitted to pour forth its vengeance.
It is also to be remembered that, in a large commercial city like
Canton, a great number of bad and discontented characters are collected
from all quarters. Its reputation for wealth made it a desirable
field for the adventurer, while the prospect of the loss of a great
portion of its trade served to produce a general discontent among the
residents. Every great change, however, is commonly attended with some
difficulty at first, nor was it likely that the people of Canton could
readily forget the day when our troops dictated terms for the ransom
of the city, from the heights above it. Moreover, a great part of them
really believed that they had been _betrayed_, and that treachery or
bribery had been used rather to favour _us_ than to spare the city;
while they scarcely doubted that the large bodies of militia, or
self-styled patriots, who continued to hover about the rear of Sir Hugh
Gough's army while upon the heights, would have sufficed to have driven
him back again to his ships.
For some days previous to the actual disturbances, there had been
rumours of an intended rising against the English. Hints were given
by some of the people of the establishments belonging to the Hong
merchants, that something unusual would happen, and, in fact, that
people were combining together for no good ostensible purpose. I
happened to be at Canton at the time, and could not help noticing the
eagerness with which the crowds of passers-by were reading anonymous
placards pasted upon the walls, in the narrow streets at the back of
the Factories. These documents professed to publish the sentiments
of the patriotic gentry and people belonging to the neighbourhood
of Canton. They misstated the terms of the treaty, and asserted the
belief, that foreigners were hereafter coming to build houses for
themselves at Canton, and to reside there _with their families_. This
was, in fact, the great object of their dread, or rather, this was
the principal argument they used to endeavour to rouse the people
generally to resist, "and not to allow a single foreigner to remain."
The promiscuous _residence_ of foreigners in China was certainly never
contemplated by the terms of the treaty; though a support was given to
this supposition of the Chinese, by the appearance of three or four
English ladies (wives of captains of ships at Whampoa) in the streets
of Canton.
I remember well what a sensation it created, when these ladies were
seen proceeding up China Street, accompanied by their children, (and,
of course, by their husbands.) The novelty of their dress and personal
appearance was the least part of the business. It was an infraction
of all the established usages of the Chinese; for not only had no
foreign ladies been hitherto seen in the streets, but not even Chinese
ladies are ever to be seen in public, except in sedan-chairs. On this
occasion, the people offered neither violence nor insult, and, indeed,
a few policemen were stationed close to the Factories, to prevent the
pressure of the crowd. In the evening they embarked again in their
boats, and proceeded down the river.
There is no question that this little incident had a very bad effect
upon the feelings of the Chinese. As a proof of this, it is right to
mention that the same persons again came up a few days afterwards, and
resided with their husbands in one of the factories, and that _that
very factory_ was the first attacked, and unquestionably the object was
to drive out the foreign ladies, as much as it was to plunder. They
escaped, with the utmost difficulty and danger, by a back way, and were
received into one of the Hong merchants' warehouses until they could
be conveyed down the river. But the mob destroyed and tore into shreds
every article of their wardrobe which they could find.
In justice to the Chinese, and to the very proper and cautious measures
adopted by Sir Henry Pottinger, this incident cannot be omitted. But
the mob evidently had its leaders; and many of the people were said to
be provided with little bags of gunpowder, for the purpose of setting
fire to the buildings. There was certainly some preconcerted scheme or
other, although the occurrence of the outbreak on that _particular day_
was a matter of accident.
Disputes first arose in the early part of the day (7th December)
between a number of Lascars, who were on leave from Whampoa, and some
of the shopkeepers of Canton. The Lascars are generally allowed to
trade a little on their own private account, and are in the habit of
carrying back to India a great variety of articles, of little cost,
purchased in China. On this occasion, a very large number of them were
allowed to come up to Canton together; hard bargains were driven, and
doubtless there were faults on both sides. High words soon led to blows
and squabbles in some of the back streets; the disturbance naturally
increased by the accession of recruits to both sides, stones flew and
sticks were used, and at length the Lascars were driven out of the back
streets into one of the unoccupied hongs, called the Creek Hong, which
still remained unrepaired since the general pillage of the Factories in
the previous year.
For some time both parties remained quiet, and probably those Chinamen
who commenced the disturbance had little to do with what afterwards
happened. Towards evening, numbers of suspicious-looking people began
to collect together, in front of the Factories. Something serious was
now anticipated, and the European residents began to barricade their
doors and windows, and to endeavour to secure their books and treasure
as well as they could. One of the first objects upon which an attack
was made by the mob was the British flag-staff in the Company's garden,
into which they forced their way. The staff was soon set on fire,
(there was no flag,) and the blaze was followed by a general shout.
The British factory, which was then undergoing repair, was the next
object of violence. The workmen within it defended it for some time,
but the mob at last got in, and were thus enabled to force their way
from the balcony into the adjoining building, (formerly part of the
Company's hong,) in which the ladies were staying with their friends.
Fortunately, however, they had already been conveyed away to a place of
safety.
Elated with success, the mob gradually attacked the other adjoining
factories, particularly that which was formerly occupied by the Dutch,
but which was then rented by an American firm. Here a stand was made
with fire-arms against the invaders for some time, and two or three of
them were shot. At length, however, they prevailed; and the American
gentlemen had a narrow escape in reaching their boats, but were only
able to save a small quantity of the treasure.
Gradually the crowd increased, as the night set in; parts of the
factories were already on fire, and if the wind had been high, instead
of being nearly calm, it is impossible to say where the destruction
would have stopped, in a city like Canton.
It will be asked whether no attempt was made by the Chinese authorities
to disperse the mob. For some time they seem to have been actually
themselves _afraid_ of encountering the mob; and a small party of
police-runners and soldiers, who were sent down in the first instance,
were said to have been driven off. It must not be supposed that all, or
even a quarter part, of the foreign factories were burned down. None
of the rest were injured, except those situated between Hog Lane and
the Creek. Towards morning the mob began to be satiated with what they
had done, and a large body of soldiers coming down into the square in
front of the Factories, headed by their proper officers, soon managed
to enforce quiet. They retained possession of the square, and pitched
their tents, as if they were to be stationed there for some time.
The alarm created by these violent proceedings among the foreign
community was of course very great indeed. But whatever the plans
of the Chinese may have been, the arrival of the Proserpine steamer
on the following morning at Canton tended very much to reassure the
European community. Sir Hugh Gough had requested to be conveyed in her
to Canton, merely for the purpose of visiting the town, and it was
quite a matter of fortunate accident that she arrived there just when
she was most wanted. Communications passed between Sir Hugh Gough and
the authorities, who gave every assurance of their desire to maintain
tranquillity. But the difficulty was as to their _power_ to carry
out their own wishes. It was doubted whether their soldiers could be
depended on, and Sir Hugh Gough, therefore, acceded to the request of
the merchants, to allow the Proserpine to remain off the Factories
until communications could be received from Sir Henry Pottinger.
In every point of view, this was now a very critical moment. A single
false move, or one hasty step, would have led to collision and
difficulty, and might have endangered the existence of the peace for
which we had so long been struggling. The utmost caution and good
judgment were required to allay the angry feelings on both sides;
and it would have ill become us to have assumed the appearance of
almost inviting the renewal of a collision with a proud susceptible
government, when their high officers declared themselves "both willing
and able to control their own people, and to protect foreigners."
The merchants at Canton addressed Sir Henry Pottinger, with a view
to obtain from him protection for their persons and property while
carrying on their trade at Canton; they expressed their firm belief
that there was a prevailing spirit of hostility to the English among
certain classes in Canton, by whom the mob were influenced, and
that unless _armed_ _protection_ (amounting in reality to armed
_intervention_) were afforded to them, it would be impossible for
them to carry on their business, except through the means of American
agency. And this kind of assistance was generally deprecated by the
merchants, as tending not only to throw business into the hands of the
Americans for the time, but also to establish it permanently in their
favour, to the detriment of our own mercantile interests.
The reply of Sir Henry Pottinger to the merchants was a long and
somewhat harshly expressed document. It seemed to have been written on
the spur of the moment, and amounted, in fact, to a _rebuke_, addressed
to the merchants; part of which had little reference to the matter in
question. The impression of the Plenipotentiary seems to have been,
that the _foreign_ community were altogether in the wrong; and his
Excellency certainly had in view the extensive, and one may almost say
acknowledged, smuggling, not only of opium, but of every description of
exports and imports which were liable to duty, in the Canton river.
This was undoubtedly a critical moment of our intercourse with the
Chinese. Sir Henry Pottinger addressed a letter upon the subject to
the Viceroy of Canton, and sent it up by the Nemesis. It would be
difficult to say that this was not the wisest and most dignified course
to pursue. If the Viceroy should declare either his inability or his
unwillingness to protect the foreign community, then, indeed, would
be the proper time for intervention, in order to secure to them that
protection which they needed.
Captain Hall had previously gone up as a passenger in the Proserpine,
with Captain Hough, to Canton; but the moment it was ascertained that
the Nemesis had passed the Bogue, in charge of his chief officer, he
went down to meet her, and brought her safely straight up to Canton
from Whampoa, passing through the passage between the stakes below
Napier's fort, and then taking the left-hand passage, by the low
alluvial island. The Proserpine had previously, for the first time,
been carried up the right-hand passage. Both of these lead up to nearly
the same point, opposite the French Folly.
Great was the rejoicing of all the foreigners at Canton, the moment
they recognised their old friend the Nemesis approaching. And who that
had once seen her could ever mistake her appearance, with her two huge
eyes upon the bows, in true Chinese fashion!
On this occasion, the captains of the merchant-vessels at Whampoa
handsomely volunteered to lend their services, if necessary. There
was great uncertainty as to what might happen, and it was reported
that an attempt would be made upon the steamer at night. It was not
forgotten that on former occasions fire-rafts had been sent down the
river to destroy the shipping, and it was necessary that the Nemesis
and Proserpine should be prepared. The assistance of two boats only was
accepted--one from the Tuglis, under Captain Isaacson, and another from
the Edinburgh, under Captain Paterson. Both boats were well armed and
manned, and were of great use in guarding against a surprise.
Mr. Medhurst had come up in the Nemesis, as interpreter, in charge of
Sir Henry Pottinger's letter to the Viceroy; and the question now was,
to whom, or through whom, was it to be delivered? A great number of
Chinese soldiers were encamped on the ground in front of the Factories,
for the protection of the foreigners. They were evidently some of their
best soldiers, for they were well dressed and properly armed. Each
tent was appropriated to about six men; and one of their large, long
shields, placed upright, served as a door to each; their arms were all
in readiness, and sentries were placed. As for the men themselves,
their only occupation or amusement seemed to be gambling all the day
long.
At first the Hong merchants proposed to receive the letter, but that
was, of course, objected to. Then the Kwang-chow-foo, or Prefect,
wished it to be handed over to him on shore, but that was also refused.
It was intimated that it could only be delivered to him on the
quarter-deck of the steamer. At length a mandarin, who spoke a little
English, having formerly been employed in one of the Hong merchants'
establishments, came alongside, and proposed that Captain Hall should
go into the Prefect's boat, and _there_ deliver the letter, under the
pretence that the Prefect was an _old man_, and could not get up the
ship's side. All these were little attempts at evasion, to save his
dignity. It was, however, insisted that the Prefect should come on
board the Nemesis, and there receive the communication, and he might
bring as many of the Hong merchants with him as he pleased.
At length, finding that nothing was to be gained by further delay, and
that the days of paying court to the Prefect were now long past, he
stepped upon the quarter-deck of the steamer, accompanied by most of
the Hong merchants. They were all conducted into the cabin, and the
letter was delivered in due form, with an intimation that it was to be
laid before the Viceroy without delay, and that a speedy answer was
expected. They then requested that the steamers might be removed lower
down, as their presence only tended to keep alive the excitement. This,
however, could not be complied with. They denied altogether the report
that a large body of troops were advancing towards the city, or that
any violence or insult whatever was intended against the foreigners.
However, it was intimated that the steamers were perfectly prepared,
and that their guns would be kept loaded, ready to meet any attack that
might be made.
The answer of the Viceroy was perfectly satisfactory; and that it
was sincere, the event has since fully proved. He declared his great
anxiety, as well as his perfect _ability_, to protect all foreigners;
and, at the same time, expressed his readiness to repay all such losses
as had been incurred during the late riots, after they should have been
correctly ascertained, and transmitted through her Majesty's government.
There have been no grounds whatever for supposing that there will
be any probability of another collision with the Chinese, to whose
moderation and good faith, since the terms of peace have been settled,
too much justice cannot be done. When we consider the wonderful changes
which have been brought about in so short a period of time, and these,
too, in the face of a nation the most proud, the most prejudiced, and
the vainest in the world, we cannot but look back with wonder at all
that has happened, and stand firm in our belief that Providence has yet
greater things in store for China, mainly through the instrumentality
of England.
A new era is undoubtedly now opened for the Chinese; new duties and
new relations have been imposed upon them; but let us not forget, in
the fulness of victory, and in the pride of the human heart, that new
and highly important duties are imposed upon us also, not lightly
to be thought of, nor inconsiderately handled. We must take for our
motto, forbearance, good-will, kindliness, honesty, and true Christian
feeling. With these as our panoply, the benefit to be derived by both
nations from the cautious, systematic, and prudent exercise of the
duties imposed upon each other, may become a blessing to both. Let it
also be borne in mind, that qualities the reverse of these--overbearing
violence, and, above all, undue love of gain--may entail, not only
misery and the horrors of anarchy upon a people who proudly boast
of their antiquity and of their vast resources, but may also bring
political difficulties, with loss of dignity and of high principle,
upon that little distant speck upon the earth's surface, yet that giant
in the world's interest--Great Britain.
At the latter end of December, the whole of the transports and ships
of war not required for further service in China sailed from Hong-Kong
for their respective destinations; and peace seemed now to reign
throughout the whole of that vast portion of the East.
FOOTNOTE:
[73] Immense piles of excellent fire-wood were also found at Nankin.