DR. NELTE: Thank you.

DR. DIX: Witness, you have stated that the SD and the Gestapo, in fact,

the whole Police had no jurisdiction over members of the Armed

Forces—for instance, they could not arrest members of the Armed Forces.

Did I understand you correctly?

DÖNITZ: Yes.

DR. DIX: Do you know, Witness, that all the officers, or in any case

most of them, who were suspected of being involved in the affair of 20

July, were arrested by members of the SD and sent for questioning by the

SD and the SD office, where they were arrested, to prisons under the SD

and there held under SD guard and not under any military guard?

DÖNITZ: No, I don’t know that, because after 20 July, as far as I can

remember, an order was issued specifically stating that the SD were to

give to branches of the Armed Forces the names of those soldiers who had

participated in the Putsch and that these soldiers were then to be

dismissed from the branches of the Armed Forces, particularly to keep

the principle of noninterference in the branches of the Armed Forces

from being violated, and that then the SD would have the right to take

action.

DR. DIX: That order did come out, but perhaps we can come to an

explanation of this order if you answer further questions which I want

to put to you.

Do you know, Witness, that the examination, the interrogation of those

officers arrested in connection with 20 July, was carried out

exclusively by officials of the SD or the Gestapo and not by officers,

that is, members of military courts?

DÖNITZ: I can only judge as to the two cases which I had in the Navy. I

received information that these two officers had participated. I had

questions put to them, and they confirmed it. Thereupon these officers

were dismissed from the Navy. After that the interrogation was, of

course, not carried out by the Navy; but I know that my Navy court

judges still concerned themselves about the officers and the

interrogation.

DR. DIX: Who dismissed these men?

DÖNITZ: The Navy.

DR. DIX: That is you.

DÖNITZ: Yes.

DR. DIX: Do you know, Witness, that following upon the investigation

regarding 20 July a committee of generals was formed under the

chairmanship of Field Marshal Von Rundstedt?

DÖNITZ: Yes, I heard about that.

DR. DIX: And that this committee, on the basis of the records of the SD,

decided whether the officer in question was to be dismissed from the

Army or would have to leave the Army, so that he could be turned over to

the civil court, namely, the People’s Court?

DÖNITZ: That is not known to me.

DR. DIX: May I put it to you that I am of the opinion that the order

which you have described correctly...

THE PRESIDENT: Dr. Dix, you are bound by his answer. He said he didn’t

know anything about it. You can’t then put to him what you say happened.

If he says he doesn’t know anything about it, you must accept his

answer.

DR. DIX: I just wanted to put to him that the order to which I referred

earlier, which actually exists and which deals with the decision of

whether a person is to be dismissed from the Army and surrendered to the

civil authorities, has to do with this committee presided over by Field

Marshal Von Rundstedt, which had to decide whether the officer in

question was to be dismissed and thereby turned over, not to a military

court, but to the People’s Court.

THE PRESIDENT: I understood the witness to say he didn’t know anything

about it. I think you are bound by that answer.

DR. DIX: May I add something?

THE PRESIDENT: Who are you offering these questions for? You are counsel

for the Defendant Schacht.

DR. DIX: My colleague’s questions concerning Keitel were put to

challenge the credibility of the witness Gisevius. Schacht’s defense is

naturally interested in the credibility of the witness Gisevius. The

Defense has put three questions in connection with Gisevius’

credibility, therefore, concerning the case for Schacht. May I add

something?

THE PRESIDENT: Very well.

DR. DIX: I ask the questions to which your Lordship is objecting only

because I think it possible that the answer of the witness may have been

based on a mistake, namely, that he confused the general regulation

stating that the soldier concerned must be dismissed before the SD could

lay hands on him with the order stating that Von Rundstedt’s committee

would have to decide whether the officer in question was to be dismissed

from the Army so that he could be handed over to the People’s Court, not

to the SD. The SD merely carried out the investigation, the preliminary

interrogation.

THE PRESIDENT: What is it you want to ask him now?

DR. DIX: Admiral, I think you have understood my question, or do you

want me to repeat it?

DÖNITZ: I cannot tell you any more than I have already done.

DR. SERVATIUS: Witness, as Commander of Submarines, you did once have

some official contact with Sauckel?

DÖNITZ: No, not official but private.

DR. SERVATIUS: What was the occasion?

DÖNITZ: A submarine, which was to go into the Atlantic for 8 weeks, had

reported to me that it had been discovered after leaving port that

Gauleiter Sauckel had crept aboard. I immediately sent a radio message

ordering the submarine to turn back and put him on the nearest outpost

steamer.

DR. SERVATIUS: What was Sauckel’s motive?

DÖNITZ: No doubt a belligerent one. He wanted to go to sea again.

DR. SERVATIUS: But he was a Gauleiter. Did he not have particular

reasons in order to show that he too was ready to fight in the war and

did not want to remain behind?

DÖNITZ: It surprised me that he, as a Gauleiter, should want to go to

sea; but, at any rate, I considered that here was a man who had his

heart in the right place.

DR. SERVATIUS: You believe that his motives were idealistic?

DÖNITZ: Certainly. Nothing much can be got out of a submarine trip.

DR. SERVATIUS: I have no further questions.

DR. STEINBAUER: Admiral, do you remember that in your capacity as head

of the State on 1 May 1945 you ordered the Reich Commissioner for the

Occupied Netherlands to come to Flensburg to report to you?

DÖNITZ: Yes.

DR. STEINBAUER: Do you also remember that on this occasion my client

asked you to cancel the order originally sent to the Commander-in-Chief

in the Netherlands to the effect that all locks and dykes should be

blown up in the event of an attack, and to give the order that the mined

blasting points be rendered harmless?

DÖNITZ: Yes, he did do that. It was in accordance with my own

principles, for when I became head of the State I gave the order that

all destruction in occupied territories, including for instance

Czechoslovakia, should cease forthwith.

DR. STEINBAUER: At the end of his report, did he ask you for permission

to return to his station in the Netherlands instead of remaining in

Germany?

DÖNITZ: Yes, he did so repeatedly. He tried to get back—the weather

situation was difficult—to the Netherlands by a motor torpedo boat.

DR. STEINBAUER: Thank you very much.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Defendant, I want you first of all to answer

some questions on your record after becoming Commander-in-Chief of the

Navy on 30 January 1943. As Commander-in-Chief of the Navy you had the

equivalent rank of a Minister of the Reich; is that not so?

DÖNITZ: Yes, that is correct.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: You had also the right to participate in

meetings of the Reich Cabinet; had any such meetings taken place?

DÖNITZ: I was authorized to participate if such a meeting, or my

participation in such a meeting, was ordered by the Führer. That is the

wording of the order. But I must say that no meeting of the Reich

Cabinet took place at the time I was Commander-in-Chief from 1943 on.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: From the time that you became Commander-in-Chief

of the Navy, the government of the Reich was in a sense carried on from

Hitler’s headquarters; isn’t that so?

DÖNITZ: That is correct.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: It was a military dictatorship in which the

dictator saw those people he wanted at his military headquarters; that

is right, is it not?

DÖNITZ: One cannot say “military dictatorship.” It was not a

dictatorship at all. There was a military sector and a civilian sector,

and both components were united in the hands of the Führer.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: I see. I will take the last part of your answer,

and we will not argue about the first.

Now, you saw him on 119 days in just over 2 years; do you agree to that?

DÖNITZ: Yes. But in that connection it must be stated that from 30

January 1943, when I became Commander-in-Chief of the Navy, until the

end of January 1945—that is, approximately 2 years—the number was, I

think, 57 times. The larger figure arises from the fact that in the last

months of the war I took part in the noontime conferences on the

situation which took place daily in the Voss Strasse in Berlin.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: I want to ask you about certain of these. At a

number of these meetings the Defendant Speer was present, was he not?

DÖNITZ: I cannot remember that he was present in person at the

discussions of the military situation. Actually Minister Speer as a

civilian had nothing to do with a discussion of the military situation.

But it is possible that he was there on some occasions, for instance,

when tank production and other matters were discussed which were

directly connected with the Führer’s military considerations.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: That was exactly what I was going to put to you,

that the occasions when the Defendant Speer were present were when you

were going into matters of supply; that is, supply for the various

services, including supply for the Navy.

DÖNITZ: Supply questions of the Navy were never discussed at the large

conferences on the military situation. I discussed these matters with

the Führer alone, as I have already said, usually in the presence of

Jodl and Keitel. I submitted these matters to the Führer after I had

come to an understanding with Minister Speer, to whom I had delegated

all matters of naval armament when I became Commander-in-Chief of the

Navy. That, in general, was the situation.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: But, like the head of every service, you would

have had to learn about priorities and materials and labor. You would

want to know how labor was going to be allocated during the next period,

would you not?

DÖNITZ: I tried to bring it about that by a decision of the Führer

Minister Speer would be given the order to build the largest possible

number of new U-boats which I had to have at the time. But there were

limitations as to the quantities to be allotted to each branch of the

Armed Forces by Speer’s Ministry.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: And, therefore, you would be very interested in

discovering the figure of manpower for labor for naval supplies and for

the other supplies, to see that you were getting your fair share, would

you not?

DÖNITZ: I am very sorry, but I cannot give you an answer to that. I

never knew, and I do not know today, how many workers Speer was using

for the armament supply for the Navy. I do not even know whether Speer

can give you the answer, because construction of submarines, for

instance, was taking place all over the German Reich in many industrial

plants. Parts were then assembled in the shipyards. Therefore I have no

idea what the labor capacity allotted to the Navy was.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Do you remember describing Speer as the man who

holds the production of Europe in his hand? That was on 17 December

1943. I shall put the document to you in a little time. But do you

remember describing him as that?

DÖNITZ: Yes; I know that quite well.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: And don’t you know quite well also that Speer

was getting his labor from foreign labor brought into the Reich?

DÖNITZ: I knew, of course, that there were foreign workers in Germany.

It is just as self-evident that as Commander-in-Chief of the Navy I was

not concerned as to how these workers were recruited. That was none of

my business.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Did not Gauleiter Sauckel tell you on the

occasion of this trip that he had got 5 million foreign workers into the

Reich, of whom only 200,000 had come voluntarily?

DÖNITZ: I did not have a single conversation with Gauleiter Sauckel. I

have never had a discussion with anyone about questions referring to

workers.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Now, Defendant, you were head of a service

department in the fifth and sixth years of the war. Wasn’t Germany, like

every other country, searching around to scrape the bottom of the barrel

for labor for all its requirements? Weren’t you in urgent need of labor,

like every other country in the war?

DÖNITZ: I, too, think that we needed workers.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Are you telling the Tribunal that you did not

know after these conferences with Hitler and with Speer that you were

getting this labor by forcing foreign labor to come into the Reich and

be used?

DÖNITZ: During my conferences with Hitler and Speer, the system of

obtaining these workers was never mentioned at all. The methods did not

interest me at all. During these conferences the labor question was not

discussed at all. I was interested merely in how many submarines I

received, that is, how large my allotment was in terms of ships built.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: You tell the Tribunal you discussed that with

Speer and he never told you where he was getting his labor? Is that your

answer on this point?

DÖNITZ: Yes, that is my answer, and it is true.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Do you remember, just before we passed from the

industrial side of it, that at certain meetings the representatives for

coal and transport, and Gauleiter Kaufmann, the Reich Commissioner for

Shipping, were present at meetings which you had with the Führer?

DÖNITZ: No.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: You may take it from me that they are listed as

being present at these meetings. Were you dealing with general problems

of shipping and transport?

DÖNITZ: Never. As far as sea transport is concerned—that is true. I was

thinking of things on land. I thought you meant on land. I have already

stated that at the end of the war I was keenly interested in the tonnage

of merchant vessels because this tonnage, which I needed in order to

carry out military transports from Norway, from and to the East, and for

refugee transports, was not under my jurisdiction but under that of

Gauleiter Kaufmann, the Reich Commissioner for shipping. So at meetings

and discussions which dealt with the sea transport situation I was, of

course, present.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Let us take another subject of these 119 days.

On 39 of these days the Defendant Keitel was also present at the

headquarters and at about the same number, the Defendant Jodl.

DÖNITZ: I am sorry; I did not understand the date.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: I will put it again. At 39 of these meetings

between January 1943 and April 1945 the Defendant Keitel was present and

at about the same number, the Defendant Jodl. Now, is it right that you

discussed or listened to the discussion, in their presence, of the

general strategical position?

DÖNITZ: I might say that the word “meeting” does not quite describe the

matter. It was rather, as I...

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Well now, you choose the word; you give us the

word.

DÖNITZ: It was, as I described it, a large-scale discussion of the

military situation; and at this discussion I heard also, of course,

reports about the army situation. That I explained before.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: I just want to get it quite clear that over

these 2 years you had every opportunity of understanding and

appreciating the military strategical position; that is so, isn’t it?

DÖNITZ: Yes.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Well now, on 20 of these occasions the Defendant

Göring was present. The Defendant Göring has put himself forward in two

capacities; as Commander-in-Chief of the Luftwaffe and as a politician.

What was he doing on these 20 occasions?

DÖNITZ: Reich Marshal Göring was there as Commander-in-Chief of the Air

Force when the military situation was discussed.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: And so from the Defendant Göring you would have

a full knowledge and appreciation of the air situation and the position

of the Luftwaffe during this period?

DÖNITZ: Insofar as my occasional presence at these discussions, in which

only segments were dealt with—an over-all picture was never given at

such a discussion—insofar as I could form an opinion from these

segments, which naturally was always fragmentary. That was the reason

why I have never made statements about military matters outside the

Navy.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Let me ask you just one further question on this

point. Following up what Dr. Laternser asked, on 29 June 1944, apart

from Keitel and Jodl and Göring, these defendants, Marshal Von Rundstedt

and Marshal Rommel were also present; and may I remind you that that was

3 weeks after the Allies had invaded in the West. You were being given

the opportunity, were you not, of getting the appreciation of the

strategical position after the Allied invasion of Normandy, isn’t that

so?

DÖNITZ: Yes, from that I gained an impression of the situation in

Normandy after the enemy had set foot there. I was in a position to

report to the Führer which of my new small striking devices I could put

to use in that sector.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Now, let us change to another aspect of the

government in general.

On a number of occasions the Reichsführer-SS Himmler was present at

these conferences—shall I call them—isn’t that so?

DÖNITZ: Yes. If the Reichsführer-SS Himmler was there, and as far as I

remember that happened once or twice, it was because of his Waffen-SS.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: You may take it from me that he is shown as

being there on at least seven occasions, and that Fegelein, who was his

representative at the Führer’s headquarters, is shown as being present

on five occasions. What did Himmler discuss about the Waffen-SS—the

doings of the Totenkopf division?

DÖNITZ: That cannot be right. Fegelein was always present during the

discussions of the military situation; he never missed, because he was a

permanent representative. If the Reichsführer was present during these

discussions, he reported only on the Waffen-SS, those divisions of the

Waffen-SS which were being used somewhere under the Army. I do not know

the name of these individual divisions. I do not think they included the

Totenkopf; I never heard they did; there was a Viking or...

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: That was because they were being largely

occupied in concentration camps, and you say that Himmler never

mentioned that?

DÖNITZ: That Totenkopf divisions were used in concentration camps I

learned here in Nuremberg. It wasn’t mentioned there. I have already

said that during the military discussions only military matters were

discussed.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Now, the Defendant Kaltenbrunner is only

reported as being present once, on 26 February 1945, when there was

quite a considerable gathering of SS notabilities. What were you

discussing with him then?

DÖNITZ: It is not correct that Kaltenbrunner was there only once. As far

as I remember, he was there two, three, or four times; at any rate,

during the last months of the war I saw him two, three, or four times.

Kaltenbrunner never said a word there; as far as I remember, he just

listened and stood about.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: What I want you to tell the Tribunal is: What

was the subject of conversation when you had, not only the Defendant

Kaltenbrunner there, but you had SS Obergruppenführer Steiner, your own

captain in attendance, and Lieutenant General Winter? What were these

gentlemen there for, and what were you hearing from them?

DÖNITZ: Who is the captain and who is Lieutenant General Günther?

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Captain Von Assmann; I took it he was the

captain in attendance on you, though I may have been wrong—Kapitän zur

See Von Assmann. Then there was Lieutenant General Winter, SS

Obergruppenführer Steiner, and SS Obergruppenführer Kaltenbrunner. What

were you discussing on the 26th of February 1945?

DÖNITZ: I must mention one fact in this connection: Captain Von Assmann

was present at every discussion of the general situation.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Just a moment. You can tell us something

afterwards, but first of all listen to my question. What were you

discussing with these people from the SS on 26 February 1945?

DÖNITZ: I cannot remember that now. I do remember, however, that Steiner

received an order in regard to the army groups in Pomerania which were

to make the push from the north to the south in order to relieve Berlin.

I think that when Steiner was present perhaps this question, which did

not concern me, was discussed.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Now I just want you to think, before I leave

this point. You have agreed with me that at a number of meetings, a

large number, there were present Keitel and Jodl, at not quite so many

Göring, who would give you the army and air situation in Germany; there

was present the Defendant Speer, who would give you the production

position; there was present Himmler, or his representative Fegelein, who

would give you the security position; and you yourself were present, who

would give the naval position. At all meetings there was present the

Führer who would make the decisions.

I put to you, Defendant, that you were taking as full a part in the

government of Germany during these years as anyone, apart from Adolf

Hitler himself.

DÖNITZ: In my opinion that description is not correct. At these

discussions of the general situation neither Speer nor anybody else

supplied a complete survey of the work being done. On the contrary, only

acute questions of the day were discussed. As I have said, the

happenings of the last 24 hours were discussed, and what should be done.

That there was a staff there which in its reports gave an over-all

picture—that was quite out of the question; it was not at all like

that. The only one who had a complete picture of the situation was the

Führer. At these discussions of the military situation the developments

of the last 24 hours and the measures to be taken were discussed. These

are the facts.

Therefore, one cannot say that any one of the participants had an

over-all picture. Rather every one had a clear view of his own

department for which he was responsible. An over-all picture in the mind

of any of the participants is out of the question. Only the Führer had

that.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Well, I won’t argue with you; but I suppose,

Defendant, that you say—as we have heard from so many other

defendants—that you knew nothing about the slave-labor program, you

knew nothing about the extermination of the Jews, and you knew nothing

about any of the bad conditions in concentration camps. I suppose you

are going to tell us you knew nothing about them at all, are you?

DÖNITZ: That is self-evident, since we have heard here how all these

things were kept secret; and if one bears in mind the fact that everyone

in this war was pursuing his own tasks with the maximum of energy, then

it is no wonder at all. To give an example, I learned of the conditions

in concentration camps...

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: I just want your answer for the moment, and you

have given it to me. I want you to come to a point which was well within

your own knowledge, and that is the order for the shooting of Commandos,

which was issued by the Führer on 18 October 1942. You have told us that

you got it when you were Flag Officer of U-boats. Now, do you remember

the document by which the Naval Operations Staff distributed it? Do you

remember that it said this:

“This order must not be distributed in writing by flotilla

leaders, section commanders, or officers of this rank.

“After verbal notification to subordinate sections the above

officers must hand this order over to the next higher section,

which is responsible for its withdrawal and destruction.”

Do you remember that?

DÖNITZ: Yes, I read that again when I saw the order here. But on the

other side it says also that this measure had already been announced in

the Wehrmacht order.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: What I want to know from you is: Why was there

this tremendous secrecy about this order in the naval distribution?

DÖNITZ: I did not understand that question. I do not know whether

tremendous secrecy was being observed at all. I am of the opinion that

in 1942 all naval officers had been informed about it.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: This is on 28 October, 10 days after the order

was issued. I am not going to quarrel with you about adjectives,

Defendant. Let me put it this way: Why did the naval distribution

require that degree of secrecy?

DÖNITZ: I do not know. I did not make up the distribution chart. As an

officer at the front I received this order at that time. I do not know.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Within 3 months you were Commander-in-Chief of

the Navy. Did you never make any inquiries then?

DÖNITZ: I beg your pardon.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Did you never make any inquiries?

DÖNITZ: No, I did not. I have told you that I saw this order as

Commander of U-boats and that as far as my field of activities was

concerned this order did not concern me in the least and, secondly, that

men captured during naval engagements were expressly excepted; so, as

far as that goes, this order at that time had no actual, no real

significance. In view of the enormous number of things that I had to

deal with when I became Commander-in-Chief of the Navy, it was quite

natural that it did not occur to me to take up the question of this new

order. I did not think of the order at all.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: I am going to put to you when the time comes a

memorandum from the Naval Staff showing that it was put before you.

Don’t you remember that?

DÖNITZ: If you are referring to the memorandum which is in my trial

brief, then I can only say that this memorandum was not submitted to me,

as can be clearly seen from this note.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: What I want to ask you before the Tribunal

adjourns is: Did you approve of this order or did you not?

DÖNITZ: I have already told you, as I...

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: No, you haven’t. I want you to tell the Tribunal

now, and you can answer it either “I approved” or “I did not approve.”

Did you or did you not approve this order to your commanders?

DÖNITZ: Today I do not approve of that order since I have learned here

that the basis was not so sound...

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Did you agree with it when you were

Commander-in-Chief of the German Navy at the beginning of 1943? Did you

approve of it then?

DÖNITZ: As Commander-in-Chief of the Navy I was not concerned with this

order. While I was Commander of U-boats, as I have already explained to

you, I considered it simply a reprisal order. It was not up to me to

start an investigation or to take it up with the office which had issued

the order to find out whether the basis was correct or not. It was not

up to me to start an investigation on the basis of international law.

And it was quite clear in Point 1 of the order that here the enemy, the

opponent, had placed himself outside the bounds of the Geneva

Convention, because they were murdering prisoners, and that therefore we

had to do certain things as reprisals. Whether these reprisal measures

were necessary or whether they were fully justified by the conditions in

Point 1, that is something I did not and could not know.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: This is the last question. I want you to try and

answer it with a straight answer if you can. At the beginning of 1943

did you or did you not approve of this order?

DÖNITZ: I cannot give you an answer, because at the beginning of 1943 I

did not think of the order and was not concerned with it. Therefore I

cannot say how that order affected me at that particular time. I can

tell you only how it affected me when I read it as Commander of U-boats;

and I can also tell you that today I reject this order, now that I have

learned that the basis on which it was issued was not so sound. And

thirdly, I can tell you that I personally rejected any kind of reprisals

in naval warfare—every kind, in every case, and whatever the proposal.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: I will ask some more questions about it

tomorrow, as the time has come to break off.

[_The Tribunal adjourned until 10 May 1946 at 1000 hours._]

ONE HUNDRED

AND TWENTY-SIXTH DAY

Friday, 10 May 1946

_Morning Session_

[_The Defendant Dönitz resumed the stand._]

THE PRESIDENT: Sir David, I understand there are some supplementary

applications for witnesses and documents, which would probably not take

very long to discuss. Is that so?

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: My Lord, I have not actually received the final

instructions. I can find out in a very short time. I will get Major

Barrington up. I am told that is so.

THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal, therefore, proposes to sit in open session

tomorrow until a quarter to 12 dealing with the Trial in the ordinary

course and then to take the supplementary applications at a quarter to

12 and then to adjourn into closed session.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: My Lord, we shall be ready for them at a quarter

to 12 tomorrow.

THE PRESIDENT: Very well.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Defendant, the first document that I want you to

look at with regard to the Führer Commando Order of 18 October 1942 is

on Page 65 of the English document book and on Page 98 of the German

document book. It is Document Number C-178, Exhibit USA-544. You will

see that that document is dated 11 February 1943. That is some 12 days

after you took over as Commander-in-Chief and you will see from the

reference that it went to “1.SKL Ii.” That is the international law and

prize law division of your operations staff, isn’t it—Admiral Eckardt’s

division?

DÖNITZ: No. It is addressed to the first section of the Naval Operations

Staff, that is, the operational section. It originates with Eckardt and

is sent to the first section, that is, to the section chief.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: But I think I am quite right—the reference

about which I asked you, 1.SKL Ii, that is Admiral Eckardt’s department.

That is the reference for Admiral Eckardt’s international law

department?

DÖNITZ: No, no, no. It is the department in which Admiral Eckardt was

also an official. Admiral Eckardt was an official in that department.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: And the third SKL in the next line is the press

department as you said, isn’t it?

DÖNITZ: No. The third section of the SKL collected information sent in

for the Navy and reported on it.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: I note it was intelligence and press. Is that

right or not?

DÖNITZ: Yes, it was intelligence and press.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Now, I just want you to help the Tribunal on

three points in this document. You remember I asked you yesterday about

the secrecy standard of the original Führer order of 18 October. If you

will look at the second paragraph you will see that it says:

“... was given the protection of top secret merely because it is

stated therein (1) that ... sabotage organization ... may have

portentous consequences ... and (2) that the shooting of

uniformed prisoners acting on military orders must be carried

out even after they have surrendered voluntarily and asked for

pardon.”

Do you see that?

DÖNITZ: Yes, I have read it.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: You agree that that was one of the reasons for

giving the order top secrecy?

DÖNITZ: This exchange of notes between Eckardt and the section chief was

not submitted to me, as is obvious from the initials noted in the

book...

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Is that the reason for you not answering my

question? Do you agree that that is the reason for giving top secrecy to

this document?

DÖNITZ: I do not know. I cannot tell you that, because I did not issue

this Commando Order. It says in the Commando Order, on the one hand that

these people had killed prisoners. That is the way I had read it as

Commander, U-boat Fleet; and on the other hand...

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: I shall give you one more opportunity of

answering my question. You were Commander-in-Chief of the German Navy.

Do you say that you are not able to answer this question: Is the reason

stated in Paragraph 2 of this document a correct reason for attaching

top secrecy to the Führer order of 18 October? Now you have this final

opportunity of answering that question. Will you answer it or won’t you?

DÖNITZ: Yes, I will do that. I consider it possible, particularly as the

legal expert here thinks so. I do not know if it is correct, because I

did not issue the order. On the other hand, it says in the order that

these things would not be published in the army orders.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: That was the next point. The next paragraph says

that what is to be published in the army orders is the annihilation of

sabotage units in battle, not, of course, if they are shot—as I would

say, murdered—quietly, by the SD after battle. I want you to note the

next paragraph. The next paragraph raises the difficulty as to how many

saboteurs were to be considered as a sabotage unit and suggests that up

to ten would certainly be a sabotage unit.

Now, if you look at the last paragraph—I will read it to you quite

slowly:

“It is to be assumed that Counterintelligence III is acquainted

with the Führer orders and will therefore reply accordingly to

the objections of the Army General Staff and the Air Force

Operations Staff. As far as the Navy is concerned, it remains to

be seen whether or not this case should be used to make

sure”—note the next words—“after a conference with the

Commander-in-Chief of the Navy that all departments concerned

have an entirely clear conception regarding the treatment of

members of Commando units.”

Are you telling the Tribunal that after that minute from Eckardt’s

department, which was to be shown to 1.SKL, your Chief of Staff’s

department, that you were never consulted upon it?

DÖNITZ: Yes, I do say that, and I will prove by means of a witness that

there are no initials or distribution list here; and this witness will

prove quite clearly that I did not receive a report on it.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Admiral Wagner was your Chief of Staff?

DÖNITZ: Yes.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: All right, we will not occupy further time.

DÖNITZ: He was not my Chief of Staff; he was chief of this section. He

was Section Chief 1. SKL, to which this order was directed. He knows

beyond doubt that no report was made to me. The circumstances are

perfectly clear.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Well, I will leave that, if you say that you

have not seen it; and I will ask you to look at Document Number 551-PS.

My Lord, I will pass the Tribunal a copy. This is Exhibit USA-551, and

it was put in by General Taylor on 7 January.

[_Turning to the defendant._] Now, that is a document which is dated 26

June 1944; and it deals with the Führer order; and it says how it will

apply after the landing of the Allied Forces in France; and if you will

look at the distribution, you will see that Number 4 is to the OKM, 1.

SKL. That is the department on which you were good enough to correct me

a moment ago. Now, did you—were you shown that document, which says

that the Führer order is to apply to Commando units operating outside

the immediate combat area in Normandy? Were you shown that document?

DÖNITZ: No, that was not shown to me in any circumstances—and quite

rightly, as the Navy did not take part in the affair.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: You told me yesterday that you were concerned

with the matter and that you had small boats operating in the Normandy

operations. That is what you told me yesterday afternoon. You have

changed your recollections since yesterday afternoon?

DÖNITZ: No, not at all. But these one-man submarines were floating on

water and had nothing to do with Commandos on the land front. That is

clear from this document, too—I do not know if it is the original of

the 1. SKL because I cannot see the initial. I am convinced, however,

that it was not submitted to me, because it had nothing to do with the

Navy.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: I see. Will you just look at Document Number

537-PS, which is dated 30 July 1944.

My Lord, that is Exhibit USA-553, also put in by General Taylor on 7

January.

DÖNITZ: Where is it?

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: The sergeant major will point to the place. That

is the document applying the Commando Order to “military missions,” and

you will see again later that the distribution includes OKM, Department

SKL. Did you see that order?

DÖNITZ: Yes, I can see it.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Did you see it at the time that it was

distributed, at the end of July 1944?

DÖNITZ: It is quite certain that this order was not submitted to me

because again it has nothing to do with the Navy. The Navy had nothing

to do with fighting partisans.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: I want you now just to look very quickly,

because I do not want to spend too much time on it, at Document Number

512-PS.

My Lord, that is Exhibit USA-546, which was also put in by General

Taylor on 7 January.

[_Turning to the defendant._] Now, that is a report dealing with the

question of whether members of Commandos should not be murdered

immediately in order that they could be interrogated, and the question

is whether that is covered by the last sentence of the Führer order, and

I call your attention to the fact that it refers, with regard to

interrogations, in the second sentence:

“Importance of this measure was proven in the cases of

Glomfjord, the two-man torpedo at Trondheim, and the glider

plane at Stavanger.”

DÖNITZ: I cannot find it at the moment.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: It is 512-PS.

THE PRESIDENT: Sir David, perhaps you ought to read the first sentence.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: If Your Lordship pleases.

DÖNITZ: This document dates from 1942. At that time I was Commander of

U-boats from the Atlantic Coast to the Bay of Biscay. I do not know this

paper at all.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: That is your answer, but it is 14 December 1942;

and the point is put up which is raised in the first sentence which My

Lord has just directed be read:

“Top secret: According to the last sentence of the Führer order

of 18 October, individual saboteurs can be spared for the time

being in order to keep them for interrogation.”

Then follows the sentence I have read. That was the point that was

raised, and what I was going to ask you was, did that point come up to

you when you took over the Commandership-in-Chief of the Navy in January

1943? Just look at the last sentence.

“The Red Cross and the BDS protested against the immediate

carrying out of the Führer order...”

DÖNITZ: I beg your pardon, but I still cannot find where that is. I have

not yet found the last sentence. Where is it?

THE PRESIDENT: Our translation says “after the immediate carrying

out....”

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: “After,” My Lord: I am sorry. It is my fault. I

am greatly obliged to Your Lordship. “Protested after the immediate....”

I beg Your Lordship’s pardon—I read it wrong.

DÖNITZ: That dates from December 1942.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: It is only six weeks before you took over.

DÖNITZ: Yes. I do not know this teleprint. In any case, that is probably

not Red Cross, but probably Reiko See, Reich Commissioner for

Shipping—or so I assume. BDS is probably the SS leader in Norway.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: But the point that I thought might have some

interest for you was the two-man torpedoes. I thought that might have

been referred to you as a matter of Navy interest. However, if it was

not I will come to a document after you took over. Give the defendant

Document Number 526-PS, on 10 May 1943.

My Lord, that is USA-502, and was put in by my friend Colonel Storey on

2 January.

[_Turning to the defendant._] You see that that is an account—it is

from the Defendant Jodl’s department, and it is annotated for the

Defendant Jodl’s department—about an enemy cutter which carried out an

operation from the Shetlands, a cutter of the Norwegian Navy; and it

gives its armament, and it says that it was an organization for

sabotaging strong points, battery positions, staff and troop billets,

and bridges and that the Führer order was executed by the SD. That was a

cutter which was blown up by the Norwegian Navy, I suppose after they

were attacked, and ten prisoners were murdered. Was that brought to your

attention?

DÖNITZ: This was shown to me during an interrogation, and I was also

asked if I had not had a telephone conversation with Field Marshal

Keitel. It was afterwards found to be the Wehrmacht area commander who

had contacted the OKW. It was a matter for the Army and for the SD, not

for the Navy.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: If you deny that you ever heard about that, will

you turn to Page 100 of the document book.

My Lord, it is Page 67 of the British document book.

[_Turning to the defendant._] And that is a summary, a summary of the

trial of the SD...

DÖNITZ: Where is it? I cannot find it.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Page 100, I have told you. If you will look for

it, I think you will find it. It is Page 67 of the English, if you

prefer to follow it in that language.

Now I will explain to you; I think you have read it before because you

have referred to it. That is a summary by the judge advocate at the

trial of the SS men of the evidence that was given, and I just want to

see that you have it in mind.

If you will look at Paragraph 4, you will see that they set out from

Lerwick, in the Shetlands, on this naval operation for the purpose of

making torpedo attacks on German shipping off the Norwegian coasts and

for the purpose of laying mines. Paragraph 5:

“The defense did not challenge that each member of the crew was

wearing uniform at the time of capture; and there was abundant

evidence from many persons, several of whom were German, that

they were wearing uniforms at all times after their capture.”

Now, you mentioned this yesterday. You see that in Paragraph 6:

“Deponent states that the whole of the crew was captured and

taken on board a German naval vessel which was under the command

of Admiral Von Schrader, the Admiral of the West Coast. The crew

were taken to the Bergenhus; and there they were interrogated by

Lieutenant H. P. K. W. Fanger, a lieutenant of the Naval

Reserve, on the orders of Korvettenkapitän Egon Drascher, both

of the German Naval Counterintelligence; and this interrogation

was carried out upon the orders of the Admiral of the West

Coast. Lieutenant Fanger reported to the officer in charge of

the intelligence branch at Bergen that, in his opinion, all

members of the crew were entitled to be treated as prisoners of

war and that officer in turn reported both orally and in writing

to the Sea Commander, Bergen, and in writing to the Admiral of

the West Coast.”—And that is Admiral Von Schrader.

Now I want just to read you the one sentence which, in view of that, I

do not think you will think is taken out of context of the evidence

given by Lieutenant Fanger at this trial. He was asked:

“Have you any idea at all why these people were handed over to

the SD?”

In answering that question I want you to tell me who was responsible for

their being handed over. This was your officers, your outfit; that was

the general in command of the Norwegian coast, Admiral Von Schrader in

command of this section, whose people captured the crew. That is your

own officers. Is it true what you told the Court yesterday that the crew

were captured by the SD? Have you any reason to believe Lieutenant

Fanger is not telling the truth?

THE PRESIDENT: What is that you were quoting from then?

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: It is the shorthand notes taken on the trial of

the SS.

THE PRESIDENT: Has it been admitted?

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: No, My Lord, it has not been, but it was within

Article 19.

FLOTTENRICHTER KRANZBÜHLER: I do not know the document which has been

used. May I have it, please? Shorthand notes which I have not seen are

being used; and according to the Tribunal’s ruling on cross-examinations

they must be given to me when the witness is heard.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: My Lord, with great respect, but this point

arose yesterday when the defendant made certain statements with regard

to Admiral Von Schrader. I am questioning these statements, and the only

way I can do it is to use documents which I did not otherwise intend to

use. I shall, of course, let Dr. Kranzbühler see them in due course.

THE PRESIDENT: Have you a copy of the German? That was to have been

given in German, that evidence.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: I have only the English transcript and I am

willing to let Dr. Kranzbühler see it, but it is all I have.

THE PRESIDENT: Have you got any other copy you can hand him?

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: No, I only was sent one copy.

THE PRESIDENT: After you are through with it, will you please hand that

copy to Dr. Kranzbühler?

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Yes, Sir.

THE PRESIDENT: Very well.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Now, have you any reason to suppose, Defendant,

that your officer, Lieutenant Fanger, is not telling the truth when he

says that these men were captured by Admiral Von Schrader?

DÖNITZ: I have no reason to question that statement because the whole

affair is completely unknown to me. I have already stated that the

incident was not reported to me nor—as I can prove—to the High Command

of the Navy; and I told you yesterday that I could only assume, in

consequence, that these men—here it is, in Paragraph 6—were captured

on an island, not by the Navy but by a detachment of the Police.

Consequently Admiral Von Schrader said that they were not Navy prisoners

but Police prisoners and must be handed back to the Police; and for this

reason he did not make a report.

I assume that that is what happened. I myself cannot furnish the full

details of this story or explain how it came about, because it was not

reported to me at the time.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: That is the point I will get to in a moment. It

nowhere states in this document that they were captured by the Police,

and in fact that they were captured by the forces under Admiral Von

Schrader, who attacked this island to which this boat was moored.

DÖNITZ: I do not know about that. The document says that the men reached

the island—the reason is not clear. That the men were brought back from

the island afterwards in some sort of boat is quite clear; but naturally

they might remain Police prisoners if they were captured there by the

Police or the coast guards. That is the only explanation I can think of,

in view of Admiral Von Schrader’s personality.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: I just asked you—your own officer, Lieutenant

Fanger, says they were captured by Admiral Von Schrader’s troops, and

you say if Lieutenant Fanger says that you have no reason to believe he

is not telling the truth, is that right?

DÖNITZ: Yes. My estimate of Von Schrader’s personality caused me to

assume yesterday that it happened like that. Since I am informed today

of a Lieutenant Fanger’s statement, things may have happened differently

for I may be wrong.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Will you look at the end of Paragraph 8, the

last sentence:

“There was an interview between Blomberg of the SS and Admiral

Von Schrader....”

And then the last sentence:

“Admiral Von Schrader told Blomberg that the crew of this

torpedo boat were to be handed over in accordance with the

Führer orders to the SD.”—and then they were handed over.

And the official of the SD who carried out this interrogation stated at

the trial:

“...that after the interrogation he was of the opinion that the

members of the crew were entitled to be treated as prisoners of

war, and that he so informed his superior officer.”

Despite this report and the representations of a superior officer the

crew were dealt with under the Führer order and executed, and it

describes how they were shot and their bodies secretly disposed of. Do

you say you never heard about that?

DÖNITZ: No. I do say that and I have witnesses to prove it. If the SD

official thought that these men did not come under that head, he would

have been obliged to report that to his superiors and his superiors

would have been obliged to take the appropriate steps.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: You say, you already take the position that the

Navy had interrogated them, the Navy Intelligence said they should be

treated as prisoners of war, and Admiral Von Schrader said they should

be handed over to the SS and that the SS examined them and said they

should be treated as prisoners of war, and despite that these men are

murdered? And you say you knew nothing about it? Did your Kapitän zur

See Wildemann say anything to you concerning this? W-i-l-d-e-m-a-n-n.

DÖNITZ: I do not know him.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Let me try to bring him to your recollection. At

this time he was an officer on the staff of Admiral Von Schrader and

dealt with this matter. Now, Kapitän Wildemann, and I suppose we should

assume, unless you know anything to the contrary, that he is a

trustworthy officer, says:

“I know that Von Schrader made a written report on this action,

and I know of no reason why the handing over of the prisoners to

the SD should not have been reported on.”

Do you still say you never got any report from Von Schrader?

DÖNITZ: Yes, I still say that I did not receive any report, and I am

equally convinced that the High Command of the Navy did not receive it

either. I have a witness to prove that. I do not know where the report

went. Admiral Von Schrader was not directly responsible to the High

Command of the Navy; and the report may have been sent to the OKW, if

this report was made at all. At any rate the High Command of the Navy

did not receive a report on this particular matter, hence my assumption

that these men were captured on the island in the first place by the

Police. Otherwise, I think Admiral Von Schrader would have reported it.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Before you make any further statement, I would

like you to have in mind something further that Kapitän Wildemann said,

which you know probably quite well, “After the capitulation Admiral Von

Schrader many times said that the English would hold him responsible for

handing over the prisoners to the SD,” and Admiral Von Schrader was

under orders to proceed to England as a prisoner when he shot himself.

Did you know Admiral Von Schrader shot himself?

DÖNITZ: I heard it here.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Did you know he was worried about being held

responsible for this order?

DÖNITZ: No, I had not the slightest idea of that. I only heard of his

suicide here.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Are you still telling the Tribunal that Admiral

Von Schrader made no report to you? Do you remember a few days after the

capture of this M.T.B. Admiral Von Schrader received the Knight’s Cross

of the Iron Cross?

DÖNITZ: Yes, but that has no connection with this matter. He did not

make a report on this matter and he did not go to Berlin for his

Knight’s Cross either, as far as I remember.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Two other officers, Oberleutnant Nelle and

Seeoberfähnrich Böhm were decorated; and in the recommendations and

citations the capture of this M.T.B. was given as the reason for this

decoration. You say you knew nothing about it?

DÖNITZ: I know nothing about it and I cannot know anything about it,

because the competent superior officers would have dealt with these

decorations and not myself. The High Command of the Navy did not receive

a report on this matter; otherwise it would have been passed on to me. I

have that much confidence in my High Command, and my witness will

testify that he did not receive it either and that he must have done so

if it had gone to the Navy.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: My final question, and I leave this subject:

Admiral Von Schrader was your junior officer, and according to you, a

very gallant officer. Do you want the Tribunal to understand that the

responsibility which broke and made Admiral Von Schrader commit suicide

was his responsibility, that he never consulted you and you were taking

no responsibility for his acts? Is that what you want the Tribunal to

understand?

DÖNITZ: Yes. I will swear to that; because if Admiral Von Schrader

really committed suicide on account of this incident, then he did make a

mistake because he treated naval personnel, engaged in a naval

operation, in a wrong manner. If that is correct, he acted against

orders. In any case, not even the slightest hint of the affair reached

me.

THE PRESIDENT: Sir David, will you ask the witness what he meant when he

said that Von Schrader was not directly under the Navy? He was under

Admiral Ciliax, wasn’t he, who was on leave at this time?

DÖNITZ: I said that he was not directly under the High Command of the

Navy in Berlin. So if Admiral Von Schrader made any report on the

affair, the report did not come to me directly but went to his immediate

superior, who was in Norway.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: And that immediate superior was Admiral Ciliax

who was on leave—but omit the leave for the moment; his immediate

superior was Admiral Ciliax?

DÖNITZ: Yes.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: I want to put it perfectly fairly: Do you mean

that for operations in Norway Admiral Ciliax was acting under the

commander—correct me if I am wrong—was it General Von Falkenhorst? I

cannot remember, perhaps you can help me. Do you remember that this

Admiral was acting under the commander-in-chief in Norway so that you

will tell the Tribunal...

DÖNITZ: Yes, as far as territory was concerned Admiral Ciliax was not

under the High Command of the Navy but under the Wehrmacht Commander for

Norway, General Von Falkenhorst; but I can only say that if Schrader’s

suicide is connected with this affair, then the Commando Order was not

properly carried out when these men, who were naval personnel and had

been sent into a naval action, were not treated as prisoners of war. If

that is what happened—I do not know—then a mistake was made locally.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: But at any rate you say that despite these

decorations for this action you as Commander-in-Chief of the Navy knew

nothing about it at all. That is what you say?

DÖNITZ: I awarded the Knight’s Cross to Admiral Von Schrader for

entirely different reasons. I awarded it. I knew nothing about

decorations awarded to the other people you mentioned. It has nothing to

do with me because their immediate superiors would attend to that. Nor

do I know whether these awards are really connected with the story or if

they were given for other reasons. I still cannot imagine—and I do not

believe—that a man like Admiral Von Schrader would treat naval

personnel in this way. The document does not say that they were killed

in a naval action but that they were captured on an island. It seems to

me peculiar that the High Command of the Navy should have received no

report on it, since orders to that effect had been given, and that the

Wehrmacht report should make no reference to it in accordance with the

Commando Order. All these factors are against it. I personally am unable

to form an opinion as to the affair.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Defendant, I am not going into details. You may

take it from me that the evidence at the trial has been that this cutter

was attacked by two naval task forces. If Dr. Kranzbühler finds I am

wrong I will be happy to admit it. But we will pass on to another

subject. Time is going.

Would you turn to Page 105 of the document book?

DÖNITZ: Then I can only say that it is a clear violation of orders and

that the High Command of the Navy was not informed.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: I want you to come to this next point, 105 in

the German, 71 in the English document book. Now we needn’t have any

trouble about this document because it is signed by you. It is a

memorandum about the question of more labor for shipbuilding; and you

are probably very familiar with it. But will you look at the first

sentence?

DÖNITZ: I beg your pardon, but what page is it?

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Page 105, Exhibit GB-211 (Document Number

C-195), English Page 71.

DÖNITZ: Yes.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Now, if you would look at the first sentence.

“Furthermore, I propose reinforcing the shipyard working party

by prisoners from the concentration camps.”

I don’t think we need trouble with coppersmiths, but if you will look at

the end of the document, the very last, you will see Item 2 of the

summing-up reads:

“12,000 concentration camp prisoners will be employed in the

shipyards as additional labor. Security service agrees to this.”

Now, that is your document, so...

DÖNITZ: Yes.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: So we may take it that you were familiar with

the fact of the existence of concentration camps?

DÖNITZ: I have never denied it.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: And I think you went further, didn’t you, when

asked about this on 28 September? At that time you said:

“I generally knew that we had concentration camps. That is

clear.

“Question: ‘From whom did you learn that?’

“Answer: ‘The whole German people knew that.’”

Don’t you remember saying that?

DÖNITZ: Yes. The German people knew that concentration camps existed;

but they did not know anything about the conditions and methods therein.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: It must have been rather a surprise for you when

the Defendant Von Ribbentrop said he only heard of two: Oranienburg and

Dachau? It was rather a surprise to you, was it?

DÖNITZ: No, it was not at all surprising, because I myself only knew of

Dachau and Oranienburg.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: But you say here you knew there were

concentration camps. Where did you think you were going to get your

labor from? What camps?

DÖNITZ: From these camps.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Did you think that all your labor was going to

be German or that it was going to be partly foreign labor?

DÖNITZ: I did not think about that at all. I should like to explain now

how these demands came to be made.

At the end of the war I was given the task of organizing large-scale

transports in the Baltic Sea. Gradually the necessity arose to move the

hundreds of thousands of poverty-stricken refugees out of the coastal

areas of East and West Prussia where they were exposed to starvation,

epidemics, and bombardment and to bring them to Germany. For this reason

I made enquiries about merchant shipping, which was not actually under

my jurisdiction; and in so doing I learned that out of eight ships

ordered in Denmark, seven had been destroyed by saboteurs in the final

stage of construction. I called a meeting of all the departments

connected with those ships and asked them, “How can I help you so that

we get shipping space and have damaged ships repaired more quickly?” I

received suggestions from various quarters outside the Navy, including a

suggestion that repair work, _et cetera_, might be speeded up by

employing prisoners from the concentration camps. By way of

justification, it was pointed out, in view of the excellent food

conditions, such employment would be very popular. Since I knew nothing

about the methods and conditions in the concentration camps, I included

these proposals in my collection as a matter of course, especially as

there was no question of making conditions worse for them, since they

would be given better food when working. And I know that if I had done

the opposite I could have been accused here of refusing these people an

opportunity of having better food. I had not the slightest reason to do

this, as I knew nothing about any concentration camp methods at the

time.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: I am sure we are grateful for your explanation.

But I just want you to tell me, after you had proposed that you should

get 12,000 people from concentration camps, did you get them?

DÖNITZ: I do not know. I did not do anything more about that. After the

meeting I had a memorandum prepared and submitted to the Führer...

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Keep to the answer. The answer is that you do

not know whether you got them or not, assuming that you did get them.

DÖNITZ: I did not get them at all. I had nothing to do with shipyards

and consequently I do not know how those responsible for the work in the

shipyards received their additional workers. I just do not know.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: But you held a position of some responsibility;

if you get 12,000 people from concentration camps into the shipbuilding

industry, they would have to work alongside people who weren’t in

concentration camps, would they not?

DÖNITZ: Certainly, yes.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Are you telling this Tribunal that when you ask

for and you may have got 12,000 people out of concentration camps, who

work alongside people not in concentration camps, that the conditions

inside the concentration camps remain a secret to the other people and

to all the rulers of Germany?

DÖNITZ: First of all, I do not know whether they came. Secondly, if they

did come, I can very well imagine that they had orders not to talk; and

thirdly, I do not even know what camps they came from and whether they

were not people who had already been put into other camps on account of

the work they accomplished. At any rate, I did not worry about the

execution or methods, _et cetera_, because it was none of my business; I

acted on behalf of the competent non-naval departments which required

workmen in order to carry out repairs more quickly, so that something

could be done about repairs for the merchant navy. That was my duty,

considering the arrangements which I had to make for the re-transport of

these refugees. I would do exactly the same thing again today. That is

the position.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Well now, just look a little down the document

to the fourth paragraph, after it says, “Translator’s note.” If you will

look at the English, the paragraph beginning: “Since elsewhere...” Have

you found that? This is as you have told us, after you express your

worry about the sabotage in the Danish and Norwegian shipyards. I just

want you to look at your proposal to deal with saboteurs.

“Since elsewhere measures for exacting atonement taken against

whole working parties among whom sabotage occurred have proved

successful and, for example, the shipyard sabotage in France was

completely suppressed, possibly similar measures for the

Scandinavian countries will come under consideration.”

That is what you were suggesting, Defendant, a collective penalty

against the whole working party where any sabotage occurred; isn’t that

so?

DÖNITZ: Yes. May I give an explanation in that connection?

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: That is all right. But otherwise, it is so?

DÖNITZ: Agencies outside the Navy connected with shipbuilding stated at

that meeting that sabotage had been prevented in France by the

introduction of certain measures for exacting atonement. Through an

affidavit by an officer who attended the meeting and drafted the minutes

or the short memorandum, I have now ascertained that these measures at

that time meant the withholding of the additional rations issued by the

management of the shipyard. That is what that meant. And, secondly, to

come to Norway and Denmark, I told these people:

“It is impossible for us to build ships there with our foreign

currency and our materials, only to have them smashed up by

sabotage—and assuredly with the co-operation of the shipyard

workmen—when they are nearly ready. What can we do against

that?”

The answer I received was that the only way was to keep them away from

saboteurs and to round them up in camps.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: The whole of this explanation that you have

given us is in this document which is in front of the Tribunal. Have you

anything to add to what is in the document?

DÖNITZ: Right. I have to add that the workmen were to be treated in

exactly the same way as our own workmen who were also housed in

barracks. The Danish and Norwegian workers would not have suffered the

slightest discomfort.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: I want you to look at one more sentence:

“By the employment of the working parties concerned as

concentration camp workers, their output would not only be

increased by 100 percent but the cessation of their previously

good wages might possibly result in their being considerably

deterred from sabotage...”

That fairly represents your view of the way to treat Norwegian and

Danish workers, does it not?

DÖNITZ: This was a safety measure to allow us to get control of the

sabotage.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Well now, just turn back to Page 70 of the

English document book, Page 103 in the German document book. This is an

extract from the minutes of a meeting between you and Hitler on 1 July

1944, signed by yourself. Have you got it?

DÖNITZ: Not yet.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Page 70 in the English, Page 112 in the German

text (Exhibit Number GB-210).

DÖNITZ: I have got it.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: In connection with the general strike in

Copenhagen, the Führer says:

“The only weapon to deal with terror is terror. Court-martial

proceedings create martyrs. History shows that the names of such

men are on everybody’s lips whereas there is silence with regard

to the many thousands who have lost their lives in similar

circumstances without court-martial proceedings.”

Silence with regard to those who are condemned without trial! Do you

agree with that statement of Hitler’s?

DÖNITZ: No.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Then why did you distribute it to Operations for

circulation if you didn’t approve of it?

DÖNITZ: I do not agree with this procedure, but it expresses an idea of

the Führer’s. This was not a discussion between the Führer and myself;

it represents notes on the military situation generally, made by the

officer who accompanied me, and contains widely differing points.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Will you try and answer my question? It is a

perfectly simple one. It is: Why did you distribute that to Operations

for circulation? What was there in these few lines that was of interest

to your officers? What did you think was valuable for your officers to

know in that dreadful piece of savagery that I have just quoted to you?

DÖNITZ: It is very easy to explain that. The officer who made the

minutes included it in order to inform our shipyard establishments that

there was a general strike in Copenhagen. That one paragraph from the

long situation discussions was included so that the shipyard

establishments would know that there was a strike in Copenhagen. That

was the whole point.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: I am suggesting to you, Defendant, that you

circulated that to your officers to inculcate ruthlessness among them.

That is my suggestion. What do you say to that?

DÖNITZ: I say that is entirely wrong. I may tell you also that I did not

even hear the Führer make that statement, but it is possible that it was

taken down by the accompanying officer, Wagner, for the reason which I

have just given you, to warn our people of the general strike in

Copenhagen.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Now, Defendant, I am not going to argue with you

about your knowledge of documents you have signed. I have questions

which deal with documents you haven’t signed, so let’s pass on to the

next one.

DÖNITZ: I know the document. I know it because I have signed it.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Page 69, that is Page 4 in the English document

book or Page 102 in the German document book (Exhibit Number GB-209),

the minutes of the conference on 19 February 1945, between you and

Hitler.

DÖNITZ: No, that is not correct.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: No, I beg your pardon. It is an extract from the

minutes of the Hitler conference on 19 February 1945; and then there is

a note...

DÖNITZ: No. It says here: Participation by the Commander-in-Chief of the

Navy in situation discussion with the Führer. It was not a special

conference on the general military situation.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: I did not mean to say “special.” I said the

Hitler conference on the 19th.

DÖNITZ: Yes.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Now the first sentence of Paragraph 1 says:

“The Führer is considering whether or not Germany should

renounce the Geneva Convention.”

The last sentence:

“The Führer orders the Commander-in-Chief of the Navy to

consider the pros and cons of this step and to state his opinion

as soon as possible.”

And if you look down at the next minutes of the conference on 20

February, which is headed, “Participation of C-in-C Navy at a Führer

conference on 20 February at 1600 hours,” it reads as follows:

“The C-in-C Navy informed the Chief of the Armed Forces

Operations Staff, Generaloberst Jodl, and the representative of

the Minister for Foreign Affairs at the Führer’s headquarters,

Ambassador Hewel, of his views with regard to Germany’s possible

renunciation of the Geneva Convention. From a military

standpoint there are no grounds for this step as far as the

conduct of the war at sea is concerned. On the contrary, the

disadvantages outweigh the advantages. Even from a general

standpoint it appears to the Commander-in-Chief of the Navy that

this measure would bring no advantage.”

Now look to the last sentence:

“It would be better to carry out measures considered necessary

without warning and at all costs to save face with the world.”

That means, put in blunt and brutal language, “Don’t denounce the

convention, but break it whenever it suits you,” doesn’t it?

DÖNITZ: No, that is not true.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: What does it mean? Let’s take it word for word.

“It would be better to carry out measures considered necessary....”

Aren’t these measures contrary to the rules of the Geneva Convention?

DÖNITZ: I must give an explanation of that.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Answer my question first and then make a

statement. You have done it before but try to answer my question: “These

measures considered necessary”—If they don’t mean measures contrary to

the terms of the Geneva Convention, what do they mean? Answer that

question first.

DÖNITZ: They are measures against our own troops. I had heard, or I was

told that the Führer intended, or had said, that because the front was

yielding in the West and he feared that American and British propaganda

might induce men to desert, he intended to leave the Geneva Convention,

so I said to my staff, “How is it possible in this connection to

contemplate abandoning lock, stock, and barrel a system of international

law almost a century old?” I may have said something like this, “The

necessary measures must be taken.” There was no thought of concrete

measures in that connection and no such measures were introduced. My own

views on the treatment of prisoners of war can best be heard from the

8,000 British prisoners of war who were in my camps. That is the

situation regarding this matter. All the chiefs of the Wehrmacht

branches protested against the idea of renouncing the Geneva Convention.

They were not in favor of this idea.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Is that your total explanation of “to carry out

measures considered necessary”? You have nothing else to add on that

point? Well, I shall pass to another one. Do you remember saying to Dr.

Kranzbühler yesterday that when you became Commander-in-Chief of the

Navy the war was purely a defensive war? Do you remember saying that to

your counsel yesterday?

DÖNITZ: Yes.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: That was not your fault, was it? It was not your

fault that it remained limited to the countries engaged when you took

over? Do you remember your advice to Hitler on the meeting of 14 May

1943?

DÖNITZ: No.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Well, let me just suggest to you, do you

remember the discussion about the sea transport for Sicily and Sardinia?

Do you remember having a discussion on that, and do you remember your

warning Hitler that your U-boat losses were 15 to 17 U-boats a month and

that the position as to the future of the U-boat war looked rather

gloomy? Do you remember that?

DÖNITZ: Yes, I do.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: And do you remember Hitler saying, “These losses

are too heavy. This cannot go on.” And did you say to Hitler:

“Now our only small outlet for sorties is the Bay of Biscay, and

control of this involves great difficulties and already takes up

ten days. C-in-C Navy sees best strategic solution in occupation

of Spain, including Gibraltar.”

And did Hitler remark:

“In 1940 this would still have been possible with the

co-operation of Spain; but now, and against the will of Spain,

our resources are no longer adequate.”

Do you remember suggesting that to Hitler on 14 May 1943, and Hitler

saying his resources were no longer adequate?

DÖNITZ: I do not think that I had proposed to the Führer that we should

occupy Spain. I described the situation very clearly; I said that we

were blocked in that small corner of the Bay of Biscay and that the

situation would be different if there was much more room. That, however,

does not suggest that, in consideration of the defensive situation, we

should occupy Spain.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Let us get it clearly, I am quoting you now from

Admiral Assmann’s headline diary, a verbatim translation.

The original is in London, My Lord. I will get the copy and put it in

and certify it. This point again only arose yesterday and I haven’t got

it. I will have the original given and I will show Dr. Kranzbühler this

entry.

[_Turning to the defendant._] These are the words that Admiral Assmann

records:

“C-in-C Navy continues: ‘Now our only small outlet for sorties

is the Bay of Biscay, and control of this involves great

difficulties and already takes up 10 days.’

“C-in-C Navy sees best strategic solution in occupation of

Spain, including Gibraltar.”

Did you say that “the best strategic solution lies in the occupation of

Spain, including Gibraltar”?

DÖNITZ: That is possible. If that is the wording you have got there, it

is possible that that is the way I said it.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: My Lord, I was going to pass on from these

general...

THE PRESIDENT: Sir David, have you passed altogether from C-158 on Page

69?

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: My Lord, I had, but I can easily return to it,

My Lord.

THE PRESIDENT: Well, the second sentence in Paragraph 1 appears to have

some bearing upon the answers which the defendant has given.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: My Lord, I am sorry, but I tried to cut it as

short—to the bare bone—and I am sorry if I omit matters.

[_Turning to the defendant._] Defendant, would you return to the last

document, C-158. That’s the one about the Geneva Convention; it’s Page

69 of the English book; 102 of the German, whichever you’re following.

The sergeant major will help you to find it.

Now, if you’ll look at the first paragraph, after the sentence I read,

“The Führer is considering whether or not Germany should renounce the

Geneva Convention,” it goes on:

“Not only the Russians but also the Western Powers are violating

international law by their actions against the defenseless

population and the residential districts of the towns. It

therefore appears expedient to adopt the same course in order to

show the enemy that we are determined to fight with every means

for our existence and, also, through this measure to urge our

people to resist to the utmost.”

Were not these, that are referred to there as the “same course”—were

not these the “measures considered necessary” to which you were

referring in the second minute?

DÖNITZ: The witness who drew up these two records will be able to

explain exactly where and when this information was given. I myself was

only told, just as the Reich Marshal testified, that the Führer was

upset because our Western Front was not holding, and men were quite

pleased to become American and English prisoners of war. That was how

the whole thing began; and that was the information which I originally

received.

I cannot give an opinion on these minutes which were drawn up by an

officer. The best thing would be for Admiral Wagner to give more exact

details of these matters. I cannot say more than that under oath. I was

of the opinion that the renunciation of the Geneva Convention was in

principle a great mistake and was wrong. I have given practical proof of

my views on the treatment of prisoners of war. Everything else is wrong.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: I want to make quite clear the point that the

Prosecution put against you as this: That you were prepared not to

denounce the Convention, but you were prepared to take action contrary

to the Convention and say nothing about it; and that’s what I suggested

is the effect of the last sentence, especially when read with these

words in the first paragraph.

My Lord, I am going to pass to the war at sea.

DÖNITZ: I beg your pardon, but may I say one thing more? If measures are

taken against desertion, they must be made public. They must have a

deterrent effect; and so it never entered my head to keep them secret.

On the contrary my only thought was, “How is it possible to leave the

Geneva Convention at all?” And that is what I was expressing.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: The document is clear.

THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal will adjourn.

[_A recess was taken._]

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Defendant, did you know that on the first day of

the war the Navy put up to the Foreign Office that the maximum damage to

England could only be achieved, with the naval forces you had, if

U-boats were permitted the unrestricted use of arms without warning

against Allied and neutral shipping in a wide area? From the first day

of the war, did you know that the Navy put that up to the German Foreign

Office?

DÖNITZ: I do not believe that the Naval Operations Staff at the time

sent me a memorandum of that kind, if it was ever set up, which I do not

know.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Now, I want you to try and remember because it’s

quite important. You say that the naval command never informed the Flag

Officer of U-boats that that was their view of the war?

DÖNITZ: I do not know. I cannot remember that the Naval War Staff ever

informed me of such a letter to the Foreign Office. I do not believe

they did; I do not know.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Well, then, perhaps it would assist your memory

if you looked at the letter.

My Lord, this is Document Number D-851 and it will become Exhibit Number

GB-451.

DÖNITZ: No, I do not know this paper.

SIR DAVID MAXWELL-FYFE: Now, I just will take it by stages because, of

course, you wouldn’t know the first part; but I’ll read it to you and

then we’ll look at the memorandum together.

“Submitted respectfully to the Secretary of State”—that would

be Baron von Weizsäcker—“with the enclosed memorandum.

“The Chief of the Operational Department of the Naval High

Command, Captain Fricke, informed me by telephone that the

Führer was already dealing with this matter. The impression had,

however, arisen here that the political connections had again to

be gone into and brought to the Führer’s notice anew. Captain

Fricke had therefore sent Korvettenkapitän Neubauer to the

Foreign Office in order to discuss the matter further.”

That’s signed by Albrecht on 3 September 1939. Then there is the

memorandum:

“The question of an unlimited U-boat war against England is

discussed in the enclosed data submitted by the Naval High

Command.

“The Navy has arrived at the conclusion that the maximum damage

to England, which can be achieved with the forces available, can

only be attained if the U-boats are permitted an unrestricted

use of arms without warning against enemy and neutral shipping

in the prohibited area indicated in the enclosed map.

“The Navy does not fail to realize that (a) Germany would

thereby publicly disregard the agreement of 1936 regarding the

prosecution of economic warfare, and (b) a military operation of

this kind could not be justified on the basis of the hitherto

generally accepted principles of international law.”

And then it goes on to deal with it.

Are you telling the Tribunal that the Defendant Raeder never consulted

or informed you before these data were submitted to the Foreign Office?

DÖNITZ: No, he did not do so, and that is shown by the fact that it is a

memorandum from the Chief of the Operations Department to the Secretary

of State, that is to say, a negotiation between Berlin and the Foreign

Office; and the front-line commander, whose station was on the coast and

who, for all practical purposes, was in charge of the U-boats, had

nothing to do with it.

Trial of the Major War Criminals Before the International Military Tribunal, Nuremburg, 14 November 1945-1 October 1946, Volume 13 · 第 17 / 42 题