[32] Perhaps that now called Xibarros, in the south of the kingdom of

Quito.--E.

[33] According to Garcilosso, Pizarro made an additional free gift to

Alvarado of 20,000 gold pesos to defray the expence of his voyage back

to his government, with emeralds and turquoises to a considerable

value, and several articles of gold plate for the use of his table.--E.

[34] Lima or Los Reyes is built on the banks of a river named Rimac or

Limac by the Peruvians, whence its ordinary name of Lima. It is about

ten miles from the sea, having a port named Callao at the mouth of the

river. This city got the name of _the City of the Kings_; either from

its foundation being laid on the 18th of January 1535, on the festival

of the _three kings_; or in honour of Juana and Carlos, joint

sovereigns of Castile.--E.

SECTION III.

_Occurrences from the departure of Almagro for Chili, to his capture by

Pizarro, being the first part of the civil wars in Peru_.

Inconsequence of the agreement between Pizarro and Almagro, which was

ratified on the 12th of June 1535, Almagro soon afterwards set out upon

the proposed discovery and conquest at the head of five hundred and

seventy men, partly cavalry and part infantry; for so great were the hopes

of acquiring riches in this expedition, that several who had already

acquired establishments in Peru, abandoned their houses, lands, and

Indians, to follow the fortunes of Almagro[1]. Juan, de Saavedra was sent

on before the main body of the army with a detachment of a hundred men;

and, in the course of his march through that province which has since been

called _Los Charcas_, he met with some Indians on their road from Chili to

Peru, who were going to pay their homage to the Inca. Almagro having along

with him a body of two hundred men, both horse and foot, made a march of

two hundred and fifty leagues, reducing the whole country in his way, till

he arrived in the district of the _Chichas_, where he learnt that he was

followed by a body of fifty Spaniards commanded by Niguerol de Ulloa.

Almagro commanded that party to join him, and continued his march towards

Chili, which is 350 leagues beyond the province, of Chichas, reducing all

the tribes on his route to submission. Almagro halted at this place with

half his troops, and sent on the rest under Gomez de Aivarado, who

proceeded sixty leagues farther; but was forced to return to Almagro, in

consequence of the severity of the weather.

After the departure of Almagro from Cuzco, the Inca Manco Capac and his,

brother Villaoma entered into a plot for massacring all the Spaniards in

Peru on a certain day. Manco Capac had engaged execute to that part of the

conspiracy which had for its object the destruction of Almagro and his

troops, but which he was unable to accomplish. What was done by his

brother will be related afterwards. Philipillo, the Peruvian interpreter

who has been formerly mentioned, was acquainted with this conspiracy, on

which account he made his escape from Almagro, and being pursued and taken

was condemned to be quartered. Before his execution, he confessed that he

had unjustly procured the death of Atahualpa, that he might thereby secure

to himself one of the wives of that unhappy prince, of whom he was

enamoured.

About two months after the arrival of Almagro in Chili, one of his

captains named Ruy Dias came to him with a reinforcement of a hundred men,

and informed him that all the natives of Peru had revolted and had

massacred most of the Spaniards in that country. Almagro was much grieved

at this intelligence, and resolved immediately to return, that he might

chastise the revolters and restore the country to obedience; meaning

afterwards to send one of his captains with a sufficient force to reduce

Chili. He accordingly set out on his return, and was met on his way by

Rodrigo Orgognez, who brought him a reinforcement of twenty-five men, and

was soon afterwards joined by Juan de Herrada with a farther reinforcement

of a hundred. Herrada brought him likewise the letters patent of the king,

by which he was appointed governor of two hundred leagues of country

beyond the boundaries assigned to Pizarro. This new government which was

granted to Almagro was directed to be named the New Kingdom of Toledo, and

that of Pizarro, the New Kingdom of Castille. Having said at the

commencement of this section, that Almagro carried with him from Cuzco on

this expedition a force of 570 Spanish troops; it must be remarked that

such was his intention, but that in reality he had only 200 men along with

him, after which his army was made up nearly to the intended number by the

different reinforcements of which we have made mention.

In the march of Almagro into Chili, his army suffered excessive hardships

from hunger and thirst. Besides their other fatigues, they had often to

encounter Indians of great stature, clothed in the skins of sea-wolves and

seals, who used the bow and arrow with great strength and address. But the

most severe circumstance during this march was the intense cold which they

encountered in passing over some mountains covered with snow. In

particular, several of the soldiers belonging to Ruy Dias and a good many

horses were frozen to death; and so excessive was the cold, that when

Almagro returned towards Cuzco five months afterwards, several of the

bodies of those who had been frozen to death were found upright and

leaning against the rocks, still holding the bridles of their horses,

which were likewise frozen, and their flesh still remained as sweet and

uncorrupted as if they had only just expired, insomuch that the troops

used the flesh of these horses as food on their return to Peru. In some

parts of these deserts where there was no snow, the Spaniards were reduced

to great straits from want of water; on which account they had to make

bags or leather bottles of the skins of sheep, in which to carry water for

their supply.

It is proper to remark, that the Peruvian sheep are much larger animals

than those of Europe, and are used as beasts of burden. They resemble in

some measure the camel in their shape, except that they have no hunches on

their backs, and are able to carry a load of a hundred pounds or more,

with which they are able to travel four or five leagues a-day. The

Spaniards even sometimes rode on their backs. When fatigued, they

immediately lie down, and it is impossible to make them rise again by any

means whatever, neither blows nor kindness are of any avail, and it

becomes necessary to unload them. When a person rides on one of these

animals, and endeavours to urge it on when weary, it turns round its head

towards the man, blowing upon him a most offensive breath mixed with a

kind of stinking dew, which seems to proceed from the contents of its

stomach. This is a most useful and profitable animal, as besides serving

as a beast of burden, its wool is excellent and very fine; more especially

that species which is called _pacas_, which has very long wool. These

animals are supported at very little expence while on a journey, requiring

only a very small allowance of maize, and they can subsist four or five

days without drinking. Their flesh is well tasted and wholesome, and equal

to the best fat mutton of Spain; and it is accordingly sold in all the

butcher-markets of Peru. At the first settlement of the Spaniards in this

country, before the establishment of regular markets, when any person

killed one of these sheep, his neighbours used to participate, and they in

their turns killed others, and divided them among the neighbours.

In some of the level plains of Peru there is a species of ostrich, which

is taken in the following manner. Several horsemen place themselves in

ambush, while others likewise on horseback pursue the ostriches and

endeavour to drive them towards their companions who are concealed. These

birds, although they are unable to rise in flight into the air, go with

astonishing swiftness, partly by running, and partly by means of short

flights close to the ground, insomuch that a man on horseback is

altogether unable to get up with them, so that it requires stratagem to

kill or take them alive.

In Chili there are some rivers which have water only during the day, and

are entirely dry during the night. This is owing to the heat of the sun

melting the snow on the mountains by day, by which temporary rivers, or

torrents rather, are formed by day, which cease again at night when the

cold puts a stop to the melting of the snow. When we have got about 500

leagues along the coast from Peru towards the south, or in the lat. of

about 30° S. rain is often met with, and the winds are no longer so

regular as nearer the line, but blow sometimes one way and sometimes

another, as in Spain and other countries of Europe. Chili is a tolerably

well peopled country, and resembles Peru in being divisible into two

districts, the plain and the mountain, and its coast is considerably more

indented by gulfs and bays than that of Peru[2]. It enjoys the

vicissitudes of summer and winter nearly as in Spain, but at opposite

times of the year, the winter of Chili being at the same time with the

Spanish summer, and vice versa. The pole seen from that country, which is

directly opposite our _Arctic_ or north pole, is only marked by a kind of

small white cloud or nebula, which is seen after sunset in that direction

in which astronomers have placed the antartic or south pole. There is

likewise seen a constellation of seven stars, four of them being in form

of a cross, followed by three others, resembling the lesser bear of the

astronomers which turns round the north polar star. These seven stars near

the south pole are situated somewhat like those of the _ursa minor_,

except that the four which form the cross are nearer each other than those

of the north pole which are seen in our hemisphere. Our north pole is lost

sight of somewhat less than 200 leagues to the south of Panama, under the

equator; from whence, or a little beyond, on either side of the line,

these two constellations may be seen when they rise a little above the

poles of the horizon. On the south side of the equinoctial line,

navigators are only able to see the four stars near the antarctic pole

which form the cross, until they reach the _thirtieth_ degree of south

latitude, after which they get sight of the other three stars which form

this constellation.

The change in the length of the days and nights in Chili is nearly the

same as in Spain, only the longest day in Chili is at that time of the

year when Spain has the day shortest. In Peru and Tierra firma and

generally in all places near the equinoctial line, the days and nights are

always equal or nearly so during the whole year. Even at Lima and other

places the difference is so small as hardly to be noticed. The natives of

Chili are clothed nearly in the same manner with the Peruvians, and use

the same kind of food. The inhabitants, both men and women, are tolerably

well looked. They are governed by great lords, who make war against each

other, and some of whom are able to bring 200,000 men into the field. One

of these lords at this time was named _Leuchengorma_, who possessed an

island about two leagues from the coast which was consecrated to his idols,

in which was a temple ministered to by two thousand priests. The subjects

of Leuchengorma informed the Spaniards, that there was a great province

about fifty leagues farther on, situated between two rivers, which was

entirely inhabited by women, who did not admit any men among them but at

certain times, for the purpose of having children, and who sent all their

sons to their fathers, reserving their daughters only to be brought up

among themselves. They said farther, that these women were subjects of

Leuchengorma, and were ruled over by a queen named _Guaboymilla_, which

signifies _golden heaven_ in their language, and so named because her

country produces a great quantity of gold. These women manufactured rich

stuffs, in which, and in the gold produced in their country, they paid

tribute to Leuchengorma. Although these things have often been spoken of,

their truth has not as yet been ascertained by the discovery of the

country, Almagro having made no establishment there. Of late, indeed,

Pedro de Valdivia has been sent thither to establish some colonies, but he

has never yet had a sufficient force for making discoveries, or for

colonization, and has settled one colony only, which is placed about

thirty-three degrees to the south of the equator[3].

The whole coast of Chili is well peopled, as far as to the latitude of 40°

south and still farther; which is known by one of the ships belonging to

the fleet sent out by Don Gabriel de Carvajal bishop of Placentia, which

passed through the straits of Magellan, and sailed along the whole western

coast of South America from south to north, and at length reached the port

belonging to Lima. This ship brought over the first rats ever seen in Peru,

which have so multiplied since that there are plenty in every town of the

whole country.

These animals are named _ococha_ by the Peruvians, which word signifies

having come from the sea.

Soon after the departure of Almagro from Cuzco on his expedition to Chili,

Ferdinand Pizarro returned from Spain, where his majesty made him a knight

of the order of St Jago, with other advantages[4]. He had likewise

obtained an enlargement of the government of his brother to a certain

extent, and brought out with him a commission for Almagro to a new

government.

At this time Manco Capac, whom Pizarro had permitted to assume the nominal

title of Inca of Peru, was detained a prisoner in the citadel of Cuzco, in

consequence of the discovery of a conspiracy he had entered into with his

brothers Paul and Villaoma to exterminate the Spaniards. Manco Capac wrote

to Juan Pizarro, intreating to be set at liberty before the arrival of

Ferdinand Pizarro at Cuzco; and Juan, who was then in the _Collao_

endeavouring to reduce certain Indians who had retired into a strong place

among rocks, sent orders to liberate the Inca. On the arrival of Ferdinand

Pizarro at Cuzco, he treated Manco Capac with much respect, yet kept a

constant guard over him, and it is believed that Ferdinand shewed great

friendship for the Inca, in the hope of procuring gold from him, to send

to the king of Spain or for his own use. Two months after the return of

Ferdinand to Cuzco, Manco Capac solicited permission from Ferdinand to go

into the district of _Jucaya_[5] on purpose to celebrate a solemn festival,

promising on his return to present him with a statue of the late Huana

Capac of solid gold as large as life. Ferdinand allowed him to attend this

festival, which turned out merely the unravelment of the plot which had

been formed at the time when Almagro began his march for Chili. Manco

Capac gave immediate orders to put to death some Spaniards who

superintended the working of the mines, and others who were travelling

through the country on various affairs. He sent likewise one of his

captains with a considerable body of troops against Cuzco, who by a sudden

and unexpected attack got possession of the castle of that city. The

Spaniards indeed retook it after six or seven days, yet not without hard

fighting, in which they lost Juan Pizarro; who was killed by a stone which

struck him on the head, at a time when he was unable to wear his helmet in

consequence of a former wound. His death was much regretted by the

Spaniards, being a brave man and much experienced in the manner of

carrying on war with the Indians, and besides because his manners had made

him beloved by every one.

Notwithstanding the recapture of the castle of Cuzco by the Spaniards, the

Inca brought a large army against the city, which he besieged for more

than eight months, making frequent assaults on various parts of the works,

chiefly during moon-light nights when the moon was full. Ferdinand Pizarro

and his brothers, assisted by Gabriel de Roias, Hernand Ponce de Leon, Don

Alfonso Enriquez, the treasurer Requelme, and other brave officers, made a

resolute defence, and were almost perpetually under arms day and night, as

the number of the garrison was exceedingly inadequate to the extent of the

place and the multitude of assailants. As the Spaniards in Cuzco were

aware that the insurrection was general over all Peru, they hardly doubted

but the governor and all their other countrymen were cut off, so that they

defended themselves as men who had no earthly hope of succour, depending

only on the mercy of God and their own courage. Their small number was

daily diminished, as hardly a day passed in which the Indians did not kill

or wound some of their people. One time during the siege, Gonzalo Pizarro

made a sally with twenty horsemen, and proceeded to the lake or marsh of

Chinchero which is five leagues from Cuzco, where he was surrounded by so

vast a force of Indians that he must inevitably have been made prisoner,

had not Ferdinand Pizarro and Alfonso de Toro come up to his rescue with a

body of horse. Gonzalo was much blamed on this occasion for having

advanced so far among the enemy with so few men.

We have already mentioned that Almagro had resolved to return into Peru

and to make himself master of Cuzco, from the time that Juan de Herrada

had brought him the commission by which he was appointed to a government

beyond that assigned to Don Francisco Pizarro. The principal officers who

were along with him, strongly urged him to this measure, particularly

Gomez Alvarado and Diego Alvarado, brother and uncle of Don Pedro Alvarado

the governor of Guatimala, and Rodrigo Orgognez; some of whom were eager

to procure settlements in Peru, and others were desirous of gaining

establishments in Chili. To succeed in their design, as reports of the

insurrection in Peru had reached Chili, they instructed some Indian

interpreters to inform Almagro that the governor Francisco Pizarro and

most of the Spaniards in Peru had been slain by the Peruvians. Urged by

all these considerations, Almagro marched back into Peru, and even arrived

within six leagues of Cuzco without giving notice to Ferdinand Pizarro of

his motions or intentions[6]. Almagro made overtures to the Inca Manco

Capac for an accommodation, offering to forgive him all the injury he had

already done to the Spaniards, in consideration of joining his party and

assisting him to become master of Cuzco, of which he pretended that he had

been appointed governor by the king of Spain. The Inca proposed an

interview between them under pretence of settling the terms of an

agreement, to which Almagro consented without suspecting any treachery,

and went accordingly with a part only of his troops to the place appointed

for the conference, leaving the rest of his force under the command of

Juan de Saavedra. Taking advantage of this confidence, the Inca attacked

Almagro by surprize with extreme fury, and even killed and wounded several

of his men.

In the mean time, Ferdinand Pizarro received notice of the arrival of

Almagro, and that Juan de Saavedra was left at the village of Hurcos in

command of the troops in the absence of Almagro. He went therefore from

Cuzco at the head of an hundred and seventy of his best troops, in hope of

being able to prevail on Saavedra and the rest to abandon the party of

Almagro, or to fall upon them by surprize and make them prisoners. But

Saavedra got timely notice of his approach, and drew up his forces,

amounting to three hundred Spaniards, in an advantageous situation for his

reception. When the two parties were just about to engage, Ferdinand

Pizarro sent a message to Saavedra proposing a private interview, that

they might endeavour to agree upon an accommodation, to which the other

consented. As this conference was entirely between themselves, it is

difficult to know with any certainty what passed; but it was reported that

Ferdinand endeavoured to persuade Saavedra to join him with the troops

under his command, for which he offered a large recompense in gold; but

that Saavedra, like a man of honour, peremptorily refused to betray his

general.

On the return of Almagro from his affair with the Inca, he rejoined the

troops under Saavedra, and marched for Cuzco with his whole force. While

on the march, he made prisoners of four horsemen who had been sent out by

Ferdinand Pizarro to reconnoitre, from whom he learnt all the particulars

of the insurrection of the Peruvians, who had killed more than six hundred

Spaniards, and had burnt down a great part of the city of Cuzco, on which

news Almagro was very sensibly afflicted. He sent however, his patents as

governor to the senators of the royal council or Cabildo of Cuzco, whom he

urged to receive him as their governor; since, as he insisted, the bounds

of the government assigned to Francisco Pizarro certainly did not include

their city, and even fell considerably short of it to the north. In answer

to this demand, the council made answer, that whenever the extent of the

government belonging to Pizarro was accurately measured and determined,

they would be ready to accede to his desires, provided their city was

found to be beyond his limits. This subject was endeavoured to be settled

at that time, and has been since tried to be ascertained by several

experienced persons; but the manner in which this affair ought to be

regulated has never been agreed upon between the two interested parties.

The adherents of Almagro have always insisted, that the extent assigned by

his majesty as the government of Pizarro, ought to be measured either

along the sea coast or by the grand road of the Incas, taking into the

account all the turnings and windings in either of these routes; by which

means, in either of these ways not only the city of Cuzco, but even Lima

according to the opinions of several persons, would be left out of the

province of Pizarro. He on the other hand, insisted that the extent of

country granted to him, ought to be measured in a straight line directly

from north to south, without any angles or turnings, or by means of

settling the degrees of latitude at the two extremities, allowing so many

leagues to each degree.

Ferdinand Pizarro offered to admit Almagro and his troops into Cuzco, and

to assign them a particular quarter of the city for their residence, if he

would agree to defer the dispute about the boundaries, till intelligence

were sent to the governor Don Francisco Pizarro, then at Lima, that he

might have it in his power to endeavour to fall upon some means of

settling the difference between them in an amicable manner. It has been

said by some, that a truce was agreed upon between them on these

principles; and that on the faith of this truce, Ferdinand Pizarro allowed

all the soldiers and inhabitants to retire to their quarters for rest and

refreshment, after their long fatigues, having spent several days and

nights continually under arms, without time to sleep or even to take

proper food. It is farther said, that Almagro, being informed of this

circumstance, made a night attack on Cuzco, in which he was aided by a

thick mist, so that he got possession of the defences without being

observed. Ferdinand and Gonzalo Pizarro, awakened by the noise, flew to

arms and defended their house, which was the first attacked, with the

assistance of their servants; but as the enemy set it on fire in several

places, they were forced to surrender. Next day, Almagro obliged the

Cabildo to receive him as governor, and committed Ferdinand and Gonzalo

Pizarro to prison. Several of his confidents even urged him to secure his

conquest by putting the Pizarros to death; but he was chiefly dissuaded

from this by the influence of Diego de Alvarado, who became responsible

for them.

It has been said that Almagro violated the truce which he had agreed to

with Ferdinand Pizarro, in consequence of the false representations of

several Indians and Spaniards, who told him that Ferdinand had ordered all

the bridges to be broken down, and was employed in fortifying Cuzco

against him. In proof of this, it is alleged that when Almagro was

advancing to attack the city, and saw the bridges remained uninjured, he

said aloud that he had been imposed on. The governor Don Francisco Pizarro

did not receive any account of these events at Cuzco for a good many days

afterwards. As the Inca Manco Capac had fled with a large body of Peruvian

warriors to the high mountains of the Andes, Almagro invested his brother

the _Inca Paul_[7] with the royal fringed fillet, appointing him nominal

king of Peru.

Among those things which Don Francisco Pizarro had solicited from his

majesty in reward for his services in the discovery and conquest of Peru,

he particularly requested the grant in perpetuity to him and his

descendants of twenty thousand Indians in a province named _Atabillos_[8],

with all the revenues, imposts, rights, and jurisdictions appertaining to

them, together with the title of Marquis of that province. The king gave

him the title of Marquis according to his desire; but in regard to the

grant of Indians which he solicited, answered, that he must in the first

place be better informed of the nature and circumstances of the country

and its native institutions, before he could determine on that measure,

but that Pizarro might rest assured of having every reasonable concession

in his favour.

On receiving information of the insurrection of the Peruvians around Cuzco

under Manco Capac, Francisco Pizarro, now Marquis, sent several

detachments of troops to the assistance of his brother Ferdinand at Cuzco,

sometimes ten or fifteen only together, according as circumstances or

convenience occurred, not believing the state of affairs to be so

hazardous as it was in reality[9]. The Peruvians having accurate

information of the march of these detachments, occupied the difficult

passes of the mountains with parties of warriors, and succeeded on several

occasions to defeat these small bodies, most of whom were slain. One

considerable reinforcement of seventy horsemen, was sent by the Marquis

from Truxillo and San Miguel under the command of Diego Pizarro, who was

waylaid by the Peruvians at a difficult pass called the mountain of Parios,

about fifty leagues from Cuzco, where he and his men were all slain. One

Gonzalo de Tapia, who was brother-in-law to the Marquis, who went with a

body of eighty horsemen, was likewise defeated and slain; and two other

captains, named Morgoveio and Gaete, while endeavouring to pass the

mountains to the relief of Cuzco, were treated in the same manner. Of all

these different detachments, scarcely one man escaped, so that those who

followed knew nothing of what happened to those who went before them. The

enemy always attacked the Spaniards while engaged in marching through some

deep and narrow valley among the mountains, occupying both ends of the

valley by strong bodies of warriors, and rolling down great stones and

masses of rock from the steep and high mountains on both sides of the

valley, destroyed our men and horses in a miserable manner, often without

fighting. In this way they at different times destroyed more than three

hundred soldiers, and made themselves masters of their arms, besides

acquiring considerable and valuable plunder in gold and jewels and silk

dresses. Not knowing the fate of the former detachments, Francisco de

Godoy was sent with a reinforcement of eighty men; but falling in with two

of those who had belonged to the detachment under Gaete, who had escaped,

he learnt from them what had happened, on which he immediately endeavoured

to retreat from the mountain passes, in which he had considerable

difficulty, as the Indians had already occupied the defiles in his rear.

He made good his retreat however, followed and harassed by the Indians for

more than twenty leagues, sometimes attacking him in the rear and at other

times in the van, and at length got safe to Lima with much difficulty.

About the same time the captain Diego de Aguero arrived at that place with

some other Spaniards, who had saved themselves from the Indians, who had

endeavoured to massacre them at their country residences.

The marquis sent Pedro de Lerma at the head of eighty cavalry to drive

away a numerous army of Peruvian warriors who had invaded the lower

country in pursuit of Aguero. Lerma fought against these troops of the

Inca a whole day, and at last forced them to take refuge in a strong place

among steep rocks, where the Spaniards surrounded them. In this battle,

Lerma lost several of his teeth, and several of his men were wounded, but

none killed. The Indians were so exceedingly crowded together among the

rocks to which they had retired, that they were unable to use their arms,

insomuch that the Spaniards might probably have put an end to the war on

this occasion, if the marquis had not sent them an order to retire. On

seeing the retreat of their enemies, the Indians returned thanks to their

gods for their escape from so great danger, and took post on a high

mountain near the city of Lima on the other side of the river, whence they

harassed the Spaniards by frequent skirmishes and attacks. The commander

of these Indians was named Tyzogopangui, who had along with him one of the

brothers of the Inca, whom the marquis had sent along with Gaete[10].

While the Peruvians remained in the neighbourhood of Lima, skirmishing

every day with the Spaniards, it often happened that the natives who were

in the service of the Spaniards, who were called _Yanacones_, went during

the day to their friends in the mountains, who gave them provisions, and

returned at night to their masters.

As he was in a manner besieged by so large a force of the enemy in Lima,

the marquis concluded that his brothers and all the other Spaniards in

Cuzco had certainly been slain, and that the insurrection was so general

that the inhabitants of Chili had likewise destroyed Almagro and his army.

In this emergency, both that his Spaniards might not expect to save

themselves by sea, and to convince the Peruvians that he had no intention

to leave the country, he sent off all his ships to Panama. At the same

time he sent notice to the Viceroy of New Spain and all the other

governors in America and the West Indies of the perilous state of affairs

in Peru, intreating them to send him assistance. In these letters, he is

said not to have shewn his usual firmness, and it is reported that this

was occasioned by the earnest solicitations of many of those around him.

He sent orders at the same time to the commandant of Truxillo to abandon

that place, and to come to his assistance with all the armed men and

horses he could collect, sending off the women and children and all their

valuable effects to the province of Tierra firma. But before the execution

of these orders, the captain Alfonso de Alvarado arrived at Truxillo with

the troops he had taken along with him for the conquest of the province of

the Chachapoyas, whence he had been recalled by orders from the marquis.

Leaving a part of his troops for the defence of Truxillo, Alvarado marched

with the rest to Lima, where the marquis appointed him lieutenant-general

of his army, in place of Don Pedro de Lerma, who had hitherto enjoyed that

office. This gave great offence to Lerma, and was the occasion of his

revolt, as shall be mentioned in the sequel.

As the marquis was now reinforced by a considerable number of troops, he

thought himself in condition to send assistance to those parts which were

in greatest danger, and detached therefore Alfonso Alvarado with three

hundred horse and foot, who pillaged several districts with very little

resistance from the Indians. But about four leagues from the city of

Pachacamac, he was violently attacked by the Indians, whom he defeated

with considerable slaughter; after which he continued his march towards

Cuzco. On this march the army of Alvarado suffered great hardships in

passing across a large extent of desert country, five hundred Indians who

attended as servants perishing of thirst; and it is said that all the

Spanish infantry must have died of thirst and fatigue, if they had not

been relieved by the activity of the cavalry in bringing them water from a

distance. After reaching the province of Jauja, Alvarado was joined by

Gomez de Tordoya with two hundred horse and foot, who had been sent after

him. His force being augmented to five hundred men by this reinforcement,

Alvarado proceeded to the bridge of _Lumichaca_, where he was surrounded

by a numerous army of hostile Indians. Having defeated these in battle, he

continued his march to the bridge of Abancay[11], continually harassed by

the Indians. At that place he learned that Ferdinand and Gonzalo Pizarro

had been imprisoned by Almagro, who had taken possession of Cuzco; on

which he resolved to halt where he then was till he might receive precise

orders from the marquis for his farther proceedings.

When Almagro was informed of the arrival of Alfonso Alvarado at Abancay,

he sent Diego Alvarado to wait upon him, attended by seven or eight

horsemen, with orders to notify his commission as governor in these parts.

Alfonso, after examining the commission, declared that he did not consider

himself competent to decide upon an affair of such high importance, and

that the documents ought to be communicated to the marquis. Almagro had

come part of the way from Cuzco towards the camp of Alvarado, where he

waited the return of his messenger; and not seeing him at the time he

expected, he became afraid that Alvarado had detained him and might

advance to Cuzco by another road. He returned therefore to Cuzco in all

haste to provide for his defence. Learning the discontent of Lerma, on

account of having been superseded in the command of the army by the

marquis, and that he was disposed to come over to his side with eighty men,

Almagro marched out from Cuzco with his troops a fortnight afterwards, and

advanced towards the army of Alfonso Alvarado. While on the march, the

advanced guard belonging to Almagro, by means of an ambush, made Pedro

Alvarez Holguin prisoner, who had been sent out on discovery by Alvarado.

On learning this circumstance, Alvarado meant to have arrested Pedro de

Lerma, as he entertained suspicions that he was in correspondence with

Almagro; but Lerma had previously escaped to the enemy, carrying along

with him the signatures of all those who had joined him in the plot for

deserting to Almagro.

After the junction of Lerma, Almagro approached during the night to the

bridge of Abancay with one part of his army, where he knew that Gomez de

Tordoya and a son of Colonel Vilalva waited for him; and he detached at

the same time a large body of his troops to a ford of the river, where

those who had conspired in his favour along with Lerma had the guard. By

these men the troops of Almagro were received as friends, so that they

passed the river without opposition. Some of these conspirators contrived

during the night to throw above fifty lances belonging to the cavalry of

Alvarado into the river. Owing to all these circumstances, when Alvarado

proposed next morning to have attacked the enemy, he found himself

abandoned by the conspirators; and a considerable number of his own troops,

not being able to find their arms, did not come up in time for the attack.

By these means Almagro got an easy and bloodless victory, not a single

Spaniard being killed on either side, Rodrigo Orgognez only losing several

of his teeth by a stone thrown from a sling[12]. After the capture of

Alfonso Alvarado, the Almagrians pillaged his camp, and carried all the

adherents of Pizarro as prisoners to Cuzco, where they were harshly

treated. In consequence of this victory the partizans of Almagro were so

much elated, that they used to say the Pizarros might now retire from Peru

to govern the Mangroves under the equator.

In consequence of the victories which Alvarado had gained over the Indians

at Pachacamac and Lumichaca, as already mentioned, the Inca and Titu

Yupanqui were obliged to retire from before Lima, which they had in a

manner blockaded. By this circumstance the marquis found himself at

liberty to act in support of his interest at Cuzco; and having received

considerable reinforcements from various parts, he began his march for

Cuzco at the head of more than seven hundred men, horse and foot. In this

expedition, his only purpose was to succour his brothers against the

Peruvians, as he had not hitherto received information of the return of

Almagro from Chili, or any of those other events which had taken place, as

before related. Most of the troops by which the marquis was lately joined,

were sent by Don Alonso de Fuenmayor, archbishop and president of

Hispaniola, under the command of his brother Don Diego de Fuenmayor.

Besides these, Gaspar de Espinosa had brought some troops from Panama, and

Diego de Avala had brought others from Nicaragua. With this army the

marquis set out from Lima for Cuzco, taking the way of the plain, and

arrived in the province of Nasca, about twenty-five leagues from Lima[13].

At this place he received intelligence of the return of Almagro, the death

of one of his brothers and imprisonment of the other two, the defection of

Lerma, and the capture of Alvarado. He was sensibly affected by this

afflicting news; and considering that his troops were only prepared for

contending against Indians, he thought proper to return immediately to

Lima to take proper measures under the present emergency of his affairs.

Soon after his return to Lima, the marquis sent the licentiate Espinosa to

endeavour to bring about an accommodation with Almagro. Espinosa was

directed to represent to Almagro, that if his majesty were informed of the

disputes between them, and the evil consequences of these upon the

condition of the colony, he would assuredly recal both, and send some

other person to assume the government of Peru, who would reap the rich

fruit of their joint labours. If Almagro refused to listen to these

remonstrances, and to enter into a friendly accommodation, Espinosa was

instructed to request that he would set the brothers of Pizarro at liberty,

and would remain at Cuzco without attempting any farther hostilities,

untill they had laid a statement of their differences before his majesty,

and had received his final orders respecting the boundaries between their

governments. Espinosa was unable to persuade Almagro to agree to any

accommodation, and soon afterwards died. Leaving Gabriel de Roias as his

lieutenant in Cuzco, with the charge of Gonzalo Pizarro and Alonso de

Alvarado, Almagro descended into the plain with a considerable force,

carrying Ferdinand Pizarro along with him. He penetrated into the province

of Chancay, which is only twenty leagues from Lima, where he even

established a colony or garrison, in a place which was without any manner

of doubt within the province of the marquis.

On the return of the marquis to Lima, he made additional levies of troops;

giving out openly that he was reduced to take up arms against Almagro, who

had invaded his government. In a few days he assembled an army of seven

hundred men, among whom was a considerable body of musqueteers, which had

been brought from Flanders with the necessary arms and ammunition by Pedro

de Vergera, along with the troops of Diego de Fuenmayor. Hitherto there

had not been a sufficient number of musquets in Peru to form entire

companies of that species of troops; but on the present occasion the

marquis was enabled to arm two companies with that powerful weapon, one of

which was commanded by the before named Pedro de Vergera, who had been

formerly sent to discover the province of Bracamoras. Nugno de Castro was

appointed captain of the other company of musqueteers. Diego de Urbina,

nephew of the maestre de campo Juan de Urhina, was made captain of the

pikemen. Diego de Roias, Peranzures, and Alfonso de Mercadillo, were

appointed captains of horse: Pedro de Valdivia maestre de campo, and

Antonio de Vilalva sergeant-major, who was son of Colonel Vilalva.

About this time, Alonso de Alvarado and Gonzalo Pizarro, who remained

prisoners in Cuzco[14], made their escape from prison, and joined the

marquis with above seventy men whom they had persuaded to accompany them,

bringing likewise along with them as prisoner Gabriel de Roias the

lieutenant of Almagro. The arrival of these officers gave much

satisfaction to the marquis, both on account of their escape from danger,

and because the reinforcement they brought along with them gave great

encouragement to his troops. He appointed his brother Gonzalo

lieutenant-general of his army, and Alonso Alvarado maestre de campo, or

major-general of the cavalry. When Almagro learnt that his prisoners had

escaped, and the numerous forces which the marquis had procured, he became

desirous of an accommodation, for which purpose he sent Alfonso Enriquez,

Diego Nugnez de Mercadura the factor, and Juan de Guzman treasurer, to the

marquis to desire an interview, at which they might regulate every thing

that was in dispute between them. After several messages and proposals,

the marquis proposed to refer the whole matter to the umpirage of

Francisco de Bovadilla, provincial of the order of Mercy, to which Almagro

consented.

In virtue of the powers given to him by both parties, Bovadilla ordained

that Ferdinand Pizarro should be set at liberty; that Cuzco should be

restored to the marquis; that both armies should be disbanded, and the

different companies sent in various directions to discover and conquer the

country; and that finally the whole dispute about the boundaries of the

two governments should be referred to the decision of his majesty.

Bovadilla likewise persuaded Almagro and Pizarro to have an interview in

the village of Mala[15], mid-way between the two armies, at which they

might discuss the terms of an entire reconcilement, each to be attended by

twelve horsemen. They accordingly set out for that place from their

respective camps; but as Gonzalo Pizarro did not give implicit confidence

to the promise of Almagro, he followed his brother with the whole army,

which he secretly posted in the neighbourhood of Mala, placing Castro with

forty musketeers in ambush among some reeds near the road by which Almagro

had to pass, and directing him, in case Almagro was accompanied by a

larger force than was agreed on, to give notice by a discharge of musketry,

that Gonzalo might hasten to the defence of the marquis.

Before leaving Chincha on his way to the interview with Pizarro, Almagro

left orders with his lieutenant-general, Rodrigo Orgognez, to keep

vigilant guard againt the machinations of the enemy, in case the marquis

should bring a greater escort than was agreed upon, that he might send him

prompt assistance; and if any treason were practised against him, that

Ferdinand Pizarro should be considered as an hostage for his safety. On

their meeting, the marquis and Almagro embraced each other with much

apparent cordiality; but after a short discourse, in which no part of

their difference was alluded to, one of the horsemen who accompanied the

marquis, whispered to Almagro that he was in danger, and advised him to

retire without delay, as Gonzalo Pizarro had placed an ambush to intercept

him. Almagro immediately called for his horse; and several of the

attendants on Pizarro, seeing Almagro about to retire, endeavoured to

persuade the marquis to have him arrested, which could easily have been

done by means of the musqueteers under De Castro. To this the marquis

would by no means consent, being resolved to keep his promise inviolate,

and would not believe that Almagro meant to go away without coming to some

conclusion on the subject of their meeting. Almagro however went away; and

as he saw the ambush on his way back, he was convinced that treachery was

intended against him, and made loud complaints of the conduct of the

marquis after his return to Chincha. Yet, by the intercession of Diego de

Alvarado, Almagro set Ferdinand Pizarro at liberty, on condition that the

marquis should provide him with a ship and a free port, by which he might

send dispatches to Spain and receive answers, and that they should

continue in peace until they received the final determination of the

sovereign respecting the boundaries of their governments. Rodrigo Orgognez

was exceedingly averse from this measure of liberating Ferdinand Pizarro,

who had been harshly treated while a prisoner, and who he believed would

be eager for revenge if set free, and strongly urged Almagro to put him to

death. But Almagro would not listen to his advice, and sent Ferdinand

Pizarro to the marquis, accompanied by his own son the younger Almagro and

several gentlemen. Ferdinand Pizarro was hardly set off on his return,

when Almagro began to repent that he had set him at liberty; and it is

believed he would have been remanded to prison if he had not made haste on

his journey, during which he was met by several of his brothers principal

officers.

Soon after the liberation of his brother Ferdinand, the marquis received

provisional orders from his majesty, by the hands of Pedro Anzures; by

which the two governors were commanded to retain the countries which each

of them had discovered and conquered, and in which they had formed

establishments at the time when this provisional order should be notified

to them; neither of them making any attempt to disturb the other until his

majesty should give definitive orders on the subject. Having now his

brother at liberty, the marquis sent a notification to Almagro of this

imperial order, requiring him to retire according to his majestys orders

from the country which he, Pizarro, had discovered, and in which he had

established colonies. Almagro answered, that he was ready to obey the

orders of his majesty, in keeping possession of the country and

establishments he occupied when the imperial order was notified, for which

reason he required the marquis to leave him in the peaceable enjoyment of

what he how possessed, declaring that on his part he would carefully and

entirely perform whatever should be finally commanded by his majesty. The

marquis replied, that the city of Cuzco and the adjoining territory had

been first discovered, colonized, and occupied by him, of which he had

been violently dispossessed by Almagro, that in conformity with the orders

of his majesty, therefore, it behoved Almagro to evacuate that city and

territory, or he would drive him from it by force, as all the compacts and

conventions which had been entered into between them were abrogated by

this new regulation of his majesty.

As Almagro refused to accede to these demands, the marquis marched against

him with his whole force, on which Almagro retired towards Cuzco, and

fortified himself on a high mountain named Guavtara, breaking up all the

roads to render the approach to his camp as difficult as possible.

Ferdinand Pizarro found means to ascend the mountain during the night by a

secret path, and forced the passages with his musqueteers, so that Almagro

was forced to abandon this position, seeking his safety in flight. Being

sick at the time, he went with the advanced guard, leaving Orgognez to

bring up and protect the rear. One night, Orgognez learnt by two of

Pizarros horsemen who were taken prisoners, that the enemy were close up

with his rear, on which he hastened the retreat as much as possible,

although several of his officers were anxious for him to turn back upon

the pursuers, knowing by experience that those who usually inhabited the

plain were liable, on their first coming into the mountainous region, to

sickness and vomiting, very much resembling sea-sickness. Orgognez refused

to listen to this advice, because contrary to the orders of Almagro; yet

it was believed he might have been successful, as the troops belonging to

the marquis were in reality affected by that ordinary malady, and were

besides so much distressed by the snow that Pizarro retired back with his

army into the maritime plain of Peru. Almagro continued his march to Cuzco,

where he employed himself for two months in raising recruits, procuring

ammunition, preparing arms of silver and copper, founding cannon, and

making every preparation to defend himself against Pizarro.

After the return of the marquis into the plain, various consultations were

held as to the best plan of procedure, and it was at last determined that

Ferdinand Pizarro, now lieutenant-general under the marquis, with his

brother Gonzalo Pizarro as major-general, should march with the army

against Cuzco[16]. On this occasion, a manifesto was circulated as the

reason of this measure, that several of the inhabitants of Cuzco had made

complaints to the marquis against the tyranny of Almagro, who had

violently seized their goods and houses, and dispossessed them of their

Indians and every thing that belonged to them. The marquis returned to

Lima, and his brother Ferdinand marched at the head of the army towards

Cuzco. Having arrived on the mountainous ridge near Cuzco in the evening,

all his officers urged Ferdinand Pizarro to descend immediately into the

plain that the army might encamp there for the night; but Ferdinand

positively rejected this advice, and ordered the army to encamp on the

mountain. Early next morning, the whole army of Almagro was seen drawn up

in order of battle on the plain, under the supreme command of Orgognez;

Francisco de Chaves, Juan Tello, and Vasco de Guevara, having the command

of the cavalry under his orders. On the side of the mountain there was a

great body of Indians in charge of a small number of Spaniards, intended

to be employed as circumstances might admit in the expected battle. In the

meantime, all the friends and partizans of the marquis who were in Cuzco

were committed prisoners to the citadel, which was so extremely crowded on

this occasion, and the places appropriated for their confinement so small,

that several of them were stifled.

On the following day, after the solemnization of the mass, Ferdinand

Pizarro marched his army into the plain of Cuzco in order of battle, and

advanced towards the city, intending to gain possession of some high

ground which overlooked the citadel. Ferdinand and his troops flattered

themselves, from their great superiority in numbers, that Almagro would

not risk a battle, and were even anxious to spare the effusion of

Christian blood on the present occasion, in which the natives of the same

country and subjects of the same sovereign were preparing to destroy each

other, instead of uniting in a common cause for the general good of all.

Orgognez was actuated by a different principle, and had occupied the only

passage by which the troops of Pizarro could approach towards Cuzco, in

which he had drawn up his troops and artillery with much judgment, under

cover of a marsh, across which it was necessary for the troops of Pizarro

to pass before they could attack his position. Immediately on

reconnoitring the order of the enemy, Ferdinand Pizarro ordered captain

Mercadillo to advance with his cavalry to a proper place for keeping the

Indians in check in case they should attempt to attack his army while

engaged in battle with Orgognez, and whence likewise he might be able to

give succour where necessary during the approaching engagement. Before the

Spaniards began to engage, the Indians on both sides skirmished with each

other. The cavalry of Pizarro endeavoured to pass the morass, and being

opposed by a squadron of Almagro's horse, the musketeers belonging to

Pizarro advanced in front of their own horse and soon compelled the

adverse cavalry to give ground. On seeing this successful commencement of

the battle, Pedro de Valdivia, a maestre de campo of the marquis, assured

his friends that the victory was their own. While the troops of Pizarro

were passing the marsh, the Almagrians plied their artillery, and by one

discharge five men belonging to Pizarro were brought down. But Pizarro

pressed on under cover of a close fire from his musketeers, and passed

both the marsh and a rivulet beyond, and drew up in good order on the firm

ground, every one of the captains having been previously instructed how to

proceed with their divisions before the engagement commenced. As Pizarro

noticed that the pikemen in the army of Orgognez carried their pikes high,

he gave orders to his musketeers to fire a little high, by which means in

two vollies they broke above fifty of the enemies pikes[17]. At this time

Orgognez ordered his army to advance to the charge, and observing that

several of his divisions hesitated, being held in check by the fire of the

musqueteers, he moved on himself at the head of his main body, directing

his attack to that part of the enemy where Ferdinand Pizarro was seen at

the head of his squadrons. Orgognez apparently despairing of the battle,

called out while advancing, "Follow me who will! I go in the name of God

to do my duty, and to seek an honourable death!" While Orgognez was

advancing, Gonzalo Pizarro and Alonso Alvarado observed that his flank was

uncovered, and accordingly made an immediate charge, by which above fifty

of the Almagrians were overthrown. Orgognez was wounded by a musket-ball

in the head, which broke through his beaver; notwithstanding which he

killed two men with his lance, and wounded one of Pizarros servants in the

mouth whom he mistook for the general, as he was finely dressed. For some

time the engagement was extremely severe and the combatants were mingled

together; but at length the troops of Pizarro forced the Almagrians to

take to flight after they had a considerable number killed and wounded.

Almagro being sick, took no part in the battle, which he observed from a

height at some distance, and on seeing his troops take to flight,

exclaimed, "I thought we had come out to fight like valiant soldiers, not

to run away like cowards." He immediately withdrew to the citadel of Cuzco,

to which place he was pursued by Gonzalo Pizarro and Alonso Alvarado, and

made prisoner. Orgognez was taken prisoner by two of Pizarros horsemen,

who were leading him away when a third came up who bore him a grudge for

some injurious treatment, and cut off his head. Several others who had

surrendered were slain in this manner by personal enemies, in spite of

every endeavour by Ferdinand Pizarro and his officers to protect them. The

soldiers of Alvarado especially, ashamed and irritated by the defeat they

had formerly sustained at the bridge of Abancay, were eager for revenge,

and put many of the Almagrians to death in cold blood. Captain Ruy Dias

had taken up a prisoner behind him on horseback, on purpose to protect him,

when one of his own troopers run him through with his lance.

When the Indian servants of the two armies saw that the battle among the

Christians was ended, they too gave over fighting, and fell to plundering

the dead, whom they stripped of their clothes and valuables, even

pillaging several who were yet alive, but unable to defend themselves

because of their wounds; and as the conquerors were entirely taken up in

pursuing their victory, the Indians had it in their power to do as they

pleased, so that they entirely stripped everyone whom they found on the

field of battle. The Spaniards, both victors and vanquished, were so worn

out and fatigued by their exertions in this battle, that they might have

been easily destroyed by the Indians who were present, if they had dared

to attack them according to their original intention; but they were so

busied in plundering the killed and wounded, that they neglected the

opportunity of avenging themselves on their oppressors. This decisive

battle was fought on the 6th of April 1538, in a plain called _Cachipampa_

or the field of salt by the Indians, about a league to the south of the

citadel of Cuzco, near a salt spring from which the inhabitants make great

quantities of salt; and as these salt works are in the neighbourhood of

the field, this engagement has been always known by the name of the battle

of _Salinas_, or of the salt works[18].

After this decisive victory, Ferdinand Pizarro used every means to

conciliate the officers of Almagros army who had survived the battle, that

he might engage them in the party of the marquis, and being unsuccessful,

he banished several of them from Cuzco. Being unable to satisfy the

demands of all those who had served him on the late occasion, as many of

them thought so highly of their own merits that the government of Peru

would hardly have been a sufficient reward in their own estimation,

Ferdinand Pizarro resolved to separate the army, sending it away in

various detachments to discover and conquer those parts of the country

which had not been hitherto explored and reduced. By this measure, he at

the same time rewarded his friends by giving them opportunities to

distinguish and enrich themselves, and got rid of his enemies by sending

them to a distance. On this occasion Pedro de Candia was sent with three

hundred men, part of whom had belonged to Almagro, to conquer the country

of Collao, a mountainous district which was said to be extremely rich. Not

being able to make any progress in this country on account of the

difficulty of the roads, he had to return; besides which his troops became

mutinous, chiefly at the instigation of one Mesa, who had been commissary

of artillery under Almagro, and was encouraged by the other soldiers of

Almagro who served on this expedition. On this, Candia arrested Mesa and

sent him to Ferdinand Pizarro with the evidences of his guilt. This

circumstance, combined with information of conspiracies in several other

places, which had for their object to free Almagro from prison and to give

him possession of Cuzco, satisfied Ferdinand Pizarro that the country

would never be in quiet while Almagro lived.

Ferdinand accordingly brought Almagro to trial, in which he was convicted

of giving occasion to all the preceding disorders, of which he was the

first and chief cause; having begun the war by several acts of hostilities;

having taken forcible possession of the city of Cuzco by his own private

authority, where he put several persons to death merely for opposing his

unlawful usurpation; and having marched in hostile array into the province

of Chincha, which incontestibly belonged to the province assigned to the

marquis. When sentence of death was pronounced, Almagro said every thing

he could think of to excite the compassion of Ferdinand Pizarro that he

might spare his life. He represented that the marquis in a great measure

owed his present greatness to him; as he had advanced the greatest

proportion of the original funds for the discovery of Peru. He desired

Ferdinand to recollect, that when he was a prisoner in his hands, he had

set him at liberty contrary to the representations of his officers, who

advised that he should be put to death: And that though he, Pizarro, might

have been ill treated while a prisoner, that had been done without his

orders or knowledge. He intreated him to consider his very advanced age,

which would soon bring him to the grave, without the disgrace of a public

punishment. Ferdinand expressed his astonishment that one of such great

courage should shew so much fear of death, which was now inevitable, and

desired him to submit to the will of God like a good Christian, and to

meet death with the courage of a gentleman and a man of honour. Almagro

replied, that be ought not to be surprised at seeing him afraid of death,

being a man and a sinner, since even Jesus Christ had evinced a fear to

die. All this however was of no avail, as Ferdinand caused him to be

beheaded.

After the execution of Almagro, Ferdinand Pizarro went to Collao, where he

punished Mesa for having excited mutiny among the troops of Candia; after

which he sent the three hundred men under the command of Peranzures to

reduce the country which had been assigned to Pedro de Candia. These

troops had to march by a most difficult and dangerous route among morasses

and uncultivated places, where they thought to have perished of famine.

Ferdinand remained in Collao, which he reduced. This is a level country

containing several gold mines, but so cold that it produces no maize, the

natives living principally on a root named _papas_, which resembles

truffles. This country likewise abounds in those Peruvian sheep which have

been formerly described[19]. About this time the marquis came to Cuzco, to

which place Ferdinand went to confer with him, leaving his brother Gonzalo

Pizarro to continue his conquest. Gonzalo advanced into the province of

the Charcas[20], where he was attacked by a great body of Indians and

reduced to great straits, insomuch that Ferdinand set out from Cuzco to

his assistance with a body of horse. On this occasion, on purpose to

encourage these succours to use every possible expedition, the marquis

gave out that he meant to go in person to relieve his brother Gonzalo, and

actually went two or three days journey from Cuzco. When Ferdinand arrived

at Charcas, he found that Gonzalo had already extricated himself from his

difficulties, having defeated and dispersed the enemy. They continued

together for some time reducing the country, having frequently to fight

with the Indians, till at last they took their chief prisoner, named

_Tixo_[21], on which the natives universally submitted. Ferdinand and

Gonzalo now returned to Cuzco, where the marquis distributed settlements

to every one sufficient to maintain them in ease and comfort.

About this time likewise various other parties were sent out in different

directions to discover and reduce the provinces of Peru and the

neighbouring districts; among the commanders of these detachments were the

captains Vergara, Porcel, Mercadillo, and Guevera. Pedro de Valdivia

likewise was sent to Chili, where Almagro had formerly been, and Gonzalo

Pizarro to Quito, of whose adventures we shall speak hereafter. When all

these matters were arranged, by which the Spaniards were dispersed in

various parts, and tranquillity was restored to the country, Ferdinand

Pizarro set out for Spain to give an account to the emperor of all the

transactions which had taken place in Peru, though many advised him not to

run the risk of that measure until it was known what judgment might be

formed at court respecting the death of Almagro. Before his departure,

Ferdinand strongly advised his brother the marquis to put no trust in

those who had adhered to the service of Almagro in the late troubles, who

were usually denominated the _Chilese_, and particularly that he ought to

keep them at a distance from each other, being well assured that if even

eight or ten of them were permitted to dwell in one neighbourhood, that

they would form conspiracies against his life.

[1] Though not mentioned directly in the text, it appears that Almagro

knew of and intended to conquer the country of Chili, and that he

chose to march by the high country of Peru, through the great

elevated valley of the lake Titicaca, probably the highest inhabited

land of South America. His object was in all probability to avoid

the extensive desert of Atacama, which divides the plain of Peru

from Chili.--E.

[2] From the desert of Atacama in lat 25° S. to the island of Chiloe in

about lat. 42° S. Chili Proper, between the Pacific ocean and the

western ridge of the Andes, stretches about 1100 English miles nearly

north and south by an average breadth of about 140 miles.--E.

[3] Valparayso stands nearly in the latitude indicated by the text.

Valdivia, taking its name from that commander, is in

lat. 30°40' S.--E.

[4] Zarate is extremely remiss in regard to dates, and not a little

confused in the arrangement of his narrative. We learn from Robertson,

II. 325, that Ferdinand Pizarro returned to Peru in 1536.--E.

[5] According to Robertson, II. 326, the place where the festival was to

be celebrated was only at a few leagues distance from Cuzco.

Garcilasso says that it was a garden belonging to the Incas only a

league from the city.--E.

[6] The return of Almagro to Cuzco was in the year 1537.--E.

[7] Garcilasso names this prince Paullu Inca.--E.

[8] Named _Atavillos_ by Garcilasso de la Vega.--E.

[9] The arrangement of Zarate is extremely faulty and confused, as he here

recounts circumstances which preceeded the return of Almagro to Cuzco.

We are here giving a translation of a original document; not

endeavouring to write a history of the Conquest of Peru, and have not

therefore authority to alter the arrangement of our author.--E.

[10] Garcilasso names the Peruvian general Titu Yupanqui. The remainder of

the sentence, respecting the brother of the Inca and Gaete, is quite

unintelligible. I suspect it has been misunderstood by the French

translator and ought to stand thus: "The commander of these Peruvians

was Titu Yupanqui, a brother of the Inca, and the same person who had

driven Gaete and others to take refuge in Lima."--E.

[11] Abancay is a town on one of the branches of the Apurimac about 60

miles west from Cuzco.--E.

[12] We learn from the History of America, II. 331, that this bloodless

victory over Alvarado took place on the 12th July 1537. Garcilasso

calls it the battle of the river Amancay, and names Alvarado

Alonso.--E.

[13] Nasca is about 240 miles S.S.E. from Lima, or about sixty Spanish

leagues.--E.

[14] Zarate forgets that only a few lines before, he had mentioned that

Almagro carried these officers along with his army:--E.

[15] Mala, or San Pedro de Mala, is a town and sea-port on a river of the

same name, about 50 miles south from Lima.

[16] According to Robertson, II. 334, after an unsuccessful attempt to

cross the mountains by the direct road from Lima to Cuzco, Ferdinand

marched southwards in the maritime plain to Nasca, whence he

penetrated by the defiles of the mountains in that quarter.--E.

[17] Garcilasso informs us that the musketeers of Pizarro used a kind of

chain shot on this occasion; their leaden bullets being cast in two

hemispheres connected together by several links of a small iron

chain.--E.

[18] In Zarate the date of this battle is given as the 26th of April, in

which he is followed by Robertson; but Garcilasso carefully notices

the mistake, and assures us that it was fought on the 6th of the

month.--E.

[19] Collao in the text is probably Cailloma of modern maps, a very

elevated valley at the head of one of the branches of the Apurimac.

The marshy country beyond, to which Candia and Peranzures were sent on

discovery, is called Musu by Garcilasso, and was probably the Pampas

or marshy plains of the Mojos or Muju, to the east of the Andes,

nearly in the latitude of Cailloma--E.

[20] We learn from Garcilasso that in this province the city of La Plata

was afterwards built, not far distant from the famous mines of Potosi

and Porco--E.

[21] Perhaps the Inca Titu Yupanqui is here meant, who was named

Tizogopangui by Zarate on a former occasion.--E.

SECTION IV.

_Expeditions of Pedro de Valdivia into Chili, and of Gonzalo Pizarro to

Los Canelos_.

On the arrival of Pedro de Valdivia in Chili, he was peaceably received by

the Indians, who wished to gather in their crops, as it was then the

season of harvest. When this important business was accomplished, the

whole country rose upon the Spaniards, who were unprepared for this event

and somewhat dispersed, and killed forty of them before they could draw

their forces together. On this occasion, when Valdivia was about to take

the field to chastise the Chilese, part of his troops threatened to mutiny

against his authority, and he was under the necessity of hanging several

of the ringleaders, among whom was captain Pedro Sancho de Hosz, who was

almost equal to himself in the command of this expedition. After the

suppression of this mutiny, Valdivia took the field against the Indians,

and during his absence an army of the enemy exceeding seven thousand men

came to attack the newly established city, in which only a small number of

Spaniards remained for its defence, under the command of the captains

Francisco de Villagran, and Alfonso de Monroy. These officers went boldly

out against the Chilese, at the head only of thirty horsemen, with whom

they fought bravely against the immense number of Chilese archers from

morning till night, after which they retired into the city, extremely

fatigued and several of them wounded, but none of them slain. As the

Chilese suffered a great loss in killed and wounded during this engagement,

they retired during the night.

For eight years afterwards, Valdivia and his troops defended themselves

bravely against every effort of the Chilese, who continued the war

incessantly. In all that time, Valdivia obliged his soldiers to cultivate

a sufficient quantity of land for their sustenance, not being able to

procure Indians for that purpose, yet resolved not to abandon the country

which had been commited to his government. At the end of that period he

returned into Peru, at the time when the licentiate Pedro de la Gasca was

employed in levying an army against Gonzalo Pizarro, as shall be related

in the sequel[1].

Soon after the overthrow of the Almagrians, it was reported in Peru that a

very rich country had been discovered to the eastwards of Quito, which in

particular contained great quantities of cinnamon trees, on which account

it got the name of Los Canelos, or the cinnamon country. The marquis

accordingly resolved to send his brother Gonzalo Pizarro to discover that

country; and as it was necessary to march thither by way of Quito, where

likewise every requisite for the expedition was to be procured, the

marquis conferred the government of the kingdom of Quito on his brother,

till his majestys pleasure might be made known. Gonzalo Pizarro

accordingly set out from Cuzco with a considerable force, taking his route

for Quito by way of the elevated mountain vallies[2]. In this march he was

opposed by the Indians of the province of Guanuco with so much

perseverance and bravery, that the marquis was under the necessity of

sending him a reinforcement under Francisco de Chaves. After having

overcome this obstacle, he arrived in safety at Quito, where he proceeded

to make preparations for his expedition to Los Canelos.

On account of the hostile conduct of the Guanucos towards Gonzalo, and

because the curacas or caciques of that province, in conjunction with

those of the Conchucos had made frequent attacks on the city and province

of Truxillo, in which they killed all the Spaniards they could meet with

and pillaged the country, not even sparing their Indian neighbours, the

marquis sent a detachment of troops under Gomez de Alvarado to make a

conquest of Guanuco, with orders to establish a settlement in that country

to keep the natives under subjection. In their military expeditions, the

Peruvians of Guanuco carried an idol along with them, named Cataquilla, to

which they made offerings of all whom they massacred or made prisoners,

and of the spoil which fell into their hands. They persisted for a long

time in their barbarous hostilities, till at length, Miguel de la Cerna

raised a considerable force in Truxillo, with which he joined Francisco de

Chaves. With these forces conjoined, they fought successfully against the

Indians of Guanuco and reduced them to subjection.

When Gonzalo Pizarro had completed the preparations for his expedition, he

set out from Quito in the year 1540 at the head of 200 Spaniards well

equipped, of whom the half was cavalry[3]. He was attended by 4000

friendly Indians[4], and by a flock of 4000 animals, consisting of swine

and Peruvian sheep, to serve as provisions, and to carry the baggage and

ammunition of the army. After passing a place called Inca, the boundary of

the conquests of Huana Capac towards the north and east, Gonzalo arrived

in the country of the Quixos, where he was opposed by the natives, but

they all disappeared one night, without the Spaniards being able to make a

single prisoner. On the retreat of the Indians, Gonzalo and his troops

took possession of their deserted habitations in which they rested for

some days. While here, the country was visited by a dreadful earthquake,

accompanied by prodigious thunder and lightning and an immense fall of

rain. The earth opened in many places and swallowed up above five hundred

houses. By the excessive rains, which continued forty or fifty days, a

river in the neighbourhood of the Spanish quarters became so swollen that

it was quite impassable, in consequence of which the troops suffered much

from famine, as they were unable to get across the river in search of

provisions. On the cessation of the tempest, Gonzalo had to cross a

prodigious ridge of mountains, on the top of which they suffered such

extreme cold that many of their attendant Indians were frozen to death.

And as no provisions or shelter could be had in that elevated region, he

made haste to arrive in the province of Zumaco[5] which is situated at the

foot of a volcano. As provisions were found here in abundance, the army

halted in this place for refreshments. In the mean time Gonzalo went with

a small party of troops to endeavour to find out a passage through the

forest. He at length reached the banks of a river named Coca, whence he

sent for the remainder of his people to join him from Zumaco. During two

months that the army remained in this country, it never ceased raining day

or night, so that they never had a sufficient interval in which to dry

their clothes.

In this province of Zumaco the trees are found which afford cinnamon.

These trees are very large and have leaves resembling the laurel. Their

fruit grows in clusters, consisting of a nut resembling the acorn of the

cork tree, but larger, and containing a number of small seeds. The fruit,

leaves, bark, and roots have all the taste and flavour of cinnamon; but

the best consists of the shell or nut which contains the seeds. In the

whole of that country vast numbers of these trees are found wild in the

woods, growing and producing fruit without care; but the Indians cultivate

them with much attention in their plantations; and these cultivated trees

produce a much better cinnamon than those trees which grow wild. This

cinnamon is in great request among the natives, and is exchanged by the

inhabitants of Zumaco with the neighbouring tribes, receiving in return

provisions and other things of which they are in want.

Leaving the greater part of his people in the country of Zumaco, as has

been already said, Gonzalo penetrated into the country with much

difficulty, accompanied by the most vigorous of his men, and guided by the

Indians, who frequently gave him false accounts of the country in advance,

on purpose to get him away from their own district. Thus the people of

Zumaco informed him that the country beyond theirs was well peopled and

had abundance of provisions; but he found it extremely barren and very

thinly inhabited. Having penetrated to the province of Coca upon a large

river of that name, he remained there about six weeks, waiting the arrival

of the rest of his people from Zumaco, all the while treated in a friendly

manner by the cacique of the district.

After his troops were all assembled at Coca, Gonzalo marched along the

course of the river, till at last he arrived at a place where it fell over

a cataract of above 200 fathoms making a noise that could be easily heard

at six leagues distance. A few days march below that place, the whole

waters of the river became confined in a rocky channel not exceeding

twenty feet wide, while the rocks were at least 200 fathoms in height

above the water, and perfectly perpendicular. After a march of fifty

leagues along the banks of this river, the Spaniards could find no place

where they might possibly cross over, except at that narrow rocky channel,

where a considerable number of Indians opposed their passage. Having

driven away these Indians by means of their firearms, the Spaniards

constructed a wooden bridge across between the steep rocks, over which

they all passed in safety.

After crossing the river, the Spaniards penetrated through the woods to a

country named Guema, which was extremely flat and intersected with rivers

and marshes, and in which they could get no provisions except wild fruits;

but after this they came to a country tolerably peopled, in which there

were some provisions. In this place the natives wore cotton vestments, but

in the whole country through which they had hitherto passed, the few

natives they had seen were entirely naked, either on account of the

continual and excessive heat of the climate, or because they had no means

of procuring clothes: The men had only a kind of girdles round their waist,

with some strings tied to their prepuce, which passed between their thighs

and were drawn up to the girdle; and the women wore some slight clouts. At

this place Gonzalo built a bark to serve for crossing the rivers in search

of provisions, and to transport the baggage and the sick by water. Besides

in some places the country was so covered with wood, that they were unable

to clear the way by means of their swords and hatchets, and in other

places so inundated, that they were often obliged to transport the whole

party by water. The building of this vessel occasioned infinite difficulty

and labour, as besides cutting down wood for the purpose, they had to

construct a forge in which to make the necessary iron work, which they

made from the shoes of their dead horses. On this occasion, Gonzalo not

only obliged every one to labour without regard to rank, but gave the

example himself in using both the hatchet and the hammer as occasion

required. Instead of pitch and tar, the gum which exuded from some trees

of the forest was collected; and instead of flax and hemp, the old clothes

of the Indians and the wore-out shirts of the Spaniards were employed for

caulking the scams. They at length succeeded in making their bark capable

of swimming, so as to transport all their baggage very commodiously;

besides which they hollowed out several canoes to accompany the bark

instead of boats.

Gonzalo flattered himself that all his difficulties would be surmounted by

means of this bark, and that he would now be able to pursue his

discoveries to any extent he pleased. He continued his march therefore,

accompanied by the bark which carried the baggage, while the main body had

to travel along the banks of the river, often greatly incommoded in

passing marshes, thick woods, and close brushwood. In some of these places

they had to cut their way through canes and reeds with great toil, by

means of their swords and hatchets; often changing from one side of the

river to the other in search of an easier road. In this march they were

always accompanied by the bark; and at night the whole party united

together, that they might be able to give mutual assistance in case of

need. After having penetrated above two hundred leagues, always following

the course of the river, during which space they got only wild fruits and

roots to support them, Gonzalo gave orders to Francisco de Orellana, one

of his captains, to go forwards in the bark with fifty men in search of

provisions; with orders to load his bark with these if he found any,

leaving all the baggage at a place where two great rivers joined,

according to information received from the Indians; and likewise to leave

two canoes in a river which crossed the road to that place by land, to

serve for ferrying over the troops.

Orellana set out accordingly in the bark, and was very soon carried by the

current to the appointed place where the two rivers met; but finding no

provisions, and considering the immense difficulty of going up the river

against a rapid current, he resolved to trust himself to the stream to try

his fortune in that way. He even neglected to leave the two canoes at this

place according to the orders of Gonzalo; and although several of those

who were along with him in the bark urged him to remain according to the

orders of his general, he insisted upon going forwards, even maltreating

Friar Gaspard de Carvajal, who opposed this act of mutiny and desertion

more forcibly than any of the rest. In his progress down the river,

Orellana and his people frequently landed in search of provisions, and had

often to fight with the Indians, who sometimes even attacked him in the

bark by means of canoes, on which occasion the Spaniards could hardly

defend themselves they were so crowded. On this last account he built a

second bark, at a place where the Indians received him in a friendly

manner and supplied him with provisions. From these Indians he was

informed of a district a few days journey farther on, which was entirely

inhabited by women, who made war and defended themselves agaist their

neighbours[6].

Following continually the stream of the river, but without finding any

gold or silver, or the least indication of these metals, Orellana arrived

at the mouth of this river on the Atlantic Ocean, about 350 leagues from

the island of Cubagua. This great river is called the Maragnon or Marannon,

from a person of that name who first discovered its mouth. It takes its

rise in Peru on the eastern slopes of the Andes of Quito, and its entire

course measured in a straight line extends to 700 leagues; but following

all its flexures from the Andes to the ocean, it measures at least 1800

leagues. At its mouth it measures 15 leagues in breadth, and in many parts

of its course is three or four leagues broad. Orellana went afterwards

into Spain[7], where he gave an account to his majesty of his discovery,

which he pretended to have made at his own charges. He alleged that he had

discovered a very rich country inhabited by a nation of warlike females,

on which account the country and river came to be called _of the Amazons_.

Having procured a commission of governor of this new country from his

majesty, he levied a force of five hundred men for its conquest, with

which he embarked from Seville: But having a most unprosperous voyage, in

which his people suffered much from scarcity of provisions, most of his

followers deserted from him at the Canaries, leaving him almost alone. He

died during the subsequent part of the voyage, and all his remaining

companions dispersed themselves among the islands.

Gonzalo Pizarro was reduced to prodigious straits in consequence of the

desertion of Orellana, both by the want of provisions and the difficulty

of passing the rivers in his course; besides which Orellana had carried

away with him a great quantity of gold, silver, and emeralds, which he

converted to his own use in making his solicitations at the court of Spain,

and in fitting out his expedition for the conquest and settlement of

Amazonia. On his arrival at the place where Orellana had been ordered to

leave the canoes, for the purpose of facilitating the passage of certain

rivers which fall into the great Maranon, Gonzalo and his people were

exceedingly embarrassed, and had to make other canoes with much difficulty

to enable them to cross over, that they might continue their journey. When

they came afterwards to where the two large rivers joined[8], and where

Orellana ought to have waited for them, they found a Spaniard who had been

left at this place by Orellana, because he had opposed the continuation of

the voyage, and preferred to wait in that place for his general[9]. By his

account, Orellana had renounced his dependence on Gonzalo Pizarro, meaning

to proceed to discover the river in his own name and authority, and had

prevailed on the people who accompanied him to elect him of new for their

captain.

By the loss of their vessel Gonzalo and his men were deprived of every

means of procuring provisions from the Indians, as all the mirrors, bells,

and other baubles for trading with the natives of the country had been put

on board the bark. In this hopeless and discouraging situation, above four

hundred leagues distant from Quito, they came to the immediate resolution

of returning to that city; although, from the length and difficulty of the

way, through forests and marshes, they had very little hope of ever

getting back, and could hardly expect to escape dying of famine in the

mountains and deserts over which they had to pass. In fact above forty

actually died of famine during the march. After recommending themselves to

the mercy of God, they began their march in great dejection; and as the

way in which they came from Peru was full of difficulties and destitute of

provisions, they took another road in their return, altogether at hazard,

which they did not find in any degree better than the former[10]. Before

reaching Peru, they were under the necessity of killing all their

remaining horses to keep themselves from starving, and even to eat all

their dogs. In the course of this journey likewise, they were reduced to

the necessity of feeding on certain strings, or twining plants, a good

deal like the tendrils of vines, which they found in the woods, and which

had the taste of garlic. During this march a wild cat or a turkey sold for

four dollars, and one of the sea-birds named Alcatraz, formerly mentioned

as being very bad eating, brought a dollar or more, although reckoned very

unwholesome.

Some short time before Gonzalo got to Peru intelligence of his return had

reached Quito, on which the inhabitants collected a considerable number of

swine and Peruvian sheep which they sent off to meet him. They sent off at

the same time a good many horses, and a supply of clothes for Gonzalo and

his officers. This seasonable supply met them above fifty leagues from

Quito, and one may easily judge that it was received with much joy,

especially the provisions. The whole party, from the general to the

private soldier, was almost entirely naked; as, from the almost continual

rains to which they had been exposed, and the other hardships of their

journey, their clothes were all rotten and torn to rags, and they were

reduced to the necessity of covering themselves with the skins of beasts.

Their swords were all without scabbards, and almost destroyed with rust.

Their legs and arms were torn and scratched by the brushwood, thorns, and

brakes, through which they had travelled; and the whole party were so pale,

lean, and worn out with fatigue and famine, that their most intimate

acquaintances were hardly able to recognize them. Among all their

privations, what they felt the most unsufferable, was the want of salt, of

which they had not been able to procure the smallest supply for above two

hundred leagues.

On arriving in the kingdom of Quito, where every thing they stood in need

of was brought them, they knelt down and kissed the ground as a mark of

gratitude and satisfaction, and returned thanks to God for their

preservation from so many dangers. Such was their eagerness for food after

so long famine, that it became necessary to regulate their supply, and

only to allow them to eat by little and little at a time, till their

stomachs became accustomed to digest their food. As there had only been

sent from Quito a sufficiency of horses and clothes for Gonzalo and his

officers, they refused to avail themselves of either, not choosing to

enjoy any advantages which they could not share with their soldiers, by

which they rendered themselves extremely popular and gained their

affection greatly. They arrived at Quito in the morning, and went

immediately to church to hear mass, and to give thanks to God for their

delivery from so many and severe evils; after which every one retired to

his quarters, to refresh and clothe themselves according to their means.

This country of Los Canelos, whence the cinnamon is procured, is

immediately under the equinoctial line, similar in that respect to the

Molucca islands, whence cinnamon is brought into Spain and other parts of

Europe[11].

[1] We shall have a future opportunity of giving a better account of the

discovery and conquest of Chili than this extremely meagre notice by

Zarate from Molina, Ovalle and other early authors. The nameless city

mentioned by Zarate was probably St Jago de Chili, which was founded

by Valdivia. The commencement of the Valdivian expedition was in the

year 1530.--E.

[2] This force, according to Garcilasso, amounted to 100 horse, and an

equal number of foot.--E.

[3] According to Garcilasso de la Vega, his force consisted of 340

Spaniards, of whom 150 were horsemen.--E.

[4] These Indians, according to Garcilasso, were laden with arms,

provisions, and ammunition, besides large quantities of hatchets,

ropes, nails, and wooden pins, to use upon occasion.--E.

[5] Perhaps the elevated valley of Macas on the river Morona which runs

into the Tunguragua.--E.

[6] Even Garcilasso, who is sufficiently fond of the marvellous and ever

ready to adopt absurdities, honestly relates of these _Amazons_, that

they were a fierce and wild nation of men, whose wives went forth to

war along with their husbands; and that Orellana invented the tale of

a nation of Amazons to raise the honour of his atchievement, and to

induce the emperor to bestow upon him the government of the country he

had discovered.--E.

[7] According to Garcilasso, he contrived with great difficulty and danger

to navigate in his rude bark from the mouth of the Marannon or Amazons

to the island of Trinidada, where he purchased a ship for his voyage

to Spain.--E.

[8] The river Napo joins the Maranon in lat. 3° 20' S. and long. 70° W.

But we are uncertain whether this were the place where Orellana

deserted, as there are many junctions of large rivers in the course of

the vast Maranon. The two greatest of its tributary streams are the

Negro which joins in long. 60° W. from the north, and the Madeira in

long. 58° W. from the south.--E.

[9] Garcilasso preserves the name of that faithful Spaniard, Hernando

Sanchez de Vargas, a young gentleman of Badajoz.--E.

[10] We learn from Garcilasso that this new road was on the north side of

the river, Napo probably, and consequently that they had kept the

south side in their way eastwards.--E.

[11] It is hardly necessary to say that cinnamon comes only from Ceylon,

not from the Moluccas; and that so entirely different was the

substance sought for in this disastrous expedition from cinnamon, that

it is now entirely unknown in Europe; unless it be the Canella alba,

now only used as a light aromatic of small value by druggists.

Zarate is generally loose and confused in his accounts, and almost

entirely neglectful of dates. We learn from the History of America

that this unfortunate expedition lasted near two years, and that two

hundred and ten Spaniards and four thousand Indians perished during

its continuance, only eighty Spaniards returning to Quito. Garcilasso

says that two thousand of the Indians returned along with the

Spaniards, and served them during the hardships of the journey with

the most affectionate fidelity, supplying their extreme necessities

with herbs, roots, and wild fruit, and with toads, snakes, and other

reptiles, which the Spaniards greedily devoured, or they must have

died for want of food.--E.

SECTION V.

_Conspiracy of the Almagrians and Assassination of Pizarro_.

On his return to Quito in 1541, Gonzalo Pizarro received accounts of the

most afflicting nature. When, as formerly related, Don Diego Almagro was

put to death at Cuzco by Ferdinand Pizarro, a son whom Almagro had by an

Indian woman was sent to reside in Lima. This young man, who was named

after his father Diego Almagro, was of a graceful appearance, handsome,

generous, and excelling in all the martial exercises, being particularly

graceful and dexterous in riding the manage horse. His literary education

likewise had been so carefully attended to, that he was considered as more

versant in these things than his situation required. Juan de Herrada,

formerly mentioned, to whose care he had been especially confided by his

father, undertook the care of educating young Almagro in the capacity of

his governor, and had been particularly watchful and successful in the

charge. Their house in Lima was the rendezvous of such friends and

partizans of the late Almagro as remained unemployed in Peru, and had been

excepted from the division of lands and Indians after the defeat of their

party, as the adherents of the Pizarros would not, and their dependents

dared not to have any intercourse with them.

After the voyage of Ferdinand Pizarro to Spain, and the setting out of

Gonzalo Pizarro upon his disastrous discovery of Los Canelos, Herrada and

the younger Almagro, being now left at entire liberty by the Marquis, who

before had held them in a species of imprisonment, began to take measures

for the execution of an enterprize they had long contemplated. For this

purpose they secretly provided arms and every thing that appeared

necessary for their project of revenging the death of the elder Almagro.

Their partizans were farther animated to the accomplishment of this design

from resentment for the death of several of their friends and companions,

who had been cut off during the late civil war. The marquis had often used

his endeavours to reconcile Almagro and Herrada to his authority by gentle

means, and by the offer of his friendship and patronage to them and their

adherents; but finding all his advances ineffectual, he deprived Almagro

of the moderate repartition of Indians which had been assigned to him, on

purpose to prevent him from continuing to form a party by the application

of his fortune to the support of the malcontents. All these precautions

were ultimately ineffectual, as the Almagrians were so closely united

among themselves, that all their property was in a great measure held

common among the members of their party, even every thing that the

individuals acquired by play or otherwise being thrown into a common stock

in the hands of Herrada to serve their general expence. Their numbers

increased daily, by the accession of all who were dissatisfied by the

administration of the marquis, or who thought their merits overlooked in

the distribution of property and employments. They secretly increased

their store of arms, and took measures for securing the success of their

plot.

Their conduct, however secretly pursued, being known among many, came at

length to the knowledge of some friends of the marquis, who endeavoured to

put him on his guard against the machinations of his enemies. But he,

confiding in his honour and good faith, judged of others by himself, and

refused to listen to this advice; saying that it was proper to leave these

unfortunate men in peace, who were already sufficiently punished by the

shame of their defeat, the public hatred, and the poverty to which they

were reduced. So much were the Almagrians encouraged by the patient

indulgence of the marquis, that their chiefs used even to pass him in

public without saluting him or giving him any token of respect; and one

night some of them had the audacity to affix three ropes to the gibbet,

one of which was stretched towards the palace of the marquis, another

towards the house of his lieutenant, and the third to that of his

secretary. Even this insolence was forgiven by the marquis, in

consideration of their misery and the unhappy situation of their affairs.

Profiting by this indulgence, the Almagrians assembled together almost

openly, several of their party who were wandering about the country

without property or employment, coming to Lima from the distance even of

two hundred leagues. They resolved upon putting the marquis to death; yet

waited to hear from Spain what judgment might be given in the case of

Ferdinand Pizarro, who was there thrown into prison as accused, of the

murder of Don Diego Almagro; and to prosecute whom Captain Diego Alvarado

had gone home and was actively engaged in soliciting his trial and

punishment. When the conspirators learnt that his majesty had appointed

the licentiate Vaca de Castro to proceed to Peru, on purpose to examine

into all the past disorders, but without orders to prosecute the death of

Almagro with that rigorous severity which they wished and expected, they

resolved upon the execution of their long concerted enterprize. They were

anxious, however, to learn exactly the intentions of Vaca de Castro, as

the intended assassination of the marquis was by no means universally

approved among the Almagrians. Several of the gentlemen belonging to the

party, although much incensed at the death of Almagro, were anxious only

for redress by legal means, and in a manner that might be conformable with

the pleasure and service of the sovereign. The chiefs of this conspiracy

who were now assembled in Lima, were Juan de Saavedra, Alfonso de

Montemayor, Juan de Gusman controller, Manuel de Espinar treasurer, Nugnez

de Mercado agent, Christoval Ponce de Leon, Juan de Herrada, Pero Lopez de

Ayala, and some others. In this assemblage, Don Alfonso de Montemayor was

deputed to wait upon Vaca de Castro; and accordingly set out with letters

of credence and dispatches to meet Vaca de Castro at the beginning of

April 1541. After his arrival at the place where Vaca de Castro then was,

and before he proposed to return to his employers, news was brought of the

assassination of the marquis. On this occasion, Montemayor and some others

of the Almagrian party, who were not concerned in the murder, remained

with Vaca de Castro till after the defeat of the younger Almagro in the

battle of Chupas, preferring the service of their sovereign, in whose name

and authority de Castro acted, to their individual resentments.

So public had the measures of the conspirators become in the city of Lima,

that several persons gave notice of their intentions to the marquis, and

advised him to employ a guard for the protection of his person: But he

always said that the lives of others would guard him from violence, and

that he was resolved to give no cause for suspecting that he used

precautions of defence against the judge whom his majesty was sending to

Peru. On one occasion, Juan de Herrada complained to the marquis of a

report that he meant to put all the friends of Almagro to death. The

marquis assured him that the report was entirely groundless; and when

Herrada mentioned that the marquis was collecting a great number of lances

and other arms, as a confirmation of the report that these were intended

against the Almagrians, the marquis replied in the gentlest terms, that

these arms were by no means intended to be used against him or his friends.

He even presented Herrada with several oranges which he pluckt for him,

which were then esteemed a high delicacy, as they were the first that were

grown in Peru; and told him privately, that if he were in want of anything,

he had only to give him notice, and he might depend on being provided for.

Herrada kissed his hands, and thanked him for his kindness, going away

delighted with the assurance that the marquis seemed to have no suspicion

whatever of the conspiracy.

On arriving at his house, where the principal conspirators waited for him,

it was determined to kill the marquis on the following Sunday, as they had

not been able to put their design into execution on the festival of St

John[1] as they at first intended. On the Saturday immediately preceding,

one of the conspirators revealed the circumstances of the plot in

confession to the curate of the great church of Lima. The curate went that

same evening to communicate the intelligence to Antonio Picado, secretary

to the marquis, who immediately carried the curate to Francisco Martinez

de Alcantara, the marquises brother[2], where the marquis then was at

supper together with his children[3]. On being informed of the urgent

business on which they came, the marquis rose from table and retired to

another room, where the curate informed him of every thing he had learnt

respecting the conspiracy. The marquis was at first considerably agitated

by his intelligence: but after a moments reflection, he said that he could

not credit the story, as Herrada had been with him only a few days before,

and had conversed with him with much humility; for which reason he was

convinced that the man who now brought this intelligence had some secret

end to serve, and had invented this story to assume merit. He sent however,

for his lieutenant, the doctor Juan Velasquez[4] meaning to consult with

him; but as Velasquez was ill in bed, the marquis went to his house, and

told him all that he had heard. Velaquez used every argument to convince

him that the story was false, and that he had nothing to fear. Taking up

his rod of office, he declared that no one dared to revolt so long as he

held that badge in his hand, and that the marquis might rest in security.

He may be said in some measure to have kept his word; for when the

Almagrians came next day to kill the marquis, Velasquez made his escape

over a window, and took his rod of office in his teeth, that he might use

both his hands to assist himself in his descent.

In spite of all these assurances the marquis was somewhat alarmed,

insomuch that next day, being Sunday the 26th June 1541, he determined not

to go to church, and had the mass said in his own house. After church, the

doctor Velasquez and captain Francisco de Chaves, who were the principal

persons in the colony, went along with several other persons to visit the

marquis. Having paid their visit, they all retired to their houses, except

Velasquez and de Chaves who remained to dine with him. After dinner,

between twelve and one o'clock, when all the attendants of the marquis had

retired to their dinner, and the whole city was quiet, Juan de Herrada and

ten or twelve of his associates all armed sallied forth from the house of

Almagro, which was not more than three hundred paces from the palace of

the marquis, between which were part of a street and the whole breadth of

the great square. On coming out into the street with their drawn swords,

they exclaimed, "death to the tyrant who hath slain the judge sent by the

emperor to execute judgment upon him." They used these words, and went

thus openly, to induce the inhabitants to believe that their party was

numerous, so that no one might take measures to oppose them. Besides this,

the conspirators believed that there was no time for any one to interpose

to prevent the execution of their purpose, and that it would either be

accomplished, or themselves slain in the attempt, before any effectual

succour would arrive. On their arrival at the palace of the marquis, one

of the party remained at the gate with a bloody sword in his hand, who

cried out repeatedly, "_The tyrant is dead! the tyrant is dead!_" This had

the desired effect, as several of the inhabitants who hastened to the

palace on the alarm, being convinced that the marquis was already slain,

retired again to their houses.

In the mean time Juan de Herrada and the rest of the conspirators rushed

up the stair towards the apartment of the marquis, who, being alarmed by

some of the Indian servants, desired de Chaves to shut the doors of the

saloon and the hall, while he retired to put on his armour. De Chaves was

so much confused, that instead of fastening the doors he went out to the

staircase demanding the reason of the noise; on which one of the

conspirators wounded him. "This, said he, is not the usage of a friend,"

and immediately drew his sword, but was soon overpowered and slain. The

conspirators immediately rushed into the hall, whence ten or twelve

Spaniards who were there made their escape by the windows: Among these was

Velasquez, who, as has been already mentioned, took his rod of office in

his mouth, that he might use his hands the more readily in making his

escape by the window. The marquis was at this time in his chamber,

employed in arming himself, attended by his brother de Alcantara, two

other gentlemen, and two pages. Seeing his enemies so near, the marquis

was unable to fasten the clasps of his cuirass, but advanced courageously

with his sword and buckler to defend the entry to the chamber, in which he

was bravely assisted by those who were along with him. He defended himself

for a considerable time successfully, encouraging his brother and the rest

by his voice and example. At length the Almagrians slew de Alcantara, on

which one of the pages took his place beside the marquis. The Almagrians,

being afraid lest succour might arrive, resolved to make a desperate

effort, for which purpose one of the best armed among them forced in at

the door and made room for the rest to enter, who now attacked the marquis

and his faithful companions with such fury that he was soon exhausted with

fatigue and hardly able to handle his arms. At length the marquis received

a mortal thrust in his throat, and falling to the ground called out in a

loud voice for a confessor. Soon losing all power of speech, he made the

sign of the cross on the floor with his finger, which he kissed and

expired. Besides his brother, the two pages were likewise slain. Of the

Almagrians, four were killed, and several of the rest wounded.

When the marquises death was made known, above two hundred men who waited

the event, declared themselves loudly in favour of Don Diego, and went

about the city arresting and disarming all who seemed to favour the party

of the marquis. The conspirators went out into the street waving their

bloody swords, and Herrada made Don Diego ride on horseback through the

city of Lima, proclaiming him as governor of Peru. The palace of the

marquis, and the houses of Alcantara and Picado the secretary were

pillaged, Herrada assembled the cabildo of the city, and obliged them to

acknowledge Don Diego as governor, under pretence that the elder Almagro

had been appointed by his majesty to the government of New Toledo, with

succession to his son or to any person he might appoint as his successor.

The conspirators likewise put to death several persons who were

particularly attached to the late marquis, and gave up their houses to be

plundered by their own partizans. It was melancholy to behold the misery

and desolation of the wives and children of those who were thus massacred,

and whose houses were pillaged of every thing valuable, as they went about

the streets bewailing their forlorn condition.

Some obscure persons[5] carried or dragged the dead body of the marquis to

the church, where no one dared to give it burial, till one Juan Barbaran

and his wife, who had been servants to the marquis, obtained permission

from Don Diego, and buried the marquis and his brother as well as they

could. They were obliged to hurry over the ceremony as quickly as possible,

having hardly time to clothe the body in the habit of St Jago, of which

order he was a member, and to put on his spurs according to the usual

manner of burying the knights of that order; as they were informed that

some of the Almagrians were hastening to the church to cut off the head of

the marquis to affix it to the gallows. Barbaran himself performed the

ceremonies of the funeral, at which he was sole mourner, and defrayed all

the expences from his own funds. He next endeavoured to provide for the

security of the children of the marquis, who were concealed in different

parts of the city of Lima, now under the absolute controul of the

Almagrians.

In this melancholy catastrophe, we have a forcible example of the

uncertainty and changeableness of fortune. In a very short space of time,

a private individual who held no important office, had discovered a vast

extent of country containing powerful kingdoms, of which he made himself

master and governor with almost uncontrolled authority, bestowing on

several persons such ample fortunes and extensive revenues as none of the

richest and most powerful monarchs whom we read of in history had ever

given away in so short a time. Yet was this man assassinated by only

twelve men at noonday, in the midst of a city the whole inhabitants of

which were his creatures, servants, kinsmen, friends, and soldiers, who

had all eaten of his bread and subsisted on his bounty, even his own

domestic servants and those who were in his house, flying away and

abandoning him to his fate. He was interred in the most obscure manner,

all his richness and greatness having disappeared, not enough being left

to defray the consecrated tapers and other expences of his funeral. The

unsearchable ways of Providence are surprisingly illustrated by these

events; and particularly, that after all the warnings and just causes of

suspicion which had been given him, he refused to take any precautions for

his safety which he could have done so easily.

As the discovery and conquest of Peru, the subject of this work,

originated from the two captains of whom I have hitherto dicoursed, the

Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro, and the President Don Diego de Almagro; it

seems proper to attempt giving their portraitures, with some account of

their manners and qualifications, imitating in this the example of

Plutarch; who, after giving the lives and heroic actions of two great

commanders, institutes a comparison between them, shewing how far they

resembled and differed from each other. We have already said all that

could be learnt respecting their parentage. They were both personally

brave and daring, patient of labour, of hale and robust constitutions, and

exceedingly friendly, being always ready to do good offices to every one

without consideration of expence. In their inclinations and manner of life

they very much resembled each other, as neither of them were married,

though Almagro attained to seventy-five years of age and the marquis to

sixty-five. Both loved war; but Almagro, when not thus employed, willingly

devoted himself to the management of his private affairs. They were both

advanced in life when they undertook the discovery and conquest of Peru,

in which they both encountered great fatigues, as has been formerly

mentioned; but the marquis more especially was exposed to great dangers,

far beyond those of the president, who remained long at Panama providing

all necessaries for the success of the enterprize, while the marquis was

actually engaged in the discovery and conquest of the greater part of the

country. Both had great souls, continually occupied in vast designs and

splendid enterprizes; yet both were of gentle and conciliatory manners,

and of easy access to their followers. They were both liberal and generous

in their gifts; yet the president loved to have his liberalities known and

published to the world; while the marquis carefully concealed his gifts,

and expressed uneasiness when they were known or blazed abroad; being more

anxious to serve the necessities of those to whom he made them, than to

make an ostentatious display of his munificence. One example of this is

worthy of being mentioned. He learnt that one of his soldiers had lost a

horse, on which occasion he went to a tennis-court belonging to his house,

expecting to meet the soldier in that place, carrying with him an ingot of

gold of ten pounds weight, which he meant to present him with. Not finding

the soldier there, he engaged in a match at tennis without taking off his

coat, as he did not wish the ingot should be noticed, which was concealed

below his waistcoat. He remained there above three hours, when at length

the soldier made his appearance. The marquis then took him aside and gave

him the gold, saying that he would rather have given him thrice as much

than have been obliged to carry that heavy weight so long.

Many other examples might be given of the secret liberalities of the

marquis, who gave all his presents with his own hand that they might not

be known. On this account, Almagro was always considered as more liberal,

as his gifts were made in an ostentatious manner. They may be considered,

however, as perfectly equal in their liberality and munificence; for, as

the marquis used to acknowledge that all came from their common funds,

being partners and associates in every thing derived from their joint

discovery and conquest, the half of all that was given by one belonged to

the other, so that he who consented to or participated in the present, was

equally generous with the actual donor. Besides, in proof that they both

deserved the praise of liberality, they were both during their lives

prodigiously rich in ready money and vast revenues, beyond any person or

prince not sovereign who had been known for many ages; yet both died so

poor that no mention is made of the treasures or estates left by them; so

that hardly at their deaths was there sufficient to defray the expences of

their funerals; resembling in that respect Cato and Sylla and some other

famous Romans, who were buried at the public charge.

Both were exceedingly kind to their servants and dependents, whom on all

occasions they delighted to enrich and advance, and to rescue from dangers.

In this last particular the marquis carried his attentions even to excess,

as appears by the following instance. In passing a river called the

Baranca, one of his Indian servants, of the Yanaconas tribe, was carried

away by the strength of the current, on which the marquis plunged into the

stream and swam after him, catching him by the hair, and saved him at the

imminent hazard of his own life, in so rapid a current that the bravest

and most vigorous man in his army durst hardly have made the attempt. When

his officers blamed him for his rashness in thus exposing his life, he

answered that none of them knew how to value a faithful servant. The

marquis enjoyed the authority of governor much longer in tranquillity than

Almagro; who, though he hardly enjoyed that authority at all, was more

ambitious, and evinced a more ardent desire of exercising command. Both

affected simplicity in dress, keeping to the same fashion in their old age

which they had been accustomed to in their youth. In particular, the

marquis used ordinarily to wear a close coat of black cloth, the wide

skirts of which came down almost to his ankles, while the body had a very

short waist and was closely fitted to his shape. His shoes were of white

leather, with a white or grey hat, and a plain sword and dagger in the old

fashion. Sometimes on festivals, by the entreaty of his servants, he wore

a robe of fine fur which had been sent him by the Marquis del Valle; but

immediately on his return from church he put it off, remaining in his

shirt or a plain jacket, with a napkin hanging from his neck to wipe away

sweat, as he usually passed most of the day when in peace in playing at

bowls or tennis.

Both Pizarro and Almagro were exceedingly patient of labour and fatigue,

and could submit better than most men to hunger and thirst and other

privations; but especially the marquis, who was so vigorous that few young

men were able to compete with him in his old days at athletic sports. The

marquis in general was more addicted to play than Almagro, insomuch that

he often spent whole days in playing at bowls, with any one that offered,

whether mariner or miller was all one; and he never allowed any man to

lift his bowl for him, or to use any ceremony whatever in respect to his

rank. He was so fond of play, that few affairs were of sufficient

importance to induce him to give over, especially when losing. But when

informed of any insurrection among the Indians, he would instantly lay

every thing aside, immediately bracing on his armour and seizing his lance

and target, would hasten to the place where the mutiny had risen, without

waiting for his people, who followed him with all expedition.

Both the marquis and the president were so brave and so experienced in the

manner of making war with the Indians, that either of them alone would

never hesitate when on horseback and armed to charge through a hundred

Indians. Both were extremely intelligent, sensible, and judicious, and

could take their measures both in civil and military affairs with great

promptitude and propriety; yet both were so extremely illiterate that

neither of them could read or write, or even sign their names; which

assuredly was a great defect, and exceedingly inconvenient in carrying on

the important affairs in which they were concerned; and although they in

every other respect appeared like persons of high birth, and deported

themselves like noblemen with much dignity and propriety, yet their entire

ignorance of letters was an evident demonstration of the meanness of their

birth. The marquis placed implicit confidence in his servants and friends,

insomuch that in all his dispatches and orders relative to the government,

and in the assignments of lands and Indians, he only made two lines with

the pen, between which Antonio Picado his secretary wrote his name,

Francisco Pizarro. As Ovid said of Romulus, respecting astronomy, we may

say of Pizarro that he was more learned in the art of war than in the

sciences, and applied himself more to know how to atchieve glorious

conquests than to acquire literature. Both were exceedingly affable and

familiar with the colonists, making them frequent visits, and they readily

accepted invitations to dinner from any one; yet both were extremely

moderate in eating and drinking; and both refrained from amorous

connection with Spanish women, on the principle that to intrigue with the

wives or daughters of their countrymen was both prejudicial and

dishonourable to their neighbours. Almagro was the most continent in

regard to the Peruvian women, as we know of no affairs of his gallantry in

that country, his only son being born of an Indian woman of Panama. But

the marquis had more than one attachment in Peru, having lived publickly

with a sister of Atahualpa, by whom he had a son named Don Gonzalo who

died at fourteen years of age, and a daughter named Donna Francisca. By

another Indian woman of Cuzco he had a son named Don Francisco[6].

Both Pizarro and Almagro received high rewards from his majesty for their

signal services; the former being created a marquis, with the authority of

governor of New Castille, and the order of St Jago. Almagro was rewarded

with the government of New Toledo, with the title of President or Lord

Lieutenant of that country. The marquis always evinced the highest respect

for his majesty, the utmost zeal for his service, and the most perfect

obedience for his orders; insomuch that he would often refrain from doing

many things which were evidently within the scope of his authority, lest

he should appear to overstep the bounds of his commission. Frequently,

when sitting in the meeting-houses where the gold and silver was assessed

for the royal fifth, he would rise from his chair to pick up the small

pieces which started from the scissars; observing that if the hands failed

on such occasions, a loyal subject ought to use his mouth to serve the

king. As these two great men resembled each other in many things during

their lives, so in their deaths they were alike unfortunate: the president

being put to death by the brother of the marquis, and the marquis slain by

the son of the president.

The marquis was exceedingly anxious for the improvement of the country,

giving every encouragement to the cultivation of the soil, and the

establishment of colonies of Spaniards in different places. He built for

himself a fine house or palace in the city of Lima, and had two sluices

constructed on the river to drive mills for its supply; employing much of

his leisure in superintending the workmen, and instructing the overseers

how he wished the works to be carried on. He was particularly diligent in

procuring the erection of a great and handsome church in Lima, and

monasteries for the Dominicans and the order of Mercy; both of whom he

endowed with ample estates in lands and Indians.