"Peru, like the rest of the New World, was originally possessed by small

independent tribes, differing from each other in manners, and in their

forms of rude policy. All, however, were so little civilized, that, if the

traditions concerning their mode of life, preserved among their

descendants, deserve credit, they must be classed among the most

unimproved savages of America. Strangers to every species of cultivation

or regular industry, without any fixed residence, and unacquainted with

those sentiments and obligations which form the first bonds of social

union, they are said to have roamed naked about the forests with which

their country was then covered, more like wild beasts than like men. After

they had struggled for ages with the hardships and calamities which are

inevitable in such a state, and when no circumstance seemed to indicate

the approach of any uncommon effort towards improvement, we are told that

there appeared on the banks of the lake Titicaca, a man and woman of

majestic form, and clothed in decent garments. They declared themselves to

be children of the sun, sent by their beneficent parent, who beheld with

pity the miseries of the human race, and who had commanded them to

instruct and reclaim them. At their persuasion, enforced by reverence for

the divinity in whose name they were supposed to speak, several of the

dispersed savages united together, and receiving their commands as

heavenly instructions, followed them to Cuzco where they settled, and

where they begun to lay the foundations of a city, afterwards the capital

of Peru."

"Manco Capac and Mama Ocollo, for such were the names of these

extraordinary personages, having thus collected some wandering tribes,

formed that social union which, by multiplying the desires, and uniting

the efforts of the human species, excites industry and leads to

improvement. Manco Capac instructed the men in agriculture and other

useful arts; Mama Ocollo taught the women to spin and weave. By the labour

of the one sex subsistence became less precarious; by that of the other

life was rendered more comfortable. After securing the object of first

necessity in an infant state, by providing food, raiment, and habitations

for the rude people of whom he took charge, Manco Capac turned his

attention towards introducing such laws and policy as might perpetuate

their happiness. By his institutions, the various relations in private

life were established, and the duties resulting from them prescribed with

such propriety, as gradually formed a barbarous people to decency of

manners. In public administration, the functions of persons in authority

were so precisely defined, and the subordination of those under

jurisdiction maintained with such a steady hand, that the society in which

he presided soon assumed the aspect of a regular and well-governed state."

"Thus, according to the Indian traditions, was founded the empire of the

_Incas_, or Lords of Peru. At first its extent was small; as the territory

of Manco Capac did not reach above eight leagues from Cuzco: But within

these narrow limits he exercised an uncontrolled authority. His successors,

as their dominions extended, arrogated a similar jurisdiction over the new

subjects which they acquired; the despotism of Asia was not more complete.

The Incas were not only obeyed as monarchs, but revered as divinities.

Their blood was held to be sacred, and by prohibiting intermarriages with

the people, was never contaminated by mixing with that of any other race.

The family thus separated from the rest of the nation, was distinguished

by peculiarities in dress and ornaments, which it was unlawful for others

to assume. The monarch himself appeared with ensigns of royalty reserved

for him alone; and received from his subjects marks of obsequious homage

and respect, which approached almost to adoration. But among the Peruvians,

this unbounded power of their monarchs seems to have been uniformly

accompanied with attention to the good of their subjects. It was not the

rage of conquests, if we may believe the accounts of their countrymen,

that prompted the Incas to extend their dominion, but the desire of

diffusing the blessings of civilization, and the knowledge of the arts

which they possessed, among the barbarous people whom they reduced.

During a succession of twelve monarchs, it is said that not one deviated

from this beneficent character."

"When the Spaniards first visited the coast of Peru in 1526, Huana Capac,

the twelfth monarch from the founder of the state, was seated on the

throne. He is represented as a prince distinguished not only for the

pacific virtues peculiar to the race, but eminent for his martial talents.

By his victorious arms the kingdom of Quito was subjected, a conquest of

such extent and importance as almost doubled the power of the Peruvian

empire. He was fond of residing in the capital of that valuable province

which he had added to his dominions; and notwithstanding the ancient and

fundamental law of the monarchy against polluting the royal blood by any

foreign alliance, he married the daughter of the vanquished monarch of

Quito. She bore him a son named Atahualpa, whom, on his death at Quito,

which seems to have happened about the year 1529, he appointed his

successor in that kingdom, leaving the rest of his dominions to Huascar,

his eldest son, by a mother of the royal race. Greatly as the Peruvians

revered the memory of a monarch who had reigned with greater reputation

and splendour than any of his predecessors, the destination of Huana Capac

concerning the succession appeared so repugnant to a maxim coeval with the

empire, and founded on authority deemed sacred, that it was no sooner

known at Cuzco than it excited general disgust. Encouraged by those

sentiments of his subjects, Huascar required his brother to renounce the

government of Quito, and to acknowledge him as his lawful superior. But it

had been the first care of Atahualpa to gain a large body of troops which

had accompanied his father to Quito. These were the flower of the Peruvian

warriors, to whose valour Huana Capac had been indebted for all his

victories. Atahuaipa first eluded the demand of his brother, and then

marched against him in hostile array."

"Thus the ambition of two young princes, the title of the one founded on

ancient usage, and of the other asserted by the veteran troops, involved

Peru in civil war, a calamity to which it had been hitherto a stranger,

under a succession of virtuous monarchs. In such a contest the issue was

obvious. The force of arms triumphed over the authority of laws. Atahualpa

remained victorious, and made a cruel use of his victory. Conscious of the

defect in his own title to the throne, he attempted to exterminate the

royal race, by putting to death all the children of the sun descended from

Manco Capac, whom he could seize either by force or stratagem. From a

political motive, the life of the unfortunate Huascar, who had been taken

prisoner in a battle which decided the fate of the empire, was prolonged

for some time; that, by issuing orders in his name, the usurper might more

easily establish his own authority."

"When Pizarro landed in the bay of St Matthew, in 1531, this civil war

raged between the two brothers in its greatest fury; and though the two

competitors received early accounts of the arrival of the Spaniards, they

were so intent upon the operations of a war which they deemed more

interesting, that they gave no attention to the motions of an enemy too

inconsiderable in number to excite any great alarm, and to whom it would

be easy, as they imagined, to give a check when more at leisure. By this

fortunate coincidence of events, of which he could have no foresight, and

of which he remained long ignorant from its defective mode of intercourse

with the people of the country, Pizarro was permitted to advance

unmolested into the centre of a great empire, before any effort of its

power was exerted to stop his career. During their progress, the Spaniards

acquired some imperfect knowledge of the struggle between the two

contending factions; and the first complete information respecting it was

received from messengers sent by Huascar to Pizarro, to solicit his aid

against Atahualpa, whom he represented as a rebel and an usurper."

* * * * *

Manco Capac, the first Inca of the Peruvians, is said to have reigned

about the middle of the twelfth century, as the traditionary accounts

attribute a period of about 400 years between the commencement of his

reign and the decease of Huana Capac in 1529, which would place the origin

of the monarchy about the year 1129, allowing an average of 30 years to

each of 13 successive reigns. The traditions of such ancient matters among

an ignorant people are little to be depended on; and even admitting the

series of kings to be right as to number, the ordinary average of _twenty_

years to each of the _thirteen_ successive reigns would only give 260

years for the duration of the monarchy, and would carry back the

commencement of the reign of Manco Capac only to the year 1269. The series

of these kings, as given by various Spanish writers, according to the

traditions of the Peruvians, is as follows:

1. Manco Capac. 2. Sinchi Roca. 3. Lloque Yupanqui. 4. Mayta Capac. 5.

Capac Yupanqui. 6. Inca Roca. 7. Yahuar Huacac. 8. Inca Roca, likewise

named Viracocha. 9. Pachacutec[36]. 10. Yupanqui. 11. Tupac Yupanqui. 12.

Huana Capac. 13. Huascar, or Inti-cusi-Hualpa. 14. Atahualpa. 15. Manco

Capac the Second, crowned at Cuzco by permission of Pizarro; afterwards

revolted and retired to the mountains. 16. Sayri Tupac; who resigned the

nominal sovereignty of Peru to Philip II. He died a Christian, and left

one daughter who married a Spaniard named Onez de Loyola, and from whom

are descended the marquisses of Orepesa and Alcanises.

* * * * *

As the empire of Peru was made up of many barbarous tribes, its native

inhabitants spoke many languages or dialects, which were only understood

in their own particular districts. The language of the ruling people or

tribe to which the royal family belonged, called the _Quichua_, was solely

used at court, and we have already seen that the sons of all the chiefs or

curacas of the empire were ordered to be educated at Cuzco, that they

might be all able to converse with the sovereign. In this language the

sounds of _b, d, f, g_, and _r_, are said to have been wanting; and yet

that of the _r_ occurs in the names of several of their kings. Garcilasso

says that this letter had a guttural sound, perhaps resembling the burr,

or _parler gras_ of the French: And it is alleged that this language of a

comparatively barbarous people was nearly as copious and as artificial as

the Greek. The following specimens are given in the Modern Geography, III.

585, to which are added two examples of what are called Peruvian poetry,

from Garcilasso de la Vega, p. 50. The nouns in this language are declined

by altering the terminations thus; _Runa_, a man; _Runap_, of a man;

_Runapac_, to a man, &c. The verbs have also moods and tenses, the

terminations often extending to a great length.

1. Huc 5. Chumpi, picheca. 9. Yscon.

2. Yscay 6. Zocta. 10. Chunca.

3. Quimza 7. Canchis. 100. Pachac.

4. Tahua 8. Puzac. 1000. Huaranca.

The Andes....Anti A Hog.........Cuchi

The Arm......Ricra A House.......Huaci

Bad..........Mana alli[A] A Husband.....Coza

The Beard....Zunca Iron..........Quellay

Beauty.......Zumay A King........Capac, Inca

The Belly....Vicza A Lake........Cocha

A Brother....Huauquey A Lance.......Chuqui

A Canoe......Huampu Land..........Allpa

To Die.......Huauny, pitini Little........Huchuy

A Dog........Alles Love..........Cuyay, munay

To Drink.....Upiana A man.........Runa

The Ears.....Rinri The Moon......Quilla

Eared, or having Mother........Mama

great ears...Ringrim A Mountain....Puna, acha

To Eat.......Micuni The Mouth.....Simi

An Emerald...Umina No............Maria

The Eye......Naui The Nose......Cenca

A Family.....Ayllu A Queen, or

Father.......Mayu Princess...Coya

Fire.........Nina A Sacrifice...Arpay

Many fires...Ninanina Sand..........Aco

A Fish.......Challhua The Sea.......Atun cocha[B]

Flesh........Aycha .......Mama cocha[C]

A Foot.......Chaqui A Ship........Huampu[D]

A Friend.....Cocho Silver........Collqui

Good.........Alli A Sister......Panay

Gold.........Cori Snow..........Riti

Gold dust....Chichi cori A Son.........Churi

Great........Hatun A Stone.......Rumi

A Hatchet....Avri, champi The Sun.......Inti

The Hair.....Caspa Water.........Unu, yaco

The Hand.....Maqui Woman.........Huami

The Head.....Uma Yes...........Y

_Specimen of Peruvian poetry_.

_Caylla Llapi_ To the Song

_Pununqui_ I will Sleep,

_Chaupitua_ At Midnight

_Samusac_ I will come.

[A] Not good.

[B] Great Lake.

[C] Mother Lake.

[D] Huampu likewise signifies a canoe, and probably a ship might be named

Atun huampu, a great canoe.--E.

[1] In a note of the French edition of 1742, it is said that, in the folio

edition of Zarate printed at Seville in 1677, Luque was called the

father of Almagro, and that no mention is made of that ecclesiastic

having taken any part in the expedition. Robertson, in his History of

America, II. 273, says that Pizarro was the natural son of a gentleman

of honourable family by a low woman, and that his education was so

entirely neglected that he could neither read nor write. He adds that,

after serving some years in Italy, he embarked for America, where he

greatly distinguished himself. In our last chapter, Diaz makes

frequent mention of Pizarro as serving with reputation under Cortes,

in the early part of the expedition to Mexico; but gives no account of

his quitting the service of Cortes; to whom he was probably somehow

related, as the mother of Cortes was named Catalina Pizarro Altamirano.

Almagro, according to Robertson, was a foundling, and bred like

Pizarro in the army. Luque acted as priest and schoolmaster at Panama,

and had amassed considerable riches.--E.

[2] Named Pedrarias by Robertson.--E.

[3] Chinchama, by the map in Zarate is that part of the western coast of

Tierra Firma or Darien, opposite the Isla del Rey. The poor province

of Peru, beyond or to the southwards of Cinchama, is that now called

Biruquete; and the Pueblo quemada, or Burnt People, must be looked for

in the province of Novita, perhaps Nounamas, immediately to the south

of which is the river of St Juan.--E.

[4] Tacamez, otherwise called the district of _Esmeraldas_, or of emeralds,

is in the kingdom of Quito near the equinoctial line.--E.

[5] Instead of _twelve_, the text only names _eight_ of the brave

associates of Pizarro.--E.

[6] Morope, in lat. 6° 35', in the district of Sana, is in the situation

of the place mentioned in the text.--E.

[7] This river, otherwise called Amatape, runs into the bay of Payta, in

lat. 5° 10' south.--E.

[8] Under the name of Peruvian sheep, five species of the Camel genus are

known to naturalists, the Glama or Llama, Guanaco, Chillihueque,

Vicugna, and Pacos. The three former were used as animals of burthen

by the native Peruvians, and domesticated, the two latter, especially

the Vicugna, are valuable for the firmness of their fleeces. The three

larger species carry loads of about a hundred pounds weight, the other

two, when domesticated, may be made to carry smaller burdens of from

fifty to seventy-five pounds.--E.

[9] It was now towards the close of 1527, the third year from the first

departure of Pizarro from Panama.--Robertsons America, II. 281.

[10] Robertson, II. 284. gives a different account of these four relations

of Francisco Pizarro from Zarate. According to him, Ferdinand was the

only lawful son of old Gonzalo Pizarro; Francisco, Juan, and the

younger Gonzalo being all natural sons; and Francisco de Alcantara was

the uncle of Don Francisco, being the brother of his mother. In the

sequel, the conqueror of Peru shall be always mentioned by the single

name of Pizarro, distinguishing his brothers by the addition of their

Christian names. While in Spain, Pizarro received a supply of money

from Cortes, under whom he had served in the early part of the

conquest of Mexico.--E.

[11] His commission from the crown of Spain, imposed the condition of

raising 250 men, and to supply the ships and warlike stores necessary

for the expedition; but his funds and credit were so low that he could

hardly complete half the number, and had to steal away from the port

of Seville to elude the examination of the officers as to the

fulfilment of his contract.--Robertsons America, II. 284.

[12] It is impossible to give any competent geographical account of this

extensive country in the compass of a note. Proper Peru begins at the

river Tumbez in the gulf of Guayaquil, in about lat. 3° 20' S. and

extends S.S.E. along the Pacific Ocean to the desert of Atacama, which

divides it from Chili, in lat. 21° 28 S. an extent of about 1200 miles;

consisting of two remarkably different tracts of country. A narrow

valley along the Pacific Ocean, seldom so much as 70 miles in breadth,

bounded on the east by the enormous main ridge of the Andes; beyond

which are many elevated vallies or table lands of various extent,

divided by collateral ridges and branches of the Andes, from each

other and from the prodigiously extensive plains of the vast Orinoco

Maranon and La Plata rivers. Quito, which had been annexed to the

kingdom of Peru, only a short time before the Spanish conquest, is

similarly situated, both as to maritime vale, and elevated table land,

immediately to the north of Peru proper, and seems to have reached

from lat. 3° 20' S. to about lat, 1° N. but is now included in the

viceroyalty of New Granada which reaches to the Carribbean sea, with

which it is connected by the river Magdalena.--E.

[13] The substance of this description appears to refer entirely to that

province of the kingdom of Quito which is named Esmeraldas or Tacamez,

on both sides of the equator.--E.

[14] Various reasons have been assigned for the origin of the word Peru,

as the name of the empire of the Incas, unknown to themselves, at

least in that sense. The most probable derivation is from the river

_Piura_, near its northern frontier, where it was first visited by

Pizarro.--E.

[15] This circumstance is unintelligible, as the bones could not shrink,

unless by supposing these _human heads_ to have been the heads of

small apes, resembling human faces. The expression of the text,

immediately before, of human carcasses hung up _in the form of

crosses_, ought perhaps to have been rendered _instead of_ crosses.--E.

[16] A good deal more is said of these giants, both by Zarate and

Garcilasso de la Vega, p. 363, but so vague and absurd as not to be

worth insertion. The whole story seems to have arisen out of the

colossal representation of a man and woman at Puerto viejo.--E.

[17] This is merely a repetition of the _big bones_ of Mexico and the Ohio,

already referred to the Mammoth, or animal ignotum.--E.

[18] Puna is in the bay of Guayaquil, in lat. 3° S. and is near _thirty_

leagues in circumference, being about _ten_ leagues long by five in

breadth.--E.

[19] The estimate in the text is exceedingly erroneous. The city of Parto

is in lat. 1° 12' N. and the Rio de Loa, or commencement of the desert

of Atacama, in lat. 21° 26' S. which give only a difference of nearly

25 degrees of latitude, which at 17-1/2 Spanish leagues to the degree

are only 438 leagues. Even supposing the text to include Chili, which

extends to 39° 21' S. the whole extent of Peru and Chili is only 753

Spanish leagues.--E.

[20] This is only to be understood of the period when Zarate wrote, about

the middle of the sixteenth century, or two hundred and fifty years

ago. The first town he enumerates, Puerto Viejo, is now in the

viceroyalty of New Granada.--E.

[21] The wool-bearing animals of Peru, improperly named sheep, are one or

other of the species of camel already mentioned in a former note.--E.

[22] Instead of _four_ degrees, Quito is only the _fourth_ part of a

degree beyond the line.--E.

[23] Bracamoras, or Jaen de Bracamoras, in lat. 5° 30' S. is in the

district or province of Jaen in the kingdom of New Granada, on one of

the branches of the Lauricocha or Tanguragua, which is one of the

great rivers which contribute to form the vast Maranon, or river of

the Amazons.--E.

[24] No place of that name is now found in our best maps. The principal

town of the district of Chachapoyas has the same name, otherwise

called St Juan de la Frontera.--E.

[25] Not far to the south of San Leon de Guanuco, in the mountains of

Lauricocha, there are considerable silver mines.--E.

[26] No such place is now found on our maps in the province of Guamanga;

but the ruins of a town named Vittoria are marked in the district of

Calca, about fifty miles north-west from the city of Cuzco. Perhaps

the Vittoria of the text is the town now called Guamanga.--E.

[27] Probably the country of the people now called _Chunchos_, who are

implacable enemies to the Spaniards.--E.

[28] Probably the province now called _Chicas_ on the eastern side of the

Andes, occupying the head of the river Chirivionas which joins the

Paraguay or Rio Plata.--E.

[29] Off the mouth of the river Lurin, in lat. 12° 26' S. is the island of

Pachacamac, probably indicating the situation of the ancient province

of that name.--E.

[30] The first of the Incas is named by Robertson, II. 290. and III. 47.

Manco Capac.--E.

[31] By Zarate this Inca is named Guaynacava, but the more general name

used by Garcilasso de la Vega and other Spanish writers, and from them

by the illustrious Robertson, is adopted in this translation.--E.

[32] Garcilasso de la Vega, p. 65, describes the bridge over the Apurimac

not far from Cuzco, as about two hundred paces in length. He says that

its floor consisted of three great cables as thick as the body of a

man; having another cable on each side, a little raised, to serve as

rails. The two hundred toises or four hundred yards of the text seem

an exaggeration; perhaps a mistake of the French translator.--E.

[33] This prince is called Atabaliba by Zarate, and Atabalipa by some

other writers, but we have chosen to follow the illustrious historian

of America in naming him Atahualpa.--E.

[34] These names are not to be found in our best modern maps of Peru: but

some other names not unlike, as Mayobamba, Chachapoyas, Partas, and

Caxamarca, are in the present bishopric of Truxillo, the most northern

in Peru proper, and therefore likely to have been the seat of war

against the revolters in Quito.--E.

[35] The whole of this appendix to the first section is an addition to

Zarate, extracted from Garcilasso de la Vega and Robertson; which,

being too long for a note, has been placed in the text. The

introductory part of this deduction is from the History of America,

Vol. II p. 289. The list of kings is from Garcilasso, whose

disarranged work is too confused for quotation.--E.

[36] By some authors an Inca Roca is here interposed, who was deposed

after a reign of eleven days.--E.

SECTION II.

_Transactions of Pizarro and the Spaniards in Peru, from the commencement

of the Conquest, till the departure of Almagro for the Discovery of Chili_.

After the return of Don Francisco Pizarro from Spain to Panama, he made

every preparation in his power for the conquest of Peru, in which he was

not seconded with the same spirit as formerly by his companion Almagro, by

which their affairs were considerably retarded, as Almagro was the richer

man and had greater credit among the settlers. Diego Almagro, as formerly

mentioned, was much dissatisfied with Pizarro for having neglected his

interest in his applications to his majesty; but at length became pacified

by his apologies and promises, and their friendship was renewed; yet

Almagro could never be thoroughly reconciled to the brothers of Pizarro,

more especially Ferdinand, against whom he had a rooted dislike. Owing to

these disputes a considerable time elapsed; but at length Ferdinand Ponce

de Leon[1] fitted out a ship which belonged to him, in which Don Francisco

Pizarro embarked with all the soldiers he could procure, which were very

few in number, as the people in Panama were much discouraged by the great

difficulties and hardships which had been suffered in the former attempt,

and the poor success which had then been met with[2]. Pizarro set sail

about the commencement of the year 1531; and in consequence of contrary

winds was obliged to land on the coast of Peru a hundred leagues more to

the north than he intended[3]; by which means he was reduced to the

necessity of making a long and painful march down the coast, where he and

his troops suffered great hardships from scarcity of provisions, and by

the extreme difficulty of crossing the different rivers which intersected

their line of march, all of which they had to pass near their mouths,

where they are wide and deep, insomuch that both men and horses had often

to pass them by swimming. The courage and address of Pizarro was

conspicuous amidst these difficulties, by encouraging the soldiers, and

frequently exposing himself to danger for their relief, even assisting

those who were unable to swim. They arrived at length at a place named

_Coaque_[4] on the sea side, which was well peopled, and where they

procured abundance of provisions to refresh and restore them after the

hardships and privations they had undergone. From that place, Pizarro sent

back one of his vessels to Panama, and the other to Nicaragua, sending by

them above 30,000 _castillanas_[5] of gold, which he had seized at Coaque,

to encourage fresh adventurers to join him, by giving a specimen of the

riches of the country. At Coaque the Spaniards found some excellent

emeralds, as this country being under the line, is the only place where

such precious stones are to be had. Several of these were destroyed by the

Spaniards, who broke them in order to examine their nature; as they were

so ignorant as to believe that good emeralds ought to bear the hammer

without breaking, like diamonds. Believing therefore that the Indians

might impose false stones upon them, they broke many of great value

through their ignorance. The Spaniards were here afflicted by a singular

disease, formerly mentioned, which produced a dangerous kind of warts or

wens on their heads faces and other parts of their body, extremely sore

and loathsome, of which some of the soldiers died, but most of them

recovered, though almost every one was less or more affected.

Leaving Coaque on account of this strange disease, which Pizarro

attributed to the malignity of the air, he marched on to that province or

district in which _Puerto Viejo_ now stands, and easily reduced all the

surrounding country to subjection. The captains Sebastian Benalcazar and

Juan Fernandez joined him at this place, with a small reinforcement of

horse and foot, which they brought from Nicaragua[6].

Having reduced the province of Puerto Viejo to subjection, Pizarro

proceeded with all his troops to the harbour of _Tumbez_, whence he

determined to pass over into the island of Puna, which is opposite to that

port. For this purpose he caused a number of flats or rafts to be

constructed after the manner of the Peruvians, formerly mentioned, to

transport his men and horses to the island, which is above twenty miles

from the river of Tumbez. The Spaniards were in imminent danger in this

passage, as the Indians who guided their floats had resolved to cut the

cords by which their planks were held together, on purpose to drown the

men and horses; but as Pizarro had some suspicion or intimation of their

secret intentions, he ordered all his people to be on their guard,

constantly sword in hand, and to keep a watchful eye on the Indians. On

arriving in the island, the inhabitants received them courteously and

requested that there might be peace between them; yet it was soon known

that they had concealed their warriors in ambush, with the intention of

massacring the Spaniards during the night. When Pizarro was informed of

this treachery, he attacked and defeated the Indians, and took the

principal cacique of the island; and next morning made himself master of

the enemies camp, which was defended by a considerable body of warriors.

Learning that another body of the islanders had attacked the flat vessels

or rafts in which they had come over, Pizarro and his brothers went in all

haste to assist the Spanish guard which had the care of them, and drove

away the enemy with considerable slaughter. In these engagements two or

three of the Spaniards were killed, and several wounded, among whom was

Gonzalo Pizarro, who received a dangerous hurt on the knee.

Soon after this action, Hernando de Soto arrived from Nicaragua with a

considerable reinforcement of foot and horse. But finding it difficult to

subdue the islanders effectually, as they kept their canoes concealed

among the mangrove trees which grow in the water, Pizarro resolved to

return to Tumbez; more especially as the air of Puna is unwholesome from

its extreme heat, and the marshy nature of its shores. For this reason he

divided all the gold which had been collected in the island, and abandoned

the place. In this island of Puna, the Spaniards found above six hundred

prisoners, men and women, belonging to the district of Tumbez, among whom

was one of the principal nobles of that place. On the 16th May 1532,

Pizarro set all these people at liberty, and supplied them with barks or

floats to carry them home to Tumbez; sending likewise in one of these

barks along with the liberated Indians, three Spaniards to announce his

own speedy arrival. The Indians of Tumbez repaid this great favour with

the blackest ingratitude, as immediately on their arrival, they sacrificed

these three Spaniards to their abominable idols. Hernando de Soto made a

narrow escape from meeting with the same fate: He was embarked on one of

these floats, with a single servant, along with some of the Indians, and

had already entered the river of Tumbez, when he was seen by Diego de

Aguero and Roderick Lozan, who had already landed, and who made him stop

the float and land beside them; otherwise, if he had been carried up to

Tumbez, he would certainly have been put to death.

From the foregoing treachery of the inhabitants of Tumbez, it may readily

be supposed that they were by no means disposed to furnish barks for the

disembarkation of the Spanish troops and horses; so that on the first

evening, only the Governor Don Francisco Pizarro, with his brothers

Ferdinand and Juan, the bishop Don Vincente de Valverde, captain de Soto,

and the other two Spaniards already mentioned, Aguero and Lozan, were able

to land. These gentlemen had to pass the whole night on horseback entirely

wet, as the sea was very rough, and they had no Indians to guide their

bark, which the Spaniards did not know how to manage, so that it overset

while they were endeavouring to land. In the morning, Ferdinand Pizarro

remained on the shore to direct the landing of the troops, while the

governor and the others who had landed rode more than two leagues into the

country without being able to find a single Indian, as all the natives had

armed themselves and retired to the small hills in the neighbourhood. On

returning towards the coast, he met the captains Mina and Salcedo, who had

rode to meet him with several of the cavalry which had disembarked. He

returned with them to Tumbez, where he encamped with all the troops he was

able to collect.

Soon afterwards, Captain Benalcazar arrived with the rest of the troops

from the island of Puna, where he had been obliged to remain till the

return of the vessels, as there was not enough of shipping to contain the

whole at once. While he waited for the vessels, he had to defend himself

from continual attacks of the islanders; but now rejoined the governor

with very little loss. Pizarro remained above twenty days at Tumbez,

during which time he used every endeavour to persuade the cacique to enter

into terms of peace, by sending him repeated messages to that effect, but

all to no purpose. On the contrary, the natives did every injury in their

power to our people, and especially to the servants and others who went

out into the country in search of provisions; while the Spaniards were

unable to retaliate, as the Indians kept always on the opposite side of

the river. The governor caused three barks or floats to be brought up

secretly from the coast, in which he crossed the river during the night,

with his brothers Juan and Gonzalo, and the Captains Benalcazar and Soto,

with above fifty horsemen. With these he made a very fatiguing march

before day, as the road was very difficult and uneven, and full of knolls

overgrown with brambles and bushes. About day break he came unexpectedly

to the Indian camp, which he immediately attacked and carried, putting

many of the natives to the sword; and for fifteen days he pursued them

into all their haunts, making a cruel war upon them with fire and sword,

in revenge for the three Spaniards whom they had sacrificed. At length,

the principal cacique of Tumbez sued for peace, and made some presents of

gold and silver in token of submission.

Having thus reduced the province of Tumbez, Pizarro left a part of his

troops there under the charge of Antonio de Navarre and Alonso Requelme,

the former of whom was Contador or comptroller of accounts, and the latter

treasurer, both in the service of his majesty. Taking along with himself

the greater part of his troops, he went forwards to the river _Poechos_[7],

thirty leagues to the southward of Tumbez, in which march, as the caciques

and inhabitants received him peaceably, he conducted himself in a friendly

manner to the natives. Passing beyond the before mentioned river, he came

to the bay of Payta, which is the best on all that coast; whence he

detached de Soto to reduce the caciques inhabiting the banks of the river

Amatape or Chira, in which he succeeded after a slight resistance, all the

caciques and natives submitting and demanding peace.

While at this place, Pizarro received a message from Cuzco by certain

envoys sent by Huascar, informing him of the revolt of his brother

Atahualpa, and requesting his assistance to establish him, as the lawful

sovereign, in his just rights[8]. On the receipt of this message, Pizarro

determined to take advantage of the divisions in Peru. He sent therefore

his brother Ferdinand to Tumbez to bring the troops from thence; and

established a colony at San Miguel in the district of Tangarara, near the

sea on the river Chira[9], as a port in which to receive vessels coming

with reinforcements from Panama. Having placed a garrison in St Miguel,

and made a division of all the gold and silver which had been procured

since leaving Puna, the governor marched with the rest of his army for the

province of Caxamarca, in which he was informed that Atahualpa then

was[10].

On this march towards Caxamarca, the Spaniards suffered intolerably, while

passing through the dry and burning sandy desert of Sechura, where for

above fifty miles they could not find any water to drink, or a single tree

to shelter them from the sun. This desert reaches from San Miguel or the

river Piura to the province of Motupe, in which latter they found some

well peopled vallies full of verdure, and were supplied with abundance of

provisions and refreshments to restore them after the fatigues and

privations they had suffered in the desert. Marching from thence by way of

the mountain towards Caxamarca, Pizarro was met by an envoy from Atahualpa,

bringing presents from that prince, among which were painted slippers and

golden bracelets. This messenger informed the governor, that, when he

appeared before Atahualpa, he must wear these slippers and bracelets, that

the prince might know who he was[11]. Pizarro received this envoy with

much kindness, and promised to do every thing that had been required on

the part of Atahualpa; desiring the envoy to inform his sovereign that he

might be assured of receiving no injury from him or the Spaniards, on

condition that the Peruvians treated them with peace and friendship; as he

had it in orders from the king his master, who had sent him to this

country, to do no harm to any one without just cause.

On the departure of the Peruvian envoy, Pizarro continued his march with

great precaution, being uncertain whither the Indians might not attack him

during the passage of the mountains, in one part of which he had to pass

through an almost inaccessible narrow defile, where a few resolute men

might have destroyed his whole party. On his arrival at Caxamarca, he

found another messenger from Atahualpa, who desired that he would not

presume to take up his quarters in that place until he received permission

for the purpose. Pizarro made no answer to this message, but immediately

took up his quarters in a large court, on one side of which there was a

house or palace of the Inca, and on the other side a temple of the sun,

the whole being surrounded, by a strong wall or rampart of earth. When he

had posted his troops in this advantageous situation, he sent captain Soto

at the head of twenty horsemen to the camp of Atahualpa, which was at the

distance of a league from Caxamarca, with orders to announce his arrival.

On coming towards the presence of Atahualpa, Soto pushed his horse into a

full career, making him prance and curvet to the great terror of many of

the Peruvians, who ran away in a prodigious fright. Atahualpa was so much

displeased at his subjects for their cowardice, that he ordered all who

had run away from the horse to be immediately put to death.

After Soto had delivered his message, Atahualpa declined giving any direct

answer, not choosing to address his discourse immediately to Soto: He

spoke first to one of his attendant chiefs, who communicated what the king

had said to the interpreter, after which the interpreter explained what

had been said to Soto. While this circuitous conversation was going on,

Ferdinand Pizarro arrived with some more horsemen, and addressed Atahualpa

in the name of his brother, to the following effect. "That his brother the

general had been sent to wait upon Atahualpa by his sovereign Don Carlos

with an offer of friendship and alliance, and wished therefore to have an

audience of his majesty, that he might communicate what had been given to

him in charge by the king of Spain." To this Atahualpa replied; "That he

accepted with pleasure the offer of friendship from the general, provided

he would restore to his subjects all the gold and silver he had taken from

them, and would immediately quit the country; and that on purpose to

settle an amicable arrangement, he meant next day to visit the Spanish

general in the palace of Caxamarca."

After visiting the Peruvian camp, which had the appearance of an immense

city, from the prodigious multitude of tents and the vast numbers of men

which it contained, Ferdinand Pizarro returned to his brother, to whom he

gave a faithful account of every thing he had seen, and of the words of

Atahualpa. The answer of that prince gave some considerable uneasiness to

Pizarro, as having rather a menacing appearance, more especially

considering that the army of the Peruvians outnumbered his own small force

in the proportion of one or two hundred to one. Yet as the general and

most of those who were with him were men of bold and determined resolution,

they encouraged each other during the night to act like men of courage and

honour, trusting to the assistance of God in the discharge of their duty.

They passed the whole night under arms, keeping strict watch round their

quarters, and in complete readiness for whatever might befal.

Early in the morning of the 16th November 1532, Pizarro drew up his small

body of men in regular order. Dividing his cavalry into three bodies,

under the command of his three brothers, Ferdinand, Juan, and Gonzalo,

assisted by the Captains Soto and Benalcazar, he ordered to keep

themselves concealed within their quarters till they should receive orders

to attack. He remained himself at the head of the infantry, in another

part of the inclosed court, having issued the strictest commands that no

one should make the smallest motion without his orders, which were to be

conveyed by the discharge of the artillery.

Atahualpa employed a great part of the day in arranging his troops in

order of battle, pointing out to each of the commanders where and in what

manner their divisions were to attack the Spaniards. He likewise sent a

detachment of 5000 Peruvian warriors under one of his principal officers

named Ruminagui, with orders to take possession of the defile by which the

Spaniards had penetrated the mountain, and to kill every one of them who

might endeavour to escape in that way[12]. Atahualpa having given all

these orders, began his march and advanced so slowly that in four hours

his army hardly proceeded a short league. He was carried in his litter in

the usual state, on the shoulders of some of the principal lords of his

court, having three hundred Indians marching before him in rich uniforms,

who removed every stone or other substance which might obstruct the way,

even carefully picking up the smallest straws. He was followed by a

numerous train of curacas or caciques, and principal officers of his court,

all carried in litters. The Peruvians held the Spaniards in small

estimation, they were so few in number, and imagined they could easily

make them all prisoners without presuming to make the smallest resistance.

One of the caciques had sent to inform Atahualpa not to stand in any awe

of the Spaniards, as they were not only few in number, but so effeminate

and lazy that they were unable to march on foot without being tired by a

very short distance, for which reason they travelled on the backs of

_large sheep_, by which name they distinguished our horses.

In the order already described, Atahualpa entered with all his army and

attendants into a large square or enclosure in front of the _tambos_ or

palace of Caxamarca; and seeing the Spaniards so few in number and all on

foot, as the cavalry remained in concealment, he conceived that they would

not certainly dare to stand before him or to resist his commands. Rising

up therefore in his litter, be said to his attendants, "These people are

all in our power, and will assuredly surrender." To which they all

answered that this was certainly the case. At this time, the bishop Don

Vincente Valverde advanced towards Atahualpa, holding a crucifix in one

hand and his breviary in the other, and addressed him to the following

effect.

"There is but one God in three persons who has created the heavens and the

earth and all that are therein. He formed Adam the first man out of the

dust of the earth, and afterwards made Eve his wife from a rib taken out

of his side. All the generations of men are descended from these our first

parents, by whose disobedience we have all become sinners, unworthy

therefore of the grace and mercy of God, and beyond the hope of heaven,

until Jesus Christ our Redeemer was born of the Virgin and suffered death

to purchase for us life and immortality. After our Lord had suffered a

shameful death upon the cross, he rose again in a glorious manner; and,

having remained a short time on earth, he ascended into Heaven, leaving St

Peter his vicar on earth, and after him his successors who dwell in Rome,

and are named popes by the Christians. These holy successors of St Peter

have divided all the countries of the world among the Christian kings and

princes, giving in charge to each to subdue that portion which has been

alotted to him. This country of Peru having fallen to the share of his

imperial and royal majesty, the emperor Don Carlos king of Spain, that

great monarch hath sent in his place the governor Don Francisco Pizarro,

now present, to make known to you on the part of God and the king of Spain,

all that I have now said. If you are disposed to believe all this, to

receive baptism, and to obey the emperor, as is done by the greatest

portion of the Christian world, that great prince will protect and defend

you and your country in peace, causing justice to be administered to all.

He will likewise confirm all your rights and liberties, as he is

accustomed to do to all the kings and princes who have voluntarily

submitted to his authority. But if you refuse this and choose to run the

hazard of war, the governor will attack you with fire and sword, and is

ready at this moment to do so with arms in his hand[13]."

When Atahualpa had listened to this discourse, very imperfectly rendered

by an ignorant interpreter, he answered, "That the whole of this country

had been conquered by his father and his ancestors, who had left it in

rightful succession to his elder brother the inca Huascar. That he having

been conquered and taken prisoner, Atahualpa held himself as legitimate

sovereign, and could not conceive how St Peter could pretend to give it

away to any one, without the knowledge and consent of him to whom it

belonged. As for Jesus Christ, who he said had created heaven and earth

and man and all other things, he knew nothing of all this, believing that

the sun his father was the creator of all, whom he and his nation

venerated as a god, worshipping likewise the earth as the mother of all

things, and the _guacas_ as subordinate divinities, and that Pachacama was

the supreme ruler and creator of all things. As for what he had said of

the king of Spain, he knew nothing at all about the matter, never having

seen him." At the last, he asked the bishop where he had learnt all those

things which he had been telling him. Valverde answered him that all these

things were contained in the book which he held in his hand, which was the

word of God. Atahualpa asked it from him, opened the book turning over its

leaves, saying that it said nothing to him, and threw it on the ground.

The bishop then turning to the Spaniards, called out, "To arms! to arms!

Christians: The word of God is insulted."

Pizarro being of opinion that he would be easily destroyed if he waited

for the attack of the Peruvians, immediately ordered his soldiers to

advance to the charge, sending word to his brothers and the other officers

who commanded the cavalry to execute the orders which they had already

received. He likewise ordered the artillery and the crossbows to commence

firing upon the Indians, on which the cavalry, as had been concerted,

sallied forth and charged through among the Indians in three separate

bodies; while he moved forwards at the head of the infantry, pushing

directly for the litter in which Atahualpa was carried, the bearers of

which they began to slay, while others pressed on to supply their places.

As Pizarro was convinced that he and his people would be infallibly

destroyed if the battle remained for any length of time undecided, the

loss of one soldier being of infinitely worse consequence to him than the

destruction of hundreds was to the enemy, and that he gained nothing by

the death of thousands of the Peruvians, determined to make every effort

to gain possession of Atahualpa, for which purpose he cut his way up to

the litter in which he was carried; and seizing him by his long hair

dragged him from his seat to the ground. In doing this, as several of his

soldiers were making cuts with their swords against the golden litter, one

of their swords glancing off wounded Pizarro in the hand. Paying no

attention to this wound, he held fast his rich prize, in spite of the

endeavours of multitudes of Indians to rescue their sovereign, who were

all either killed or driven away, and at length secured Atahualpa as his

prisoner.

When the Peruvians saw their sovereign in the hands of the Spaniards, and

found themselves assailed in so many places at once by the enemy,

especially by the horse, the fury of whose charge they were unable to

resist, they threw down their arms and dispersed in every direction,

endeavouring to preserve their lives by flight. A prodigious multitude of

them being stopped by a corner of the great court or square, pressed with

such violence against the wall that a part of it gave way, forming a large

breach by which many of them escaped. The cavalry pursued the fugitives in

every direction till night, when they returned to quarters[14].

When Ruminagui heard the noise of the artillery, and saw a centinel who

had been placed on the top of a rock thrown down by a Spaniard, he

concluded that the Spaniards had gained the victory; and was so much

alarmed that he marched away with all his men to Quito, never stopping for

any time till he got to that city, which is two hundred and fifty leagues

from Caxamarca.

Atahualpa being thus made prisoner, and his whole army having taken to

flight, the Spaniards went next morning to pillage his camp, where they

found a prodigious quantity of gold and silver vessels, excessively rich

tents, stuffs, vestments, and many other articles of immense value. The

gold plate alone which was carried along with the army for the use of

Atahualpa exceeded the value of 60,000 pistoles[15]. Above 5000 women who

were found in the camp of the enemy voluntarily surrendered themselves to

the Spaniards.

The captive Atahualpa now made submissive application to Pizarro,

earnestly intreating to be well used, and made offer for his ransom to

deliver a quantity of gold that should fill a large chamber, besides so

large a mass of silver that the Spaniards would be unable to carry the

whole away. Pizarro was astonished at this magnificent offer, which he

could hardly credit, yet promised the fallen monarch that he should be

well used, and even engaged to restore his freedom if he made good his

offer. Atahualpa was so much pleased with this promise, that he

immediately sent numerous messengers through the whole empire,

particularly to Cuzco, ordering all the gold and silver that could be

procured to be brought to Caxamarca to pay his ransom. He had promised an

immense quantity, as he had engaged to fill a long hall in the _tambos_ or

palace of Cazamarca as high as he could reach with his hand[16], for which

purpose the height was marked by a coloured line drawn round the whole

room. Although large quantities of gold and silver arrived every day after

this agreement, the Spaniards could not be satisfied that the promise of

Atahualpa would ever be fulfilled. They began even to murmur at the delay,

alleging that the time which had been fixed by Atahualpa for the

accomplishment of his promise was already past; and they alleged that he

had fallen upon this scheme on purpose to gain time for the assemblage of

a new army, with which to attack them at unawares. As Atahualpa had

considerable sagacity, he soon noticed the discontent of the Spaniards,

and asked Pizarro the reason. On being informed, he made answer that they

were in the wrong to complain of the delay, which was not such as to give

any reasonable cause for suspicion. They ought to consider that Cuzco,

from whence the far greater part of the gold had to be brought, was above

200 _large_ leagues distant from Caxamarca by an extremely difficult road,

by which all the gold had to be carried on the shoulders of the Peruvians,

and that very little time had elapsed for the accomplishment of so

laborious a work. Having thus endeavoured to explain the cause of delay in

payment of the ransom, he requested that they would satisfy themselves on

the subject by inspection that he was actually able to perform his

engagement; after which they would not think much of its being delayed a

month more or less. For this purpose, he proposed that he should depute

two or three of the Spaniards, who might go to Cuzco, having orders from

him to be shewn the royal treasures in that city, of which they would then

be able to bring back certain information to satisfy the rest.

Opinions were much divided among the Spaniards, as to the adoption or

rejection of this proposal. Several considered it is a most dangerous

measure for any person to trust himself in the hand of the Peruvians,

especially to so great a distance. Atahualpa considered this doubt of

safety as very strange, especially as they had him in their hands as an

hostage, together with his wives, children, and brothers. On this,

Hernando de Soto and Pedro de Barco resolved to undertake the journey; and

accordingly by the directions of Atahualpa, they set out in litters, each

of which was carried on the shoulders of two men, with a number of other

Peruvians accompanying them, to serve as reliefs when the others were

tired. They were carried in this manner almost as fast as if they had rode

post; as the litter carriers went along with great swiftness, frequently

relieved by the others, of whom there were fifty or sixty in all.

Several days journey from Caxamarca, Soto and Barco met a party of the

troops of Atahualpa, who were escorting the Inca Huascar as a prisoner.

This unfortunate prince, on learning who they were, requested to have a

conference with them, to which they consented, and in which he was

distinctly informed of all the recent events. On being informed of the

intentions of his imperial majesty Don Carlos, and of Pizarro, who

commanded the Spaniards in his name, to cause impartial justice to be

executed both to the Peruvians and Spaniards, he laid before them a

distinct account of the injustice which he had suffered from his brother

Atahualpa, who not only wished to deprive him of the kingdom, which

belonged to him of right, as the eldest son of the late monarch Huana

Capac, but now kept him a prisoner, with the design of putting him to

death. He urged them to return to their general, and to lay his complaints

before him, requesting that he, who now had both competitors in his power,

and was consequently entire master of the country, would judge between

them, and decree the possession of the empire to him who held the lawful

right of succession. He farther promised, if Pizarro would do this, that

he would not only fulfil all that Atahualpa had promised, which was to

fill the apartment at Caxamarca to a certain height, but he would fill it

with gold to the roof, which would be three times more than Atahualpa had

promised. He assured them that he was better able to do all this, than was

Atahualpa to perform what he had promised; because Atahualpa, to implement

his engagement, would be under the necessity of stripping the temple of

the Sun at Cuzco of all the plates of gold and silver with which it was

lined; whereas he, Huascar, was in possession of all the treasures which

belonged to his father Huana Capac, and the former Incas, by which he was

able to perform what he had now offered, and a great deal more.

All that he alleged was certainly true, as Huascar was in possession of

immense treasures, which he had hidden under ground in some secret place,

unknown to all the world. On this occasion, he had employed many Indians

to transport his wealth into the place of concealment, after which he had

ordered them all to be put to death, that they might not inform any one of

the place. After the Spaniards were entire masters of the country, they

made every possible search after these treasures, and even continue their

search to the present day, digging in every place where they suspect they

may be concealed, but hitherto without being able to find them.

Soto and Barco told Huascar, that it was out of their power to turn back,

being under the necessity of continuing the journey on which they had been

sent by order of their general; but that on their return they would make a

faithful report of all he had said. They accordingly went on their way

towards Cuzco. But this meeting and conference occasioned the death of

Huascar, and the loss to the Spaniards of the vast treasure he had

promised for his liberty and restoration. The captains who had the custody

of Huascar made a report to Atahualpa of all that had passed in the

interview between their prisoner and the Spanish messengers; and Atahualpa

had sufficient sagacity to see, if these matters came to the knowledge of

Pizarro, that he would feel inclined to take part with Huascar, especially

in consideration of the prodigious quantity of gold which had been offered

for his interference. He had remarked the extreme eagerness of the

Spaniards for the possession of gold, and feared that they would deprive

him of the kingdom, and give it his brother, and might put himself to

death, as an unjust usurper of the clear rights of another. Being disposed,

from these motives, to order his brother Huascar to be put to death, he

was only restrained from doing this immediately by one circumstance. He

had frequently heard from the Christians, that one of their principal laws,

which was most religiously observed, was, that all who were guilty of

murder were punished with death, whether the murder were committed by

themselves personally, or by others at their instigation. He resolved,

therefore, to sound Pizarro, and to discover his sentiments on this

subject, which he did with wonderful artifice and dissimulation. One day

he pretended to be overcome with extreme grief, weeping and sobbing, and

refusing to eat or drink, or to speak with any one. When Pizarro inquired

the cause of this distress, he allowed himself to be long intreated before

he would give any reason of his sorrow. At length, as if overcome by

solicitation, he said, "That he had just received intelligence that one of

his officers had put his brother Huascar to death, by which news he was

entirely overcome with grief, as he had always entertained the warmest and

most respectful affection for him, not only as his eldest brother, but in

a great measure as his father and sovereign. That although he had taken

Huascar prisoner, he not only had no intention of using him ill in his

person, but did not even mean to deprive him of the kingdom: his sole

object being to oblige him to give up the possession of the kingdom of

Quito, according to the last will of their father, Huana Capac; who had

made a conquest of that country, which was beyond the boundary of the

hereditary empire of the incas, and which consequently their father had an

undoubted right to dispose of in his favour." Pizarro endeavoured to

console the pretended affliction of Atahualpa, by assuring him, when peace

and good order re-established in the empire, that he would make a strict

inquiry into the circumstances of the death of Huascar, and would severely

punish all who had participated in the crime.

When Atahualpa found that Pizarro took up this affair with so much

coolness and moderation, he resolved to execute his design, and sent

immediate orders to his officers who had the custody of Huascar to put him

to death. So promptly were these orders obeyed, that it was difficult to

ascertain in the sequel whether the excessive grief of Atahualpa was

feigned, and whether it preceded or followed the death of his brother

Huascar. Most of the soldiers blamed Soto and Barco for this unhappy event:

not considering the necessity of every one to obey the orders of their

superiors with exactness, according to their instructions, especially in

time of war, without assuming the liberty of making any alteration or

modification according to circumstances in their own opinion, unless they

have express and formal discretionary power.

It was currently reported among the Peruvians, that when Huascar learnt he

was to be put to death by order of his brother, he made the following

observation: "I have been only a short while sovereign of this country,

but my faithless brother, by whose orders I am to die, will not be longer

a king than I have been." When the Peruvians soon afterwards saw Atahualpa

put to death, conformable to this prediction, they believed Huascar to

have been a true son of the sun. It is reported also, that Huascar should

have said, when his father Huana Capac took his last leave of him, he

foretold "That white men with long beards would soon come into Peru, and

advised him to treat them as friends, as they would become masters of the

kingdom." Huana Capac may have received some intimation of this future

circumstance from the demons; and that the more readily, that Pizarro had

been on the coast of Peru before his death, and had even begun to make

some conquests.

While Pizarro continued to reside in Caxamarca, he sent out his brother

Ferdinand with a party of cavalry to discover the country, who went as far

as Pachacamac, about a hundred leagues from Caxamarca. In the district of

Huamachucos, Ferdinand met with Hlescas, one of the brothers of Atahualpa,

who was escorting a prodigious quantity of gold to Caxamarca, part of the

ransom of the captive inca, to the value of two or three millions at the

least, without counting an immense quantity of silver[17]. He continued

his journey from Huamachucos to Pachacamac, not far to the south of where

Lima now stands, through several difficult and dangerous passes; when he

learnt that one of the generals of Atahualpa, named Cilicuchima was

stationed with a large army at a place about forty leagues from thence.

Ferdinand Pizarro sent a message to the Peruvian general to request that

he would come to speak with him; and as Cilicuchima refused, Ferdinand

took the resolution to wait upon him in person. This was considered by

many as extremely rash and imprudent, to trust himself in the hands of a

barbarous and powerful enemy. He was successful however in the attempt, as

by various representations and promises, he prevailed on the Peruvian

general to dismiss his army, and to go along with him to Caxamarca to

wait upon his sovereign Atahualpa. To shorten their journey, they took a

very difficult route through mountains covered with snow, where they were

in danger of perishing with cold.

On arriving at Caxamarca, before entering into the presence of Atahualpa,

Cilicuchima bared his feet and carried a present to his sovereign after

the custom of the country, and said to him weeping, that if he had been

along with him, the Spaniards should not have been allowed to make him a

prisoner. Atahualpa answered, that his captivity was a punishment from the

gods, whom he had not honoured and respected as he ought to have done; but

that his defeat and capture were chiefly owing to the cowardice and flight

of Ruminagui with his 5000 men, who ought to have succoured him when

attacked by the Spaniards.

While Don Francisco Pizarro was in the province of Poecho between Tumbez

and Payta, before he marched to Caxamarca, he received a letter without

any signature, which it was afterwards learnt had been sent to him by the

secretary of Don Diego de Almagro. He was informed by this letter, that

Almagro had fitted out a large ship and several smaller vessels with a

considerable number of soldiers, in which he proposed to sail beyond the

country of which Pizarro had taken possession, and to reduce the best

portion of Peru under his own authority, as beyond the government which

had been granted to Pizarro by his majesty, which only extended 200

leagues to the south of the equator[18]. The governor had never shewn his

patents to any person[19]; yet it was currently reported that Almagro

actually left Panama with the intention of carrying that design into

execution; but on arriving at Puertoviejo, and learning the amazing

successes of Pizarro, and the prodigious quantities of gold and silver he

had already acquired, the half of which he considered as belonging to him,

he changed his purpose, and marched with all his people to Caxamarca to

join Pizarro. On his arrival there, the greater part of the ransom of

Atahualpa was already brought, and Almagro and his followers were filled

with astonishment and admiration at the sight of the prodigious masses of

gold and silver which were there collected, more than they thought could

have been in any part of the world.

When all this gold and silver was melted down, weighed and essayed, it was

found to amount to the amazing sum of six hundred millions of _maravedies_,

or more than 4,500,000 livres. It is true that the proof or essay of this

gold was made hurriedly, and only by means of the touchstone, as they had

no _aqua fortis_ to conduct the process in a more exact manner. It

afterwards appeared that this gold had been estimated two or three

_carats_ below its real value; so that the whole amount ought to have been

reckoned at _seven_ millions of maravedies, or 5,250,000 livres. The

quantity of silver was so large, that the royal fifth amounted to 30,000

marks of fine silver, most of which was afterwards found to contain two or

three carats of gold. The royal fifth of the gold amounted to 120 millions

of maravedies, or 900,000 livres. Each horseman received for his share in

gold, without counting the silver 240 marks or 12,000 pesos, equal to

80,000 francs. The shares of the horsemen were a quarter part larger than

those of the foot soldiers. Yet all these sums did not amount to a fifth

part of what Atahualpa had engaged to pay for his ransom. Those who had

come along with Almagro, though considerable both from their rank and

number, certainly had no just title to demand any share in the treasure

which Atahualpa paid for his ransom, as they had no share in his capture;

yet the general assigned each of them 20 marks, or 1000 pesos, as a

donative to keep them in good humour.

Pizarro thought it now incumbent upon him to send intelligence to his

majesty of the success of his enterprize, for which purpose he sent over

his brother Ferdinand to Spain; and as when he departed, the precious

metals had not been melted or proved, so that it was impossible to

ascertain what was the exact share belonging to the king, two thousand

marks of gold and twenty thousand marks of silver, were set apart for this

purpose[20]. In making the selection of articles to be sent to Spain, the

largest and finest pieces were chosen, that they might have a grander

appearance: Among these were several large vessels of various kinds and

for different uses, together with figures of men and women and various

animals. When Atahualpa learnt that Ferdinand Pizarro was to embark for

Spain he was much afflicted, having a great affection for that gentleman,

in whom he reposed implicit confidence; and when Ferdinand came to take

leave, he said to him, "I am sore afflicted at your departure, for I am

much afraid the big-belly and the blinkard will put me to death in your

absence." By the former he meant Requelme the treasurer, who was very fat,

and by the latter Almagro, who had lost an eye, whom he had observed

frequently to mutter against him, for certain reasons, which will appear

in the sequel.

As Atahualpa suspected, Ferdinand Pizarro had not been long gone, when the

death of the unfortunate prince began to be talked of among the Spaniards.

This was brought about by the suggestions of an Indian named Philippillo,

who had accompanied the general into Spain, and now served him as an

interpreter with the Peruvians. He pretended that Atahualpa had secretly

laid a plan for destroying all the Spaniards; for which purpose he had a

great number of armed men concealed in various places, meaning to employ

them when a favourable opportunity occurred. The proofs and examination of

facts and circumstances respecting this alleged plot, had all to come

through Philippillo, as the only one who knew both languages; and he gave

such a turn to every thing as best suited his own views and purposes.

Accordingly the Spaniards were never able perfectly to discover the truth,

or to penetrate entirely into his motives for this procedure. It has been

alleged by some persons, that Philippillo had become amorous of one of the

wives of Atahualpa, with whom he even had a criminal intercourse, and

expected to secure the quiet possession of his mistress by the death of

that unfortunate prince. It was even reported that Atahualpa had come to

the knowledge of that amour, and had complained to Pizarro of the criminal

and even treasonable conduct of the paramours; which, by the laws of Peru,

could only be expiated by burning the guilty persons, putting to death all

their near relations, destroying all their cattle and substance, laying

waste the place of their birth, and sowing salt on the place, so as to

render the memory of the crime infamous for ever.

It has been alleged by others that the death of Atahualpa was occasioned

by the solicitations and intrigues of those newly arrived Spaniards who

accompanied Almagro, who considered his continuing to live as prejudicial

to their interests. The soldiers of Pizarro who were with him when

Atahualpa was taken prisoner, insisted that those who came with Almagro

had no right to participate in any part of the treasure given or to be

given on account of his ransom, and could not justly pretend to any share

of what might be collected until all that Atahualpa had promised was

entirely paid up. The soldiers of Almagro, on the other hand, believed it

to be for their interest that Atahualpa should be removed out of the way;

since as long as he might live, the soldiers of Pizarro would always

pretend that all the treasure which might be procured formed part of his

ransom, so that they would never come in for any share. However this might

be, the death of that unfortunate prince was resolved on, and even this

determination was communicated to him. Astonished at this fatal

intelligence, of which he had never entertained the slightest suspicion,

Atahualpa urged his merciless conquerors to confine him rather in a

stricter captivity, or even to put him on board their ships. "I know not,"

said he, "how you can possibly suppose me so stupid as to think of any

treachery against you in my present situation. How can you believe those

troops which you say are assembled, have been called together by my orders

or by my consent? Am I not a prisoner, in chains, and in your hands? And

is it not easy for you to put me to death whenever these pretended troops

make their appearance? If you believe that my subjects will undertake any

thing against you without my consent, you are ill informed of the absolute

authority I possess over all my subjects, and the perfect obedience which

it is their glory to render me on all occasions. So to speak, the birds do

not dare to fly, nor the leaves to move upon the trees without my orders;

and how then shall my subjects presume to go to war against you without my

consent."

All that he could urge was of no avail, as his death was absolutely

resolved upon, although he offered to place hostages of the highest

consideration in the hands of the Spaniards, whose lives should be

answerable for any of the Christians who might be slain or ill treated by

his subjects. Besides the suspicions already mentioned, which were alleged

against Atahualpa, it is said that he was accused of the death of his

brother Huascar. He was condemned to die, and his sentence was executed

without delay. In his distress, he was continually repeating the name of

Ferdinand Pizarro; saying, if he had been present, he would not have

allowed him to be thus unjustly put to death. Shortly before his death, he

was persuaded by Pizarro and Valverde to submit to the ceremony of

baptism[21].

"While Almagro and his followers openly demanded the life of Atahualpa,

and Philippillo laboured to ruin him by private machinations, that unhappy

prince inadvertently contributed to hasten his own fate. During his

confinement he had attached himself with peculiar affection to Ferdinand

Pizarro and Hernando Soto; who, as they were persons of birth and

education superior to the rough adventurers with whom they served, were

accustomed to behave with more decency and attention to the captive

monarch. Soothed with this respect from persons of such high rank, he

delighted in their society. But in the presence of the governor he was

always uneasy and overawed. This dread soon came to be mingled with

contempt. Among all the European arts, that which he most admired, was

reading and writing; and he long deliberated with himself, whether he

should regard it as a natural or acquired talent. In order to determine

this, he desired one of the soldiers who guarded him, to write the name of

God on the nail of his thumb. This he shewed successively to several

Spaniards, asking its meaning; and, to his amazement, they all, without

hesitation, gave the same answer. At length Pizarro entered; and on

presenting it to him, he blushed, and with some confusion was obliged to

acknowledge his ignorance. From that moment, Atahualpa considered him as a

mean person, less instructed than his own soldiers; and he had not address

enough to conceal the sentiments with which this discovery inspired him.

To be the object of scorn to a barbarian, not only mortified the pride of

Pizarro; but excited such resentment in his breast, as added force to all

the other considerations which prompted him to put the Inca to death."

"But in order to give some colour of justice to this violent action, and

that he himself might be exempted from standing singly responsible for the

commission of it, Pizarro resolved to try the Inca with all the

formalities observed in the criminal courts of Spain. Pizarro himself and

Almagro, with two assistants, were appointed judges, with full power to

acquit or condemn; an attorney-general was named to carry on the

prosecution in the king's name; counsellors were chosen to assist the

prisoner in his defence; and clerks were ordained to record the

proceedings of court. Before this strange tribunal, a charge was exhibited

still more amazing. It consisted of various articles: That Atahualpa,

though a bastard, had dispossessed the rightful owner of the throne, and

usurped the regal power; that he had put his brother and lawful sovereign

to death; that he was an idolater, and had not only permitted, but

commanded the offering of human sacrifices; that he had a great number of

concubines; that since his imprisonment he had wasted and embezzled the

royal treasures, which now belonged of right to the conquerors; that he

had incited his subjects to take arms against the Spaniards. On these

heads of accusation, some of which are so ludicrous, and others so absurd,

that the effrontery of Pizarro, in making them the subject of a serious

procedure, is not less surprizing than his injustice, did this strange

court go on to try the sovereign of a great empire, over whom it had no

jurisdiction. With respect to each of the articles, witnesses were

examined; but as they delivered their evidence in their native tongue,

Philippillo had it in his power to give their words whatever turn best

suited his malevolent intentions. To judges pre-determined in their

opinion, this evidence appeared sufficient. They pronounced Atahualpa

guilty, and condemned him to be burnt alive. Friar Valverde prostituted

the authority of his sacred function to confirm this sentence, and by his

signature warranted it to be just. Astonished at his fate, Atahualpa

endeavoured to avert it by tears, by promises, and by entreaties that he

might be sent to Spain, where a monarch would be the arbiter of his lot.

But pity never touched the unfeeling heart of Pizarro. He ordered him to

be led instantly to execution; and, what added to the bitterness of his

last moments, the same monk who had just ratified his doom, offered to

console, and attempted to convert him. The most powerful argument Valverde

employed to prevail with him to embrace the Christian faith, was a promise

of mitigation in his punishment. The dread of a cruel death extorted from

the trembling victim a desire of receiving baptism. The ceremony was

performed; and Atahualpa, instead of being burnt alive, was strangled at

the stake."

Ruminagui, one of the captains under Atahualpa, who had fled with five

thousand men from Caxamarca, as already related, having arrived in the

kingdom of Quito, seized the children of Atahualpa, and made himself

master of that country as if he had been the lawful sovereign. A short

time before his death, Atahualpa had sent his brother Illescas into the

kingdom of Quito, with orders to bring his children from thence; but

Ruminagui not only refused to deliver them up, but even put them all to

death. After the death of Atahualpa, some of his principal officers,

according to his dying commands, carried his body to Quito that it might

be interred beside the remains of his father Huana capac. Ruminagui

received them in the most honourable manner, with every outward mark of

affection and respect, and caused the body of Atahualpa to be buried with

much pomp and solemnity, according to the custom of the country. After the

ceremony, he gave a grand entertainment to the officers of the late

unfortunate monarch, at which, when they were intoxicated, he caused them

all to be put to death, together with Illescas the brother of Atahualpa.

He caused this person to be flead alive, and had a drum covered with his

skin, inclosing his head in the inside of the drum.

After the governor Pizarro had made a repartition of all the gold and

silver which was found in Caxamarca, he learned that one of the officers

of Atahualpa, named Quizquiz, had assembled some troops in the province of

_Xauxa_[22], and endeavoured to excite an insurrection in the country.

Pizarro therefore marched against him, but Quizquiz durst not wait for him

in Xauxa, and retreated to a greater distance. Pizarro pursued, causing

Hernando de Soto to lead the van with a party of horse, while he led the

rear or main body himself. While advancing in this order into the province

of _Vilcacinga_[23], Soto was unexpectedly attacked by a vast body of

Peruvians, and in great danger of being totally defeated, five or six of

his men being slain; but on the approach of night, the Peruvians retreated

to a mountain, and the governor sent on Almagro with a reinforcement of

cavalry to Soto. Early next morning the fight was resumed, and the

Spaniards endeavoured to draw the Peruvians into the plain, by pretending

to retreat, that they might not be exposed to the prodigious quantity of

stones which the Indians hurled down upon them from the mountain. The

Peruvians seemed aware of this stratagem, as they continued to defend

their position on the mountain; though they were not apprized of the

reinforcement which Soto had received, as the morning was thick and misty.

Being unable to induce their enemies to descend from their advantageous

situation, the Spaniards assailed the Peruvians with so much resolution,

that they drove them from their position with considerable slaughter, and

forced them to take to flight.

At this place, a brother of the late Incas, Huascar and Atahualpa, named

_Paul_ Inca_[24], came to Pizarro under pretence of entering into terms of

peace and submission. After the death of his brothers, this prince had

been recognised as king of Peru, and had been invested with the fringed

fillet, which answered among the Peruvians as the crown or emblem of

supreme rule. The Inca told the governor that he had a very considerable

force of warriors in Cuzco, all of whom only waited his arrival to submit

to his orders. Pizarro accordingly marched towards that city, and arrived

within sight of it after several days march. So thick a smoke was seen to

arise from the city, that Pizarro suspected the Peruvians had set it on

fire, and immediately sent on a detachment of cavalry to endeavour if

possible to prevent the destruction of the city. On their arrival near

Cuzco, a vast body of Peruvians issued from the city and attacked them

with great violence, with stones, darts, and other arms; insomuch that the

Spaniards were forced to retreat above a league to rejoin the main body of

the army which was commanded by Pizarro in person. He immediately detached

the greater part of his cavalry under the command of his brothers Juan and

Gonzalo, who attacked the enemy with so much courage and impetuosity, that

they were soon defeated and many Peruvians were slain in the pursuit. On

the approach of night, Pizarro reassembled all his army, which he ordered

to lie on their arms; and marched next morning with every precaution to

Cuzco, which he entered without opposition.

After remaining twenty days in Cuzco, Pizarro was informed that the

Peruvian General Quizquiz had drawn together a considerable body of

warriors, with whom he pillaged and raised contributions in a province

named _Condefugo_[25]. The governor detached Hernando Soto with fifty

horsemen against Quizquiz, who did not think proper to await his arrival;

but he took the resolution of marching to Xauxa or Jauja, on purpose to

attack the baggage and royal treasure belonging to the Spaniards, which

had been left there with a guard, under the care of Requelme the treasurer.

Although the Spanish troops in Xauxa were few in number, they posted

themselves in a strong position, waiting the attack of Quizquiz, and

defended themselves so courageously that he was unable to make any

impression upon them, and accordingly drew off his troops, taking the road

to Quito. The governor sent Soto after him with his detachment of cavalry,

and soon afterwards sent off his two brothers, Juan and Gonzalo, to

reinforce Soto. These three Spanish captains pursued Quizquiz above a

hundred leagues, but were unable to come up with him, and returned

therefore to Cuzco.

In that ancient capital of the Peruvian empire, Pizarro and the Spaniards

found a prodigious booty in gold and silver, not less in value than all

they had collected at Caxamarca for the ransom of Atahualpa. He made a

division of this among his soldiers, and settled a colony in Cuzco, which

had long been the capital of the Peruvian empire, and continued to be so

for a considerable time under the Spaniards. He likewise made a

repartition of Indians among such Spaniards as chose to settle in the

place as colonists: Only a few, however, chose to avail themselves of

their advantage; as a considerable proportion of the Spaniards were better

pleased to return into Spain, that they might enjoy in repose the treasure

which they had acquired at Caxamarca and Cuzco, than to remain in Peru.

"The riches displayed by the early conquerors of Peru on their return

among their astonished countrymen, had so great an effect to induce others

to try their fortunes in that golden region, that the governors of

Guatimala, Panama, and Nicaragua could hardly restrain the people under

their jurisdiction from abandoning their possessions, and crowding to that

inexhaustible source of wealth which seemed to be opened in Peru. In spite

of every check or regulation, such numbers resorted to the standard of

Pizarro, that he was soon enabled to take the field at the head of five

hundred men, besides leaving sufficient garrisons in San Miguel and other

places necessary for the defence of his conquests[26]".

It has been already said that Pizarro, soon after his arrival in Peru,

established a settlement at the town of San Miguel in the province of

Tangarara, not far from the harbour of Tumbez[27], as a secure place of

disembarkation for those who came to join him from Spain. While he still

remained at Caxamarca after the death of Atahualpa, on recollection that

he had left a weak garrison in San Miguel, the governor thought proper to

send a reinforcement of ten horsemen to that place under the command of

Benalcazar. Soon after his arrival, a considerable number of Spanish

soldiers came there from Panama and Nicaragua, and as the Cagnares made

loud complaints to him that they were oppressed by Ruminagui and the

Peruvians of Quito, Benalcazar chose two hundred of the new recruits,

eighty of whom were cavalry, with whom he marched for Quito, because he

was informed that Atahualpa had left a large quantity of gold in that city,

and that he might likewise protect the Cagnares, who had declared

themselves the friends of the Spaniards. Ruminagui advanced with an army

of more than twelve thousand Peruvians to defend the defiles of the

mountains leading towards the kingdom of Quito, which he endeavoured to do

with considerable judgment, taking advantage of the nature of the ground,

and fighting only in places of difficult approach. Benalcazar, on his side

likewise, joined stratagem and military conduct to courage and prudence;

for, while he occupied the attention of the enemy by frequent skirmishes,

and demonstrations of attacking them in front, he detached one of his

officers with fifty or sixty horsemen, who gained possession of a

commanding post during the night on the rear of the Peruvians, so that he

was able next morning to render himself easily master of the pass they had

endeavoured to defend. In this way, Benalcazar gradually drove the enemy

from their strong ground into the plain of Quito, where they were unable

to withstand the charge of the cavalry and suffered considerably.

Ruminagui still endeavoured to make head in several different posts, which

he carefully forfeited with concealed pit-falls, digging for this purpose

broad and deep ditches, in the bottom of which a number of pointed stakes

were set up, the whole covered over with green turf held up by slender

twigs, somewhat like those described by Caesar as contrived by the

inhabitants of Alesia. But all the contrivances of the Peruvians for

surprizing Benalcazar, or for drawing him into their snares were quite

unavailing. He avoided them all, and never attacked on the side they

expected; often making a circuit of several leagues so as to attack them

unexpectedly on the flank and rear, and always carefully avoiding every

piece of ground that had not a natural appearance. The Peruvians tried

another stratagem, on seeing the former miscarry: They dug a great number

of small pits close to each other, about the size of a horses foot, in

every place around their camp where they thought the cavalry might come to

attack them. But all their arts and labour were useless, as Benalcazar was

never off his guard, and was not to be deceived by any of their

contrivances, so that they were at last driven all the way to the city of

Quito. It is reported of Ruminagui, that one day after his arrival in

Quito, where he had a great number of wives, that he told them they might

soon expect to have the pleasure of seeing the Christians, with whom they

would have the opportunity of diverting themselves; and that, believing

him in jest, they laughed heartily at the news, on which he caused most of

them to be put to death. After this cruel deed, he set fire to a large

apartment filled with rich dresses and valuable moveables belonging to the

late Inca Huana Capac, and retired from Quito, having first made another

unsuccessful attempt to surprise the Spaniards by a night attack, after

which Benalcazar made himself master of Quito with very little opposition.

While these things were going on in the kingdom of Quito, the governor

Pizarro received information that Don Pedro de Alvarado, who was governor

of Guatimala, had embarked with a considerable force for Peru, on which

account he deemed it proper to detach some troops under Almagro to San

Miguel, to inquire into the truth of that report and to prevent the

invasion of his government. As Almagro on his arrival at San Miguel could

get no distinct accounts of the motions of Alvarado, and was informed of

the resistance made to Benalcazar in the kingdom of Quito by Ruminagui, he

accordingly marched there with his troops and formed a junction with

Benalcazar, assuming the command of the combined forces, after which he

reduced several districts and fortified stations of the natives. But, as

he did not find any gold in that country, which was by no means so rich as

he thought he had reason to expect from report, he soon afterwards

returned towards Cuzco, leaving the command in Quito to Benalcazar.

After the conquest of New Spain by the Marquis del Valle, he detached one

of his captains named Don Pedro de Alvarado to a neighbouring country

called Guatimala; which that officer accordingly reduced to subjection

after much trouble and many dangers, and, as a reward of his services, was

appointed to the government of that province by the king of Spain. On

receiving intelligence of the riches of the newly discovered empire of

Peru, Alvarado solicited permission from the emperor Don Carlos to be

permitted to undertake the conquest of some part of that country, beyond

the bounds that had been granted to Pizarro, and received a patent to that

effect. Having received authority for this purpose, while he was making

preparations for the expedition, he sent one of his officers, named

Garcias Holguin, with two ships to examine the coast of Peru, and to gain

some precise intelligence respecting its actual state. From the report of

Holgum respecting the immense quantities of gold which the governor Don

Francisco Pizarro had found in that country, Alvarado was encouraged to

proceed in his enterprize; flattering himself, that while Pizarro and his

troops were occupied at Caxamarca, he might be able to acquire possession

of Cuzco[28], which he considered as beyond the two hundred and fifty

leagues which had been assigned as the extent of the government conferred

upon Pizarro. For the better execution of his design, and lest

reinforcements might be sent from Nicaragua to Pizarro, he came by sea to

that place one night, where he made himself master of two large ships

which had been fitted out there expressly for the purpose of carrying a

large reinforcement of men and horses to Peru. In these two ships, and in

those which he brought with him from Guatimala, Alvarado set sail with

five hundred men, cavalry and infantry, and landed on the coast of South

America at the harbour of Puerto Viejo.

From Puerto Viejo, Alvarado marched almost due east with his army,

crossing those mountains which separate the plain country of Guayaquil

from the table land of Quito, which the Spaniards call the _Arcabucos_,

being thickly covered with brushwood, but over which the road is tolerably

easy and only moderately steep, being almost under the equator. In this

march his men suffered extremely from hunger and thirst, as the country

through which they went was very barren, and had neither springs nor

rivulets. The only relief they could procure was from certain large canes

as thick as a mans leg, in each of the joints of which they usually found

rather more than a quart of excellent water. They were so much distressed

by famine on this march as to be under the necessity of eating several of

their horses, the flesh of which sold so high that a dead horse brought

more money on this occasion than he had cost when living. Besides thirst

and famine, they were very much distressed during a considerable part of

the way by quantities of hot ashes falling upon them, which they

afterwards learnt were thrown up by a volcano in the neighbourhood of

Quito, which burns with such violence that its ashes are often carried by

the wind to the distance of eighty leagues, and its noise like prodigious

thunder is sometimes heard at a hundred leagues from Quito. In the whole

march, which was nearly under the equinoctial line, the troops of Alvarado

found everywhere abundance of emeralds. After a long and difficult march

through these _arcabucos_, where they were for the most part obliged to

cut their way through the thick brushwood by means of axes and their

swords, they came at length to a high chain of mountains covered with snow,

over which it was necessary to pass. In this difficult and dangerous

passage by an extremely narrow road, it snowed almost continually, and the

cold was so extremely severe, that although every one put on all the

clothes they had along with them, more than sixty men perished from the

extreme severity of the weather. One of the soldiers happened to be

accompanied by his wife and two young children, and seeing them entirely

worn out with fatigue, while he was unable to assist them, he preferred to

remain with them and perish, although he might have saved himself. At

length, after infinite toil and danger, they found that they had reached

the top of the mountain, and began joyfully to descend into the lower

grounds of the kingdom of Quito. It is true that in this country they

found other high mountains covered likewise with snow, as the province is

entirely surrounded and interspersed with mountains; but then there are

many temperate vallies among these mountains, which are well peopled and

cultivated. About this time, so great a quantity of snow melted suddenly

on one of these mountains, producing such prodigious torrents of water,

that the valley and village of _Contiega_ were entirely overwhelmed and

inundated. These torrents bring down immense quantities of stones, and

even vast fragments of rock, with as much ease as if they were only pieces

of cork.

It has been already said that Almagro had left Benalcazar in the

government of Quito, meaning to return to Cuzco, because no intelligence

had reached him of the motions of Alvarado; and mention has been made of

his having reduced certain rocks and fortresses into which the Indians of

Quito had retired to defend themselves. This had occupied him so long,

that Alvarado had penetrated into the province of Quito before Almagro had

returned into the south of Peru, being still employed in reducing the

southern districts of Quito. He received the first intelligence of the

arrival of Alvarado while reducing the province of _Liribamba_[29], for

which purpose he had to pass a considerable river with much difficulty and

danger, as the Indians had destroyed the bridges, and waited on the other

side of the river to attack him while passing. He defeated them, though

with much difficulty, as the Indians were very numerous, and their wives

fought as bravely as the men, being very expert in slinging stones. In

this engagement the head cacique of the Indians was made prisoner, and

from him Almagro got the first intelligence of the arrival of Alvarado,

who was then only at the distance of about sixty miles, employed in

reducing an Indian fortress into which one of the captains of the Indians

had retired, whose name was Zopazopaqui. On receiving this news, Almagro

sent seven horsemen to inquire into its truth, and to bring him exact

information of the strength and intentions of Alvarado. These were all

made prisoners by the troops of Alvarado, who liberated them some time

afterwards. Alvarado advanced with his troops within less than twenty

miles of the camp of Almagro, who, considering the great superiority in

number possessed by Alvarado, formed the resolution of returning to Cuzco

with an escort of twenty-five horse, and to leave the remainder of his

troops under Benalcazar for the defence of the country.

At this time, Philipillo, the Indian interpreter who has been already

mentioned as the cause of the death of Atahualpa, fearing to incur the

punishment of his treachery, fled from the camp of Almagro to that of

Alvarado, taking along with him a principal Peruvian cacique. These men

had concerted with most of the Peruvian _curacas_ or chiefs who

accompanied Almagro, to hold themselves and their people in readiness to

abandon him and to join Alvarado at the earliest notice sent them for that

purpose. Immediately on his arriving in the presence of Alvarado,

Philipillo offered to make him master of the whole country, informing him

at the same time of the design of Almagro to retire to Cuzco, and that if

he chose to attack him without delay he might easily make him prisoner, as

he had only about eighty horsemen and a hundred and fifty infantry. On

this advice, Alvarado marched immediately to attack Almagro, whom he found

at Liribamba, resolved to defend himself bravely, and to die fighting

rather than fly. Almagro had thrown up intrenchments for his defence,

having divided his small party into two bands, one of which he commanded

in person, and placed the other under the command of Benalcazar. Alvarado

marched up with his troops in order of battle; but when just on the point

of commencing the attack, certain propositions of peace were made, and a

truce was agreed upon for the rest of the day and the following night, on

purpose to agree upon conditions[30]. In a conferrence for this purpose,

an agreement was entered into, which was greatly forwarded by a licentiate

named Caldera. It was agreed that Almagro should pay to Alvarado 100,000

pesos, or 2000 marks of gold[31], as an equivalent for the expences he had

incurred in fitting out his expedition, and that the two commanders should

go together to Pizarro, for the purpose of procuring the necessary funds

for payment of this agreement. The conditions were kept secret, lest the

companions of Alvarado might prevent their execution, as their interest

had been entirely overlooked in this agreement. It was therefore given out

that Alvarado was to embark with his people to make farther discovery of

the country, leaving that part which was already occupied and conquered by

the Spaniards, and permission was given to all who thought proper that

they might remain at Quito with Benalcazar. A considerable number of the

followers of Alvarado availed themselves of this permission, and others

accompanied him and Almagro to Pachacamac, where they were informed

Pizarro had gone from Xauxa expressly to receive them. Before leaving the

province of Quito, Almagro ordered the _curaca_ who deserted from him

along with Philipillo to be burnt alive, and would have treated the

interpreter in the same manner, but Alvarado interceded for him, and

obtained his pardon.

While Almagro and Alvarado were on their march from the province of Quito

for Pachacamac, the _curaca_ or chief of the Cagnares, informed them that

the Peruvian general Quizquiz had assembled an army of above 12,000 men,

with which he had collected all the people and cattle of the country

between and Xauxa, and intended attacking them on their march. This chief

added, that if they would delay their march for some time, he would

contrive a plan for delivering Quizquiz into their hands. Almagro was not

disposed to put too much confidence in this proposal, and continued his

journey. On arriving in the province of _Chaparra_[32], they unexpectedly

fell in with above two thousand Peruvian warriors commanded by a curaca

named Sotaurco. This was the advanced guard of Quizquiz, whose main body

was two or three days march in the rear. Quizquiz had a similar detachment

at a considerable distance on his left flank, on purpose to raise

contributions of provisions from the inhabitants of the country for the

subsistence of his army; and had besides a rear guard of three or four

thousand warriors, two days march behind. The main body under his own

immediate command escorted all the cattle which had been collected on the

march, and great numbers of prisoners, so that his whole army occupied a

space of above sixty miles of country.

Sotaurco, the commander of the Peruvian vanguard, endeavoured to gain

possession of a defile or pass in the mountains, by which he supposed the

Spaniards intended to march; but Almagro not only prevented the execution

of that project by seizing the pass, but even made Sotaurco prisoner. From

him Almagro was informed of the order of march observed by Quizquiz, and

determined to make a forced march with all his cavalry to attack him. In

this march, at a steep stoney pass near a river which it was necessary to

pass, most of the horses lost their shoes; and as it was in the night, the

Spaniards had to replace them as well as they could by the light of fires

and candles. Being afraid lest Quizquiz might be informed of their

approach by some of the natives of the country, Almagro continued his

march with all possible expedition, and towards the evening of the second

day of his march he came in sight of the Peruvian camp.

Immediately on seeing the Spaniards, Quizquiz withdrew to some distance

with all the women and people who were unfit for battle, and placed his

troops in a post of very difficult access under the command of _Huaypalca_,

a brother of the late inca Atahualpa. Almagro advanced without hesitation

to attack them, although the horses were so weary that they were hardly

able to move though led mostly by the soldiers; besides which the

Peruvians rolled down upon them from the mountain great quantities of

large stones and fragments of rock. In spite of every obstacle, the

Spaniards made their way to the post occupied by Huaypalca, which they

attacked both in front and flank, and forced him to retire among the steep

rocks, where he defended himself till night, and then drew off under cover

of the darkness to rejoin Quizquiz. Sometime afterwards, it was learnt

that the detached party of Peruvians which marched on the left of Quizquiz,

had made prisoners of fourteen Spaniards, all of whom they put to death.

Almagro, in continuing his march, was opposed by the Peruvian rear-guard

at the passage of a river, so that he was unable to get over for a whole

day. Besides occupying the opposite bank of the river, the Peruvians had

taken possession of a very high mountain immediately above the place

occupied by the Spaniards, so that they were unable to attack the enemy

without exposing themselves to great danger; and indeed a good many of the

Spaniards were wounded, among whom Alfonso de Alvarado was pierced quite

through the thigh by a javelin, and another officer of rank was severely

wounded. The Peruvians kept firm all night, but in the morning they

abandoned their post on the banks of the river, leaving the passage free

for the Spaniards. The Indians had burnt all the baggage which they could

not carry off, but above 15,000 Peruvian sheep were found in their camp,

and more than four thousand Indian men and women, of those whom Quizquiz

had made prisoners, who now voluntarily surrendered themselves to the

Spaniards. The Peruvian warriors had retired to a strong post on the top

of a mountain, where Almagro did not think fit to attack them, as he was

desirous to continue his march to the south.

On their arrival at San Miguel, Almagro sent the Captain Diego de Mora to

Puerto Viejo, to take the charge of the vessels belonging to Alvarado, who

likewise sent Garcias de Holguin on his part, that this measure might be

executed amicably according to agreement. After giving all the necessary

orders at San Miguel, and having provided his own men and those of

Alvarado with arms, money, and clothes, he and Alvarado continued their

journey towards Pachacamac. In the course of this march, he left Captain

Martin Astete to build and settle a town now called Truxillo, in a

convenient situation on the coast, in pursuance of orders to that effect

from the governor Don Francisco Pizarro.

About this time Quizquiz, having continued his march towards Quito, had

his advanced guard attacked and defeated by one of the officers belonging

to Benalcazar. Quizquiz was much afflicted by this loss, and knew not well

what to do or how to conduct himself. The curacas or native chiefs in his

army advised him to make his peace with Benalcazar; but he would not

listen to this proposal, even threatening to put them to death if they

ever mentioned such a thing again, and ordered them to prepare for

returning into Peru. But, as they were in want of provisions, and had no

hopes of procuring any in the retreat which Quizquiz meditated, several of

the _curacas_, at the head of whom was Huaypalca, remonstrated with him

that it was better to die like brave men in battle against the Spaniards,

than to retreat as he desired and to die of famine in a desert country. As

Quizquiz gave a very unsatisfactory answer to this remonstrance, Huaypalca

gave him a thrust in the breast with his lance, and all the other curacas

fell upon him with their clubs and axes, cutting him to pieces. After this

they dismissed the troops, allowing every one to go where he pleased.

On the arrival of Almagro and Alvarado at Pachacamac, they were joyfully

received by the governor, who had come there from Xauxa to meet them.

Pizarro honourably fulfilled the entire agreement which Almagro had made

with Alvarado, by the payment of the stipulated sum of 100,000 gold pesos;

though several persons remonstrated against paying so large a sum, and

alleged that Almagro had been constrained to enter into the agreement by

necessity, and that Alvarado, instead of receiving so much money, deserved

to be sent prisoner into Spain, for having invaded the government

belonging to another person. After receiving the money, Alvarado returned

quietly to his government of Guatimala[33].

After the departure of Alvarado, the governor Pizarro began the

establishment of a colony or settlement in the district of Pachacamac,

which he named _Ciudad de los Reyes_, or the City of the Kings, otherwise

called Lima, to which place he removed the colonists whom he had formerly

established at Xauxa or Jauja; as the situation of Lima appeared to him

exceedingly well calculated for trade, being near the sea[34]. From that

place, Almagro went with a considerable force to Cuzco, and Pizarro

visited Truxillo on purpose to place that colony on a proper footing, by

making an equitable repartition of the lands and Indians among the

colonists.

While at Truxillo, Pizarro received information that Almagro was inclined

to take possession of the city of Cuzco, having been apprized by Ferdinand

Pizarro, who was sent to Spain, that his majesty had appointed him a

separate government extending a hundred leagues beyond the boundaries

which had been assigned to Pizarro, and which Almagro alleged were

considerably to the north of Cuzco. Juan and Gonzalo Pizarro, brothers of

the governor, who were then in Cuzco, and several other persons of

consideration, vigorously opposed Almagro and Hernando Soto, who took the

part of Almagro, and a civil war seemed on the point of breaking out: But

Almagro was unable to succeed in his design, as the great majority of the

senators or members of the Cabildo took the part of the governor and his

brothers. Immediately on receiving intelligence of these disputes, Pizarro

posted with all expedition to Cuzco, where he soon re-established

tranquillity by his presence. He pardoned Almagro, who was much ashamed of

having occasioned so much confusion by attempting a matter of such high

importance on such slight grounds as a mere hearsay or report. The ancient

friendship and association between Pizarro and Almagro was renewed, and it

was agreed that Almagro should go with a military force on discovery to

the south, and if he found any country worth taking possession of, that

the associates were to use their joint interest at the court of Spain to

procure the government of it for him; but, if no good country were to be

found, the government of Peru was then to be divided between Pizarro and

Almagro. This agreement was solemnly ratified by oath upon the consecrated

host, pledging themselves never to attempt in future to do any thing

contrary to the interests of each other. Some have said that Almagro, on

this occasion, swore that he would never make any future attempt upon

Cuzco, or any part of the country to the distance of a hundred and thirty

leagues to the south of that city, even in the event of being named by the

king to to its government; and they add, that in addressing himself on

this occasion to the holy body of Christ, he used these words, "If I

should violate the oath which I now make, I pray, O Lord! that thou mayest

punish and confound me in body and soul."

After this solemn agreement; Almagro prepared everything for his departure,

and accordingly set out with above five hundred men, as shall be related

in the next section. Pizarro returned to Lima, whence he sent Alfonso de

Alvarado to conquer the country of the Chachapoyas, which is in the

mountainous region of Peru about sixty leagues from Truxillo. This officer

and his followers encountered much difficulty and labour in this

enterprize, in which they at length succeeded, by forming establishments

and reducing the inhabitants to submission; after which, the government of

the province was conferred upon Alvarado, by whom the conquest had been

effected.

[1] With regard to this person, the original French translator makes the

following observation: "Perhaps this is the person named Hernando de

Luque at the beginning of the first section, who is said to have been

one of the original adventurers in the enterprize. If so, the name of

de Luque on the former occasion may be an error of the press."--It

must be observed however, that Garcilasso de la Vega names the third

person of the original fraternity Hernando de Luque, and makes no

mention whatever of Ponce de Leon.--E.

[2] Neither Zarate nor Garcilasso mention the number of troops embarked on

this expedition, but we learn from Robertson, II. 206, that the whole

armament consisted of 180 soldiers, 36 of whom were horsemen.--E.

[3] According to Robertson, II. 293, Pizarro landed in the bay of St

Matthew. The distance of 100 Spanish leagues from Tumbez, mentioned by

Garcilasso as the intended place of landing, would lead us to the Rio

de Santjago in lat. 1° S. on the coast of Tacames or Esmeraldas.

Garcilasso says that Pizarro had two vessels, which he immediately

sent back to Panama. But these seem to have accompanied the march of

Pizarro to Coaque.--E.

[4] From the sequel, this place appears to have been in the province of

Tacames.--E.

[5] A species of gold coin worth 14 reals 18 maravedies. Garcilasso says

that Pizarro sent 24000 or 25000 ducats of gold to Almagro, part of

which was plunder, and part received in ransom for prisoners.--E.

[6] In making this small progress the whole of the year 1531 had been

employed, and the year 1532 was already begun before Pizarro left

Coaque.--Roberts. H. of Amer. II. 288.

[7] Perhaps that now called Mancora, intermediate between the river of

Tumbez and that of Piura. In this route Pizarro had to cross a

mountainous district, not mentioned by Zarate, called the hills of

Castro, Aguarro, and Pachini--E.

[8] Garcillasso suspects that this message must have come from some

_curaca_ in the interest of Huascar, who was then a prisoner to

Atahualpa.--E.

[9] San Miguel stands on the river Piuru, which runs into the sea upwards

of forty miles farther south than the Chira. This colony being

intended for a harbour to receive reinforcements, was probably first

established at the mouth of the river, where Sechura now stands. The

present town of San Miguel is near thirty miles from the sea--E.

[10] In this adventurous march into the interior of an extensive empire,

the forces commanded by Pizarro, who had now received several

reinforcements, consisted of 62 horsemen and 102 foot soldiers, twenty

of whom were armed with cross-bows, and only three carried muskets or

rather matchlocks.--Robertson, H. of Amer. II. 295. He appears also to

have had two small field-pieces.--E.

[11] This envoy would assuredly bring some other message; and accordingly

Robertson, II. 296, says that he offered an alliance, and a friendly

reception at Caxamarca. Garcilasso gives a long and vague account of

the object of this message, and enumerates many articles of provisions

and curiosities, and some rich presents of gold and silver dishes and

vases which were sent on this occasion by Atahualpa to Pizarro.--E.

[12] Robertson, II. 299, suppresses all mention of any hostile intentions

on the part of Atahualpa.--E.

[13] Robertson, note cxxx, justly observes, that the extravagant and

absurd discourse of Valverde, of which that given by Zarate in the

text is an epitome, is merely a translation or paraphrase of a form,

concerted in 1509 by a junto of Spanish lawyers and divines, for

directing the office employed in the New World how to take possession

of any new country.--E.

[14] In this engagement, or massacre rather, according to one Spanish

writer 2000 Peruvians were slain, while another author swells the

number to six or seven thousand, and a third says five thousand. Of

the Spaniards not one was even hurt except the general Pizarro, who

was wounded in the hand by one of his own soldiers.--Roberts. Hist. of

America. II. 302. and note cxxxi.

[15] Considerable even as this sum appears, it seems too small for the

sovereign of so vast an empire which abounded so much in gold; yet we

have no means of correcting the amount. Garcilasso however mentions

one piece of goid plate found in the baths of Atahualpa after the

battle worth 100,000 ducats; but his work is so strange a farrago of

confusion and absurdity as to bear very little authority.--E.

[16] The omission of the length and breadth of this room by Zarate, is

supplied by Robertson, ii. 503, from the other original Spanish

authors, who say the room was 22 feet long by 16 feet broad. The reach

of Atahualpa could not be less than. 7-1/2 feet, 2640 cubic feet of

gold, even heaped up of hollow vessels, must have produced a most

astonishing value of that precious metal; but there are no data on

which to calculate the numerical value of this imperial ransom, which

the Spaniards certainly meant to accept, but would never have

fulfilled the alternative.--E.

[17] The sum in the text is quite vaguely expressed; perhaps pieces of

eight reals, or dollars.--E.

[18] At 17-1/2 leagues to the degree, this government accorded to Pizarro,

would have reached from about Tacames to the lat. of 11° 25' S.

whereas the kingdom of Peru extends to lat. 21° 35' S. and its most

valuable and richest provinces would have fallen to the share of

Almagro.--E.

[19] This expression is entirely vague, and does not even say which

governor is meant. We shall see afterwards that this project of

Almagro to appropriate the southern part of Peru took place at a

subsequent period, and involved the recent conquest in long and

destructive civil wars.--E.

[20] Reckoning the mark at _eight_ ounces, the gold at L.4, and the silver

at 5s 6d. per oz. this royal fifth would come to L.108,000, and the

whole treasure to five times that sum, or L.540,000. But as the

precious metals were then worth at least _six_ times as much as now,

or would purchase _six_ times the amount of labour or necessaries,

this first fruit of the conquest of Peru exceeded the value of three

millions sterling.--E.

[21] Of this tragical event, the illustrious Historian of America, gives a

somewhat different account, II. 310, from Herrera and Garcilasso de la

Vega; which, as much too long for a note, is subjoined in the text to

the narrative of Zarate, and distinguished by inverted commas.--E.

[22] Probably the district now called Jauja: as the x and j have nearly

the same sound in Spanish with the aspirated Greek xi.--E.

[23] Apparently Guancavelica, in which is the town of Vilca-bamba.--E.

[24] This name of _Paul_ could hardly be Peruvian. Manco Capac, a full

brother of Huascar, had been recognized as Inca at Cuzco; perhaps the

person named Paul by Zarate, is the same prince who is called Paullu

by Gardilasso, and may have received that name in baptism at an after

period.--E.

[25] This it probably an error of the press for _Condesugo_. To the south

of Cusco, and in the plain of Peru, there are two contiguous districts

named the Condesuyos of Arequipa and Cusco, which are probably the

province alluded to in the text. The term seems Spanish; but it is not

unusual with Zarate to substitute posterior names to those of the

period concerning which he writes.--E.

[26] This paragraph is added from the history of America, II. 313, to the

text of Zarate, as necessary to account for the subsequent operations

of Pizarro, after the secession of a considerable part of his original

followers.--E.

[27] Tumbez seems here substituted by mistake for Payta. San Miguel is not

less than 130 miles from Tumbez, and only about 30 from Payta--E.

[28] From the subsequent operations of Alvarado, this seems an error of

the press for Quito.--E.

[29] Probably that now called Riobamba by the Spaniards, about 100 miles

south from Quito.--E.

[30] Garcilasso says that the soldiers of both armies, being mostly

natives of Estremedura, mixed together without permission of their

officers, and made propositions of peace and amity, by which the

generals were in a great measure forced to an agreement.

[31] Two thousand marks of gold of eight ounces each, and the ounce at

four pound Sterling are worth L.64,000, perhaps equivalent to near

L.460,000 of modern money.--E.