[1] The festival of St John the Evangelist is on the 5th May but the

assasination of the Marquis did not take place till the 26th June

1541.--E.

[2] In a former note, it has been mentioned, on the authority of Robertson,

that Francisco de Alcantara was the uncle of Pizarro by his mother;

yet Garcilasso calls him his brother, and perhaps he was so by a

different father.--E.

[3] The language of the French translator is here rather equivocal, but

distinctly bears the construction here given of the marquis being at

supper in the house of de Alcantara.--E.

[4] By Garcilasso, Velasquez is called the Chief Justice.--E.

[5] Garcilasso, quoting Zarate, says that the body was dragged to church

by some negroes; the French translator says _quelques miserables_.--E.

[6] According to Garcilasso, the marquis had only one son and one daughter,

Don Francisco being the son of his brother Gonzalo. Don Gonzalo, the

only son of the marquis, was born of a daughter of Atahualpa, not a

sister, named Angelina. Donna Francisca was the marquises daughter by

Ynes Huayllas Nusta, a daughter of the Inca Huana Capac, whose

Christian name was Donna Beatrix.--E.

* * * * *

CHAPTER VII.

CONTINUATION OF THE EARLY HISTORY OF PERU, AFTER THE DEATH OF FRANCISCO

PIZARRO, TO THE DEFEAT OF GONZALO PIZARRO, AND THE RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF

TRANQUILITY IN THE COUNTRY; WRITTEN BY AUGUSTINO ZARATE[1].

SECTION I.

_From the revival of the civil wars in Peru, to the close of the

administration of Vaca de Castro, the first governor appointed from Spain_.

After Don Diego had made himself master of the city of Lima, he deprived

the magistrates of all their insignia of command, but which he immediately

returned to them, with orders to execute their official duties in his name

and authority. He then ordered the Doctor Velasquez, who had been chief

justice or adelantado under the marquis, and Antonio Picado who had been

his secretary, to be taken into custody[2]. In the next place he appointed

Juan Tello, Francisco de Chaves[3], and one Sotelo to be captains of his

troops. On the news of this revolution, all the idle vagabonds and

debauched blackguards of the country hastened to enrol themselves under

the banners of Don Diego, in hopes of participating in the plunder of the

partizans of Pizarro, and of being enabled to live licentiously without

labour. To enable him to pay his troops, Don Diego seized the fifth of the

precious metals belonging to the crown, and took possession of the

properties of those who had been massacred, and the revenues of all the

absentees. In a very short time disputes and divisions arose among those

who had taken part with Don Diego, as the leaders of the malcontent party

among them were anxious to assassinate Juan de Herrada, because every

thing was done and directed by him, Don Diego having only the name of

captain general, while he in fact exercised the whole authority. The

intention of these malcontents being discovered, several of them were put

to death as seditious people; among whom was Francisco de Chaves, who was

put to the rack and afterwards hanged as a ringleader of this new

conspiracy. One Antonio de Orihuela likewise, who had only arrived of late

from Spain, was beheaded, having imprudently asserted that the Almagrians

were tyrants and usurpers.

Deputies or messengers were sent to all the cities and provinces of Peru,

to induce the commandants and magistrates to recognize Don Diego as

governor, which was done in many places out of fear: But Alonso de

Alvarado, who was lieutenant governor in the province of Chachapoyas,

ordered the deputies who were sent into his government to be arrested,

declaring for his majesty in opposition to Don Diego, whom he denounced a

rebel. He was encouraged in this bold procedure, because he was confident

of being able to defend himself with a hundred men whom he commanded in a

strong fortress of his province, which he fortified with much care. Don

Diego used every effort to gain Alvarado to his party, by flattering

promises and menaces of condign punishment; but he uniformly replied, that

he would never acknowledge his authority without an express command from

his majesty to that effect, and that he hoped, by the blessing of God and

the assistance of the brave men whom he commanded, to revenge the death of

the marquis, and to punish the Almagrians for their injurious and

outrageous conduct, and the contempt of the royal authority which they had

evinced in their whole procedure. Garcias de Alvarado was therefore sent

with a force of cavalry and infantry, having orders to go in the first

place to the cities of San Miguel and Truxillo, to deprive the inhabitants

of these two colonies of their arms and horses, and then to march with all

his troops against Alonso de Alvarado. Garcias went accordingly by sea to

the port of Jauta, about fifteen leagues from Truxillo, where he found

Captain Alonso de Cabrera, who had fled thither with all the inhabitants

of Guanuco to join the people of Truxillo against the usurpation of Don

Diego. Garcias made Cabrera and some other of his companions prisoners;

and on his arrival at San Miguel he cut off his head, and likewise put to

death Francisco de Vozmudiana, and Hernando de Villegas.

When the deputies or messengers of Don Diego arrived at Cuzco with orders

to recognize him as governor general of Peru, Diego de Silva and Francisco

de Carvajal were the chief magistrates of that city. These officers,

together with the other magistrates and counsellors forming the Cabildo,

were unwilling to submit to his authority, yet durst not declare

themselves openly till they had maturely considered whether they were

possessed of a sufficient force, and had enough of provisions and warlike

stores to defend themselves in case of being attacked. On purpose

therefore to gain time, they desired the messengers of Don Diego to return

to their master, and to desire him to send them other deputies with more

ample and more regular powers or instructions, after which they would

recognize his authority. Gomez de Tordoya, who was one of the principal

members of the royal council of Cuzco, happened not to be in the city when

the deputies arrived, as he had gone out that day to take the diversion of

hawking. The other members sent therefore a message to inform him of what

was going on, and to desire his presence and advice. On his return to the

city, he met the messengers of Don Diego, and having learnt the state of

affairs, he twisted off the head of an excellent falcon which he carried

on his fist, saying that fighting must now be followed, not the sports of

the field. After a secret consultation with the rest of the Cabildo on the

proper measures to be pursued on the present emergency, he left the city

the same night, and went to the residence of Captain de Castro. They sent

immediately a message to Pedro Anzurez, the lieutenant of the province of

Charcas, giving him an account of the state of affairs, and he declared

himself at once for the party of his majesty.

Immediately afterwards Gomez de Tordoya set off in pursuit of Pedro

Alvarez Holguin, who had lately marched with above a hundred men to reduce

some revolted Indians: On coming up with Holguin, Tordoya immediately told

him all that had taken place, earnestly intreating him to assist the loyal

inhabitants of Cuzco in their just and honourable intentions, and to

assume the command of such troops as might be collected for the defence of

that city against the usurpation of Don Diego. To induce him to comply,

Tordoya declared himself ready to become one of his soldiers, and to give

an example of implicit obedience to his commands. Holguin immediately

declared for his majesty, and agreed to assume the command. He and Tordoya

assembled the inhabitants of the city of Arequipa, whom they confirmed in

their loyalty, and immediately set out for Cuzco with all the force they

could collect. On the arrival of Holguin and Tordoya near Cuzco, above

fifty men who had declared themselves for Don Diego left the city, meaning

to join him at Lima; but the royalists sent de Castro and Ferdinand

Bachicao after them with a party of musqueteers, who came up with and

attacked them during the night, and brought them all back prisoners to

Cuzco.

All the magistrates and councillors of Cuzco concurred not only in the

appointment of Pedro Alvarez Holguin as military commandant, but they

named him captain general and governor of all Peru, coming under an oath

of obedience to him in that high capacity till the pleasure of his majesty

should be made manifest on the subject: And in testimony of their zealous

loyalty, the whole inhabitants of Cuzco came under obligations to replace

all the sums that Holguin might be under the necessity of taking from the

effects and revenues belonging to the crown for the payment and equipment

of his troops, in case his majesty might not approve and allow that

expence. Besides this, all the inhabitants of Cuzco, Charcas, and Arequipa

engaged voluntarily to serve in the war, and to contribute towards its

expences. Immediately on his appointment to the supreme power, Holguin

made a proclamation of war against Don Diego as a rebel, and in a short

time assembled a force of 150 cavalry, 100 musqueteers and 100 pikemen.

But learning that Don Diego had more than 800 men under arms, he did not

consider himself powerful enough to wait for him in Cuzco, deeming it more

prudent to march from thence by way of the mountain road, on purpose to

join forces with Alonso de Alvarado, who had declared for his majesty.

Holguin likewise expected to be joined upon the march by several of the

friends and servants of the late marquis, who had concealed themselves

from the rage of the Almagrians in different parts of the mountain region

of Peru. In pursuance of this plan, Holguin set out on his march from

Cuzco, having appointed Gomez de Tordoya his maestre de campo or major

general, Garcilasso de la Vega[4] and Pedro Anzurez, captains of horse,

Nunno de Castro and Hernando de Bachicao captains of foot, and Martin de

Robles as ensign to carry the royal standard. On leaving Cuzco, all who

were unfit for active service in the field were left behind, and proper

officers were appointed for maintaining the government and to distribute

justice.

On receiving notice of all these events which had taken place in Cuzco,

and that Holguin had marched from thence with his troops, Don Diego judged

that Holguin would endeavour to form a junction with Alonzo de Alvarado

who commanded in Chachapoyas, and would therefore proceed by the mountain

road towards the north; he resolved therefore to march in such a direction

as might enable him to intercept Holguin before his junction with Alonzo

de Alvarado, but did not think it prudent to attempt this before the

arrival of the force under Garcias de Alvarado, whom he had recalled from

the originally concerted expedition against Alonzo de Alvarado[5]. While

passing through Truxillo, levying men and providing arms and horses,

Garcias proposed to have attacked Alonzo de Alvarado, but was resisted by

the inhabitants of a town in the province of Chachapoyas named Levanto,

and receiving his orders of recal from Don Diego he relinquished his

design, and marched in all haste for Lima. Immediately after the return of

Garcias, Don Diego began his march against Holguin, with a force of 300

horse, 100 musqueteers, and 150 pikemen; but before his departure, he

banished the children of the late marquis and of Gonzalo Pizarro from the

country, and executed Antonio Picado, having previously put him to the

torture to endeavour to extort confession from him as to any hidden

treasure belonging to the marquis.

"As during the civil dissentions in Peru, all intercourse with Spain was

suspended, the detail of the extraordinary transactions there between the

marquis and the elder Almagro, already recounted, did not soon reach the

court[6]. Unfortunately for the victorious faction, the first intelligence

was brought thither by some of Almagro's officers, who left the country on

the ruin of their cause; and they related what had happened with every

circumstance unfavourable to Pizarro and his brothers. Their ambition,

their breach of the most solemn engagements, their violence and cruelty,

were painted with all the malignity and exaggeration of party hatred.

Ferdinand Pizarro, who arrived soon after, and appeared at court with

great splendour, endeavoured to efface the impression which their

accusations had made, and to justify his brother and himself by

representing Almagro as the aggressor. The emperor and his ministers,

though they could not pronounce which of the contending factions was most

criminal, clearly discerned the fatal tendency of their dissentions. It

was obvious, that while the leaders entrusted with the conduct of two

infant colonies, employed the arms which should have been turned against

the common enemy in destroying one another, all attention to the public

good must cease, and there was reason to dread that the Indians might

improve the advantage which the disunion of the Spaniards presented to

them, and extirpate both the victors and the vanquished. But the evil was

more apparent than the remedy. Where the information which had been

received was so defective and suspicious, and the scene of action so

remote, it was almost impossible to chalk out the line of conduct that

ought to be followed; and before any plan that should be approved of in

Spain could be carried into execution, the situation of the parties, and

the circumstances of affairs, might alter so entirely as to render its

effects extremely pernicious."

"Nothing therefore remained but to send a person to Peru, vested with

extensive and discretionary powers; who, after viewing deliberately the

posture of affairs with his own eyes, and inquiring on the spot into the

conduct of the different leaders, should be authorised to establish the

government in that form which he deemed most conducive to the interest of

the parent state and the welfare of the colony. The man selected in 1539

for this important charge was Christoval Vaca de Castro, a judge in the

court of royal audience at Valladolid; and his abilities, integrity, and

firmness, justified the choice. His instructions, though ample, were not

such as to fetter him in his operations. According to the different aspect

of affairs, he had power to take upon him different characters. If he

found the governor still alive, he was only to assume the title of judge,

to maintain the appearance of acting in concert with him, and to guard

against giving any just cause of offence to a man who had merited so

highly of his country. But, if Pizarro were dead, he was entrusted with a

commission that he might then produce, by which he was appointed his

successor in the government of Peru. This attention to Pizarro, however,

seems to have flowed rather from dread of his power, than from any

approbation of his measures; for at the very time that the court seemed so

solicitous not to irritate him, his brother Ferdinand was arrested at

Madrid, and confined to a prison where he remained above twenty years[7]."

"Vaca de Castro, who left Spain in 1540, was driven by stress of weather

in 1541, after a long and disastrous voyage, into a small harbour in the

province of Popayan; and proceeding from thence by land, after a journey

no less difficult than tedious, he reached Quito. In his way he received

accounts of Pizarro's death, and of the events which followed upon it, as

already mentioned. He immediately produced his commission appointing him

governor of Peru, with the same privileges and authority which had been

enjoyed by Pizarro; and his jurisdiction was acknowledged without

hesitation by Benalcazar, adelantado or lieutenant general for the emperor

in Popayan, and by Pedro de Puelles, who had the command of the troops

left in Quito in the absence of Gonzalo Pizarro. Vaca de Castro not only

assumed the supreme authority, but shewed that he possessed the talents

which the exercise of it at that juncture required. By his influence and

address, he soon assembled such a body of troops as not only set him above

all fear of being exposed to any insult from the adverse party, but

enabled him to advance from Quito with the dignity that became his

character. By dispatching persons of confidence to the different

settlements in Peru, with a formal notification of his arrival and of his

commission, he communicated to his countrymen the royal pleasure with

respect to the government of the country. By private emissaries, he

excited such officers as had discovered their disapprobation of Almagro's

proceedings, to manifest their duty to their sovereign by supporting the

person honoured with his commission. Those measures were productive of

great effects. Encouraged by the approach of the new governor, or prepared

by his machinations, the loyal were confirmed in their principles, and

avowed them with greater boldness; the timid ventured to declare their

sentiments; the neutral and wavering, finding it necessary to choose a

side, began to lean to that which now appeared to be the safest, as well

as the most just[8]."

Don Diego had hardly got two leagues from Lima, in 1542, when secret

orders arrived there from Vaca de Castro, addressed to F. Thomas de San

Martin, provincial of the Dominicans, and Francisco de Barrionuevo, to

whom he committed the direction of public affairs till his own arrival. By

these persons, the cabildo of the city was secretly assembled in the

Dominican convent, to whom these orders were communicated, and who

immediately recognized Vaca de Castro as governor, and Geronimo de Aliaga,

his principal secretary, as adelantado or lieutenant governor of Peru.

Immediately upon this formal act of recognition, the members of the

cabildo and several of the principal citizens fled to Truxillo, fearing

the resentment of the Almagrians. Although all this had passed in secret,

it was communicated on the same night to Don Diego, who was disposed in

consequence to have returned with the intention of giving up the city to

plunder; but he was afraid lest by delay Holguin might escape into the

north of Peru, and lest by returning, the arrival of the new governor

might come to the knowledge of his troops. He determined therefore to

continue his march against Holguin with all expedition. In spite of all

his precautions, intelligence of the arrival of the new governor reached

his camp, on which several persons abandoned him secretly, particularly

the provincial of the Dominicans, Diego de Aguero, Juan de Saavedra, Yllen

Suarez de Carvajal the commissary, and Gomez de Alvarado.

Although every consideration prompted Don Diego to use the utmost

diligence in the present posture of affairs, he was under the absolute

necessity of marching slowly, as Juan de Herrada his great friend and

adviser fell sick of a mortal distemper. Owing to this delay, Holguin was

enabled to get beyond the valley of Jauja in his march towards the

province of Chachapoyas. Yet Don Diego followed after him with so much

diligence that he very nearly got up with him. In this emergency, as

Holguin was by no means in sufficient force to venture a battle with Don

Diego, he put the following stratagem in practice to enable him to escape,

which effectually succeeded. During the night he detached twenty horsemen

to make an attack on the advanced guard of the enemy, with orders to take

some prisoners if possible, and then to retire. They executed their orders

successfully and made three prisoners, two of whom Holguin ordered to be

immediately hanged, and offered life and liberty with a considerable

reward in money to the third, if he would carry information to certain

persons in the army of Don Diego, who he pretended were disposed to join

him, that he intended to attack the right wing of the camp in the ensuing

night, that they might be ready to assist him. He even administered an

oath to this soldier that he would religiously keep the secret from every

one but those to whom he was directed to carry the message. Being a young

man and desirous of procuring the promised large reward, he readily

undertook the commission, and returned to the camp of Don Diego. When Don

Diego understood that this man had come back, and that his two companions

were hanged by Holguin, he suspected that mercy had been shewn him on some

private conditions; for which reason he ordered the soldier to be put to

the torture, who immediately avowed all that had been confided to him. By

this means, Don Diego was led to believe that Holguin actually intended to

surprise him by night, and took effectual measures to receive him, placing

the greatest part of his troops under arms all night on that side which

the soldier mentioned as the part where Holguin was to attack. The

intentions of Holguin were diametrically opposite to this story which he

had put in the mouth of the soldier, meaning only to gain time for a

secure retreat; so that immediately after dispatching the soldier, he

decamped in the middle of the night, marching with all possible celerity

to get his army into a place of safety, while Don Diego uselessly kept his

army under arms in expectation of being attacked.

When Don Diego discovered the trick which had been imposed on him, he

resumed the pursuit of Holguin with as much celerity as he could: But

Holguin had sent a quick messenger to Alonso de Alvarado, requesting him

to hasten to his assistance, which Alvarado did without delay with all his

own troops and several of the inhabitants of Truxillo. On the junction of

these officers a few davs afterwards, Don Diego discontinued the pursuit,

and returned towards Cuzco. Holguin and Alvarado sent off immediately to

inform Vaca de Castro by letter of all the preceding events, and

counselled him to advance without delay to join them, as they were in

sufficient force to make him master of the country when strengthened by

his authority. At this time Juan de Herrada expired at Jauja, and Don

Diego detached a part of his army to the low country of Peru to collect

those of his party who were at Arequipa and other places. His officers

plundered the city of Arequipa, and dug up every where about the monastery

of the Dominicans in search of treasure, as they were informed that the

inhabitants of that city had concealed their valuable effects in that

convent.

Vaca de Castro had reached Peru with much difficulty and fatigue. The

voyage from Panama was exceedingly tedious and tempestuous, and the vessel

in which he sailed lost all its anchors. Having at last reached the

harbour of Buenaventura at the bottom of the bay of Choco on the coast of

Raposo, he went from thence by land to the frontiers of the government of

Benalcazar, who commanded in Popayan, and thence to Peru. He suffered much

hardship and fatigue in that journey, both from the length and difficulty

of the way and the scarcity of provisions, so that he fell sick as being

quite unused to such fatigues. Yet as the death of the marquis and the

subsequent events were already known in Popayan, de Castro continued his

journey with as little delay as possible, that he might endeavour by his

presence to remedy the disorders of the country. Although Vaca de Castro

had been sent to Peru ostensibly to investigate into and take cognizance

of the death of Almagro, and of the subsequent transactions, without any

order to deprive the marquis of the government, or even to suspend his

authority; yet he had been furnished with a secret commission, by which he

was authorized to assume the government, in case the marquis should die

during his voyage, or after his arrival, and to exercise all the functions

of that high office, till the emperor might give orders to the contrary.

By the authority of this commission, he was received in the camp of

Holguin and Alvarado as governor. He was accompanied thither by several

persons who had joined him on his first arrival in Peru, particularly by

Captain Lorenzo de Aldana, who had been lieutenant governor of Quito under

the marquis. He sent before him Captain Pedro de Puelles, to make

preparations for carrying on the war. He sent likewise Gomez de Royas to

Cuzco, with orders to the magistrates and inhabitants of that city to

receive him as lieutenant. Royas used so much diligence and address that

he arrived at Cuzco and was received and acknowledged in the command of

that place before Don Diego could reach it with his army.

When Vaca de Castro passed through the province of Bracamoras on his way

from Quito to Truxillo, Captain Pedro de Vergara, who was then occupied in

reducing that province, and had even fortified himself in a strong post on

purpose to defend himself against Don Diego, joined him with all his men.

At Truxillo the new governor was joined by Gomez de Tordoya, who had

quitted the camp in consequence of a dispute with Holguin. He was joined

likewise at Truxillo by Garcilasso de la Vega and some other gentlemen. By

all these means, when Vaca de Castro left Truxillo to repair to the camp

of Holguin and Alvarado, he had already collected a well armed force of

more than two hundred men, all ready to obey his orders. Immediately on

his arrival at the camp, Holguin and Alvarado received him with every

demonstration of joy, giving up to him their standards and all other marks

of authority; all of which he restored, except the royal standard, which

he retained for himself. Having appointed Holguin to the command of the

army, as maestre de campo general, he ordered him to march forwards to

Jauja, and to wait there till he himself might return from Lima, where he

proposed going that he might establish its government in proper order, and

on purpose to collect men, arms and ammunition. He gave orders to Holguin,

that Captain Diego de Royas should always precede the army about twenty

leagues, with a detachment of thirty horsemen, to gain intelligence of the

motions of the enemy. At the same time he sent back Diego de Mora to

Truxillo, to take the command in that city. De Castro thus took every

proper precaution for the successful issue of his expedition, with as much

prudent foresight as if he had been all his life enured to warlike affairs.

When Don Diego found that Holguin had escaped from his pursuit, as

formerly related, he went to Cuzco with his army, where Christoval de

Sotelo, whom he had detached there before him, had already taken

possession of the city, and had displaced the magistrates who had been

established there under the authority of the new governor. Immediately on

the arrival of Don Diego at Cuzco, he made every exertion to provide

artillery and gunpowder for the farther prosecution of the war. Both of

these warlike articles are easily made in Peru. As to artillery, there is

abundance of metal for that purpose, and there were also several persons

in Cuzco who were perfectly well acquainted with the manner of founding

cannon: These were _Levantines_ or Greeks, several of whom had come to

Peru out of respect for Pedro de Candia, who was master of the ordnance to

Don Diego. Powder was likewise easily made in great abundance, as

saltpetre is to be had in every part of that country of excellent quality.

At the same time he had defensive armour made for those of his people who

were in want, forming corslets and helmets of silver mixed with copper,

which answered amazingly well, and, were made by the native artists, who

fabricated every kind of arms in imitation of, and as good as those of

Milan. By these means, and by collecting all the arms throughout the whole

country, every one of his men was at least provided with a coat of mail, a

cuirass or corselet, and a helmet[9]. In this manner Don Diego was enabled

to equip two hundred musqueteers, and to establish several companies of

men at arms, as hitherto in Peru, hardly any thing had been seen of that

kind, the cavalry being all light horse except a very few.

While these preparations were going on, an unfortunate quarrel arose

between the captains Garcias de Alvarado and Christoval de Sotelo, in

which they drew their swords and Sotelo was slain. As both of these

captains were principal leaders in the Almagrian party, and had many

friends and partizans in the army, this unfortunate affair occasioned much

strife, and had nearly occasioned a battle between the friends of the two

combatants; but Don Diego appeased them with some difficulty, and by using

a great deal of address. But as Garcias de Alvarado plainly perceived that

Don Diego took the death of Sotelo much to heart, whom he dearly loved,

and feared lest he might take measures afterwards of revenge, he

endeavoured to take precautions in the meantime for his own safety, and

for this purpose proposed to have assassinated Don Diego. With this view

he one day invited Don Diego to dinner, intending to have put him to death

during the entertainment. Don Diego accepted the invitation, but when the

appointed day came, having some suspicion of what was intended, he sent an

excuse for his absence, on pretence of being indisposed. As Garcias had

provided every thing for the execution of his design, he went with several

of his friends to endeavour to prevail on Don Diego to come to the

entertainment. While on his way, he met a soldier named Martin Carillo who

advised him to stay away from the house of Don Diego, who he was fully

persuaded intended to put him to death. He continued his purpose however,

and received a similar advice from another soldier a little farther on.

Yet he persisted in going to the house of Don Diego, and even went up to

his chamber, where he found him on a day-bed under pretence of being

unwell. This visit seemed to be expected, as Don Diego had several armed

men concealed in a neighbouring room.

Garcias de Alvarado and his followers went into the chamber of Don Diego,

to whom Alvarado said; "I hope, my lord, that your indisposition is of

little importance. You must rise and shake it off, and you will be the

better of some exercise and amusement. Come along with us, and though you

eat little, your presence will give pleasure to the company who expect

you." Don Diego agreed to go, and called for his cloak, being already

armed with his sword and dagger. While the company in the room made way by

going out, and Garcias de Alvarado went immediately before Don Diego,

Pedro de Onnate and several others who were instructed, shut the door, and

seizing on Garcias told him he was their prisoner. Don Diego drew his

sword, with which he wounded Garcias, saying that he must be slain, not

taken prisoner; and immediately Juan Balsa, Alfonso de Saavedra, Diego

Mendez the brother of Rodrigo Orgognez, and several others who were

concealed in the next room, rushed out and put Alvarado to death with many

wounds.

On the news of this event spreading through the city, it occasioned much

dissatisfaction and some appearances of an insurrection which might have

had very fatal consequences; but Don Diego went immediately out into the

great square, where he succeeded in appeasing the people, and the friends

of Alvarado were forced to be quiet. Immediately after this, on purpose to

give employment to his troops, and because he heard that Vaca de Castro

had joined Holguin and Alonso Alvarado, he marched out from Cuzco, meaning

to seek out and give battle to the royalists. His army on this occasion

was the most numerous and best appointed that had hitherto been seen in

Peru, consisting of 250 horse, 200 musqueteers, and 250 pikemen, many of

these being armed with halberts, and all remarkably well provided with

defensive armour, especially all his cavalry, who, besides coats of mail,

had back and breast-pieces of iron. Besides these, he had a great train of

artillery, and was accompanied by Paul, the brother of the Inca who had

been raised to the Peruvian throne by the elder Almagro. The assistance of

this chief was of great importance to Don Diego on the present occasion,

as his Indians always went a considerable way before the army, and obliged

the natives of all the districts through which they passed to supply

provisions for the troops, and to furnish people for carrying the baggage

and other necessary services. In this manner Don Diego proceeded for about

fifty leagues to the province of Vilcas, where he learnt that the royal

army was only thirty leagues distant from him.

While Vaca de Castro was in Lima, he procured a number of musquets to be

made by the workmen of that city, and made every other preparation in his

power to strengthen his army. Among other things, as Don Diego had carried

off the whole royal treasure, he borrowed a large sum from the inhabitants

of Lima, for the pay of his troops and other expences of the war; and all

things being regulated, he set out to join the army with as many men as he

could collect, leaving Francisco de Barrionuevo as his lieutenant in Lima,

and Juan Perez de Guevara as commandant of his marine. He directed his

march for Jauja, leaving orders with the inhabitants of Lima to retire on

board the ships, in case Don Diego, as he threatened, should make an

attack upon the city. On his arrival at Jauja, where Holguin and the army

waited for him, he found that the general had provided good store of arms

both offensive and defensive, and particularly a large supply of gunpowder

which had been made at that place. The governor incorporated the horsemen

whom he brought along with him from Lima among the troops or companies of

cavalry already in the army, which were commanded by the Captains Pedro

Alvarez Holguin, Pedro Anzurez, and Garcilasso de la Vega, and formed an

additional troop of horse of which he gave the command to Gomez de

Alvarado. Those foot soldiers which he brought with him were distributed

into the companies of Pedro de Vergara and Nunno de Castro, and he formed

a new company of musqueteers, of which he appointed the bachelor Juan

Velez de Guevara captain. Although a man of letters and educated in the

study of the law, Guevara was an excellent soldier, and particularly

attentive to discipline, and had even greatly assisted in the construction

of the musquets with which his company was armed. Being likewise very

learned in the law, he executed a judicial charge at the same time with

his military command, both on the present occasion under Vaca de Castro,

and during the subsequent troubles produced by Gonzalo Pizarro, as will be

afterwards related. Every day till noon, he held his judicial sittings and

dispatched such affairs of that kind as occurred, in the ordinary sober

dress of a lawyer. After that, he dressed in richly embroidered uniforms,

with a buff jerkin, a feather in his hat, and his musquet on his shoulder,

exercising his company with much attention, and practised himself in

firing.

Having drawn together a well armed force of seven hundred men, 370 of whom

were cavalry, 170 musqueteers, and 160 armed with pikes, Vaca de Castro

appointed captain Francisco de Carvajal serjeant major[10] of his army;

the same person who was afterwards maestre de campo general under Gonzalo

Pizarro. Carvajal was an officer of great experience, having served above

forty years in the army, and was bred in the wars of Italy under _the

great captain_, having risen in that service from the ranks to a

lieutenancy. By him all the movements of the army were directed.

About this time a message was received by Vaca de Castro from Gonzalo

Pizarro, who had just returned to Quito from his disastrous expedition to

Los Canelos, formerly related. Gonzalo made offer to the governor to march

to his assistance with all the troops he could raise; but de Castro, in

answer, after thanking him for his good will, desired him to remain at

Quito and on no account to come to the army, as he had hope of bringing

Don Diego to terms of accommodation, being only desirous of restoring the

country to peace. In this procedure, the governor meant in some measure to

mortify the pride of Gonzalo Pizarro; and besides, he feared lest his

natural desire of taking revenge for the murder of his brother might prove

an invincible obstacle against Don Diego agreeing to any accommodation,

who would never venture to submit to any one who was accompanied by

Gonzalo Pizarro, whose friends in the royal army were very numerous. Some

persons allege that Vaca de Castro was afraid of permitting Gonzalo to

join the army, lest they might elect him as their general, as he was

greatly beloved by the soldiers. At this time likewise, Vaca de Castro

sent orders to those persons who had the charge of the children of the

late marquis in San Miguel and Truxillo, to remain with them there till

farther orders, and on no account to carry them to Lima; alleging, as a

specious pretext, that they were safer there than at Lima.

All his military preparations being completed, Vaca de Castro left Jauja

with his army in excellent order, taking the route for Guamanga, as he was

informed that Don Diego was in full march to take possession of that city,

or to take post at a very important passage of a river in that

neighbourhood, which would give great advantage in the future operations

of the war to either party which might obtain possession of that post, as

Guamanga was surrounded by precipitous rocks and deep vallies, serving as

natural fortifications of extremely difficult access. Captain Diego de

Royas, who has been formerly mentioned as commanding the advanced guard of

the royal army, had already occupied the city of Guamanga; and on

receiving intelligence of the rapid march of Don Diego to that place, had

fortified himself there as strongly as possible, that he might be able to

defend it till the arrival of the army under Vaca de Castro. The governor,

therefore, marched with as much celerity as possible, sending on Captain

de Castro with his company of musqueteers to take post on a craggy hill of

difficult ascent near Guamanga, called _Farcu_ by the Peruvians and Parcos

by the Spaniards. Vaca de Castro, on his arrival one evening within two

leagues of Guamanga, received information that Don Diego was already in

possession of that city, which disappointed him greatly, more especially

as the whole of his own troops were not yet come up. Alonso de Alvarado

was sent back therefore, to expedite their march, and to bring them on in

good order, as the enemy was so near. Some of the rear-guard of the army

marched that day above five long leagues, which was a most fatiguing

exertion, as the road was full of rocks and steep passes, and they were

under the necessity of carrying their arms and accoutrements. Having

passed the city, the whole army stood to their arms all night, not having

any accurate intelligence of the enemy, who was believed to be nigh. Next

day, however, learning by their scouts, who had been above six leagues in

advance, that the enemy was still at a considerable distance, the

royalists encamped to take some rest.

Receiving more certain information of the situation of the enemy, who were

still at the distance of nine leagues from his camp, Vaca de Castro sent a

letter to Don Diego by Francisco Ydiaquez, commanding him in his majesty's

name to dismiss his army, and to repair to the royal standard, on doing

which he should be pardoned for all that was past: But, if he refused, he

might expect to be proceeded against with the utmost severity, as a rebel

against the king. The governor sent likewise a private soldier who was

well acquainted with the country, diguised as an Indian, carrying letters

for several gentlemen in the rebel army, offering them an amnesty and

large rewards if they would abandon Don Diego. Though this man took every

precaution to prevent discovery, his track was noticed in some places in

the snow, and he was followed and carried prisoner to Don Diego, who

ordered him to be hanged. Don Diego complained loudly of Vaca de Castro

for sending spies to corrupt his followers while making offers of

accommodation; and drawing out his army in complete order before the

governors messengers, he ordered all his officers to prepare for battle,

promising that whoever killed any of the hostile inhabitants of the

country, should be rewarded with the wife, lands, Indians, and wealth of

the slain. He then gave an answer to the governors message, that he would

never acknowledge or obey him so long as he was associated with his

enemies, Pedro Alvarez Holguin, Alonso de Alvarado, Gomez de Tordoya, Juan

de Saavedra, Garcilasso de la Vega, Yllen Suarez de Carvajal, Gomez de

Alvarado, and others of that party. That he would never disband his army,

unless he received a formal amnesty under the royal sign manual; as he

could not give faith to one signed by the Cardinal de Loaysa. That de

Castro was much mistaken in supposing any of his army would abandon him,

and might therefore prepare for battle, as he was determined to defend the

country to his last breath.

On receiving this resolute answer, Vaca de Castro marched his army to a

small distance from Guamanga, where the ground was too rough and uneven

for his cavalry, and took up a position in a smooth plain named _Chupaz_,

where he remained three days, during all which time it never ceased

raining, as it was then the middle of winter, yet the troops were forced

to be always under arms and ready for action, as the enemy was very near.

He had resolved to give battle, us the enemy obstinately refused all

accommodation; yet finding that several persons in his army seemed to

hesitate on account of the disapprobation which his majesty had evinced

respecting the former battle of _Salinas_, on which account Ferdinand

Pizarro was detained in prison, he judged it proper to take some formal

judicial steps, both for his own justification, and to satisfy the

scruples of his troops. He pronounced therefore a formal sentence against

Don Diego, whom he declared a traitor and rebel, condemning him and all

his adherents to death and the confiscation of all their goods. After

signing this judicial sentence in the presence of the whole army, he

commanded the officers to give him asistance for carrying it into

execution.

Next morning, being Saturday, the scouts brought intelligence after mass

that the enemy, who had encamped for the night at two short leagues

distance, was very near, and in full march towards the left of the

royalist camp, advancing by some low hills to avoid a marsh which covered

the front of the royalists. Don Diego wished to gain possession of

Guamanga before giving battle, and entertained no doubt of being

victorious, trusting to his great superiority in artillery over the

royalist army. When the two armies were so near that the advanced guards

were within musket shot, the governor detached Captain Castro with fifty

musqueteers to skirmish with the enemy, while the rest of his troops

marched up the slope of a hill on purpose to intercept the march of the

rebels. This movement was liable to considerable danger, as Don Diego

might have done the royalists much damage by means of his artillery if he

had taken advantage of the nature of the ground in proper time; for during

this conversion, the royalist infantry were often obliged to halt to

recover their order, which was much deranged by the difficulty of the

ground. When Carvajal the serjeant-major observed this circumstance, he

ordered all the troops to gain the height as quickly as possible without

preserving any precise order of march, and to form again when they were

arrived at the summit. They accordingly got all up, while Captain Castro

and his musqueteers were skirmishing with the troops of Don Diego; who

likewise continued his march, and drew up in order of battle.

After the royal army had been marshalled in good order by the

serjeant-major, the governor made them a speech, in which he exhorted them

to recollect that they were loyal Spaniards who were fighting in the just

cause of their sovereign. He told them that the fate of Peru was now in

their hands and depended on their courage. If defeated he and they could

only expect to be put to death; but if victorious, besides the important

service to the king, which they were bound as good and loyal subjects to

perform, they would thereby secure the possession of their estates and

effects, and to such as had none he would provide amply in the name and by

the authority of his majesty, who only desired to preserve the sovereignty

of Peru, that he might divide it among those who served him faithfully. In

conclusion, he said there needed not a long harangue to encourage

gentlemen of honour and brave soldiers to do their duty, whose example he

proposed to himself to follow, not pretending to give them one; yet, as a

proof that he meant to imitate their bravery, he intended to march at

their head and should be among the first to break a lance. They all

declared that they would do their duty manfully, and would rather be cut

to pieces than allow themselves to be defeated, as they all considered

themselves interested in the success of the war on their own accounts, as

well as from duty to the king. All the officers earnestly intreated Vaca

de Castro not to hazard himself in the front of battle, insisting that he

should take post in the rear with thirty horsemen, whence he might send

succour to wherever it might be needed. He consented to this, and as the

day drew towards a close, being within an hour and a half of sunset, he

proposed to postpone the battle till next morning. But Alonso de Alvarado

assured him that he would be defeated if he delayed, as the whole army

seemed then animated by the best resolution, and it was impossible to say

whether some might not change their sentiments during the night. The

governor assented to this advice, only saying that he wished to have the

power which had been given to Joshua, that he might stop the going down of

the sun.

At this time the artillery belonging to Don Diego opened its fire upon the

royalists; and as it was dangerous to descend the hill in front towards

the enemy, on account of being too much exposed in that direction to their

guns, the serjeant-major and Alonso Alvarado directed the army to move by

the left, where there was a hollow which led towards the enemy, by which

they were protected from the balls which all flew over their heads. The

troops marched in the following order. Alonzo de Alvarado was on the right

with his troops of horse, having the royal standard carried by Christoval

de Barientos; on the left were the other four captains of horse, Pedro

Holguin, Gomes Alvarado, Garcilasso de la Vega, and Pedro Anzurez, all at

the head of their respective troops in excellent order. Between the two

wings of cavalry, the Captains Pedro de Vergara and Juan Velez de Guevara

marched with the infantry; and Nunno de Castro marched in front with his

musqueteers to begin the battle, with orders to retire when pressed by the

enemy under the protection of the main body. The governor, at the earnest

entreaty of his officers, remained in the rear guard at the head of thirty

horse, at some short distance from the main body, where he could see all

that occurred, so as to send assistance where it was wanted, which he did

with much judgment.

During the advance of the royalists, the enemy kept up a constant fire of

their artillery, but altogether ineffectually, as all their balls flew too

high. Don Diego observing this circumstance, suspected that Pedro de

Candia the captain of his artillery was gained by the enemy and did this

on purpose; for which reason he went to him in great rage and killed him

with his own hand. After this he pointed and fired off one of the cannon

against a squadron of the royalists, by which shot several of the troopers

were killed. Seeing this, and considering that the artillery of the royal

army was too insignificant to do much service, Carvajal determined to

leave it behind that the army might advance more quickly. At this time Don

Diego and his officers had arranged their army in order, the cavalry

divided on the two wings, and the infantry in the centre, having their

cannon in front, directly over against the only ground by which the

royalists could advance to the attack. The rebels believed it would argue

timidity in them thus to wait for the enemy, and that it was proper for

them to advance and meet them half way. This movement was much against the

opinion and advice of Pedro Suarez, serjeant-major to Don Diego, a brave

and experienced officer; who remonstrated that, as the enemy had to

advance over a plain of considerable extent, they would be greatly injured

by the artillery before they could come to the charge, whereas by

advancing the troops of Don Diego would shorten this dangerous way for

their enemies, and would lose an excellent advantage now in their power.

Nothwithstanding this judicious remonstrance the Almagrian army continued

to advance, and took post near a rising ground over which the royalists

had to march, and after which the rebel artillery could do them very

little harm, and was unable to prevent them from charging, as the way

between was very short. Suarez was so much dissatisfied at his advice

being thus despised, that he set spurs to his horse and galloped over to

the royalist army.

About this time the Indians under the command of Paullu the brother of

Inca Manco Capac, attacked the left wing of the royalists with repeated

vollies of stones and arrows, but were soon put to flight by a few

discharges from the musqueteers. Martin Cote who commanded a company of

musqueteers on the side of Almagro, advanced to that side and began to

skirmish with the adverse musqueteers of Nunno de Castro. At this time the

royalists, advancing slowly and in good order to the music of their drums

and trumpets, made their appearance on the height, where they halted as

waiting an opportunity to charge, in hopes that the incessant discharge

from the artillery of the enemy might relax. Although now so near, the

rebel artillery did them very little harm, as having to point upwards,

most of their balls flew too high, whereas if the royalists had advanced

only twenty paces farther, they would have been exposed to point blank

shot. The infantry indeed of the royalists suffered materially at this

time, as they were more directly exposed to the shot, insomuch that by one

ball a whole file of seventeen men was brought down. This made a wide gap

in the battalion, which the officers took care immediately to fill up. The

serjeant-major, Francisco de Carvajal, still held back the royalist

cavalry from the charge, waiting for some relaxation in the fury of the

adverse artillery, by which the captains Pedro Alvarez Holguin and Gomez

de Tordoya were both slain, and several others were killed and wounded by

every discharge. Captain Pedro de Vergara being wounded by a musket shot,

exclaimed loudly against the conduct of the cavalry, saying that all the

infantry would be speedily destroyed if the cavalry did not charge the

enemy. The trumpets immediately sounded a charge, and the royalist

squadrons advanced, on which those of Don Diego moved forward to meet them

courageously. The shock was so violent that almost all the lances on both

sides were broken, and many horsemen of both armies were borne to the

ground, some killed and others wounded. A bloody engagement succeeded this

charge, in which they fought man to man with swords, maces and battle axes;

some even of the cavalry being armed with large woodmens axes which they

wielded in both hands, gave such heavy blows as no armour could withstand.

After continuing the battle with great fury till both sides were out of

breath, they drew off for a little.

In the meantime the royalist infantry advanced against those of Don Diego,

encouraged by the exhortations and example of Carvajal who marched at

their head. "Be not afraid, said he, of the artillery: I, who am as large

as any two of you, do not fear it, and you all see how many bullets pass

by without hurting me." That his soldiers might not conceive that he

confided in the goodness of his armour, he threw away his coat of mail and

helmet, and advanced in this manner to the rebel cannon; and being bravely

seconded by his men, he soon got possession of them all, killing several

of those who guarded them, after which he turned them against the enemy.

By this vigorous, and successful exploit, the event of the battle was in a

great measure decided. The day was now ended, and the evening became so

dark that the opponents could hardly distinguish each other except by the

voice. After a short rest, the cavalry renewed the fight, and victory

began to lean to the side of the royalists, when Vaca de Castro made a

furious assault on the left of the enemy, where two troops belonging to

Don Diego still kept their ground, while all the rest began to fall back.

On charging the enemy, the governor exclaimed, _Vittoria! Vittoria!_ Yet

the battle continued undecided for some time, and several of the horsemen

who followed Vaca de Castro were wounded and unhorsed, two gentlemen and

several others being slain. The rebels were at last thrown into disorder

and fled from the field, being pursued for some distance. Two of their

officers, named Bilboa and de Sosa, were so enraged on seeing the defeat

and flight of their companions, that they rushed like madmen into the

thickest of the enemy, crying out _I am he who killed the marquis_, till

both were slain. Many of the Almagrians saved themselves by favour of the

darkness; and some of them, for greater security, threw away their _white_

scarfs, by which the rebels were distinguished, and put on the _red_

scarfs of the royalists who lay dead on the field. Thus Vaca de Castro

obtained a complete victory, although before the charge was given his army

lost many more men than the enemy, insomuch that Don Diego thought himself

till then secure of conquering. Such of the fugitives as endeavoured to

save themselves by way of the plain were all killed by the Indians; and a

hundred and fifty horse, who made their escape to Guamanga, about two

leagues from the field of battle, were disarmed and made prisoners by the

small number of inhabitants who remained in that city. Don Diego fled to

Cuzco, where Rodrigo de Salazar, his own lieutenant, and Antonio Ruyz de

Guevara, one of the magistrates made him prisoner. Thus ended the

authority of Don Diego Almagro, who one day was lord and master of the

great kingdom of Peru, and the next day was thrown into prison by officers

of his own appointment. This decisive battle of Chupaz was fought on the

16th September 1542.

A great part of the night was over before their officers could reassemble

the victorious army, as the soldiers were busied in pillaging the tents of

the rebels, where they got a rich plunder in silver and gold, and killed

several of the wounded fugitives who were unable to continue their flight

any farther. When all were reassembled, Vaca de Castro made the army

remain all the rest of the night under arms and in order of battle, lest

the enemy might rally and renew the fight. Vaca de Castro employed himself

likewise during most part of the night in going about among the troops,

praising the whole in general, and thanking the individual soldiers for

having so bravely done their duty. In this battle several officers and

soldiers on both sides signalized themselves remarkably. Don Diego

distinguished himself particularly, shewing much courage, and more conduct

than could have been expected from a young man only twenty-two years of

age[11]. He was animated by what he considered a just vengeance for the

death of his father; and was well seconded by many of his followers. Many

of those on the side of Vaca de Castro, were on the contrary incited by

the desire of avenging the death of the marquis, for whose memory they

preserved an inviolable attachment, insomuch that no danger could prevent

them from using their utmost efforts to punish his murderers. On the two

sides, about 300 men were slain[12], among whom were several officers and

men of note. Pedro Alvarez Holguin and Gomez de Tordoya eminently

distinguished themselves on the side of the royalists, having mantles of

white velvet richly embroidered over their armour, owing to which they

were particularly marked out by the musqueteers of the enemy, and both

lost their lives in consequence. Alonso de Alvarado and Carvajal likewise

distinguished themselves signally, particularly the latter, as already

mentioned, in a manner that it seemed almost impossible he should have

escaped. But by despising death, he appeared to have made it flee from him;

as indeed it often happens during great dangers, that those who meet them

bravely are preserved, while those who shrink are lost. A signal instance

of this happened in the present battle, as a young man who was afraid of

the balls concealed himself behind a projecting rock; where his head was

shattered to pieces by a splinter driven off by a cannon ball[13]. Many

others signalized themselves in the battle, to most of whom the governor

gave competent estates in lands and Indians, when he made the re-partition

of the country, adding his warm acknowledgements for having resigned their

individual interests and resentments in the service of the crown.

The night after the battle was extremely frosty, and as the baggage was

considerably in the rear, only two of the wounded officers had their

wounds dressed, so that a good many of the wounded died of cold during the

night. Next morning, the governor caused every attention to be given to

the wounded, who exceeded four hundred in number[14], and had the dead

buried, ordering the bodies of Holguin and Tordoya to be carried to the

city of Guamanga, where they were magnificently interred. On the day

succeeding the battle, the governor ordered the heads of several prisoners

to be cut off, who had been concerned in the murder of the marquis. Next

day he went to Guamanga, where Captain Diego de Royas had already beheaded

Juan Tello and some other captains of the rebels. The governor now gave

orders to the licentiate de la Gama to try the rest of the prisoners, and

to punish them according to their deserts. De la Gama accordingly hanged

several and beheaded others, to the number of forty of the most culpable,

insomuch that in all about sixty were executed. Some others were banished,

and the rest were pardoned, such of them as had settlements being allowed

to return to their houses.

The governor went afterwards to Cuzco, where he brought Don Diego to trial,

and ordered him to be beheaded. Diego de Mendez, Gomez Perez, and another,

made their escape from prison into the mountains of the Andes, where they

were kindly received by Manco Capac the fugitive Inca, who had taken

refuge in an inaccessible country. The Inca was much grieved on learning

the death of Don Diego, whom he was greatly attached to, and to whom he

had sent several coats of mail, corselets, cuirasses, and other arms,

which he had taken from the Spaniards whom he defeated and slew, at the

time when he went by order of the marquis to relieve Gonzalo and Juan

Pizarro, then besieged in Cuzco.

After the death of Don Diego and the entire dispersion of his adherents,

by which peace was restored through the whole country, the governor did

not consider it proper to disband his army, as he had not sufficient funds

to reward them according to their services; for which reason he resolved

to send them in different detachments to make discoveries and conquests.

Captain Vergara and his troops were accordingly sent back to complete the

conquest of the Bracamoras. The Captains Diego de Royas and Philip

Gutierez were sent with above three hundred men to the eastwards, where

they afterwards made some establishments on the Rio de la Plata. Captain

Monroy was sent to Chili with reinforcements to Pedro de Valdivia, who was

engaged in reducing that country. Captain Juan Perez de Guevara was sent

to reduce the country of Mullobamba which he had discovered. This is an

exceedingly mountainous country, in which the two great rivers Marannon

and La Plata have their sources, both of which run into the Atlantic. Its

inhabitants are Caribs, or canibals, and their country so hot that they go

entirely naked, or at least have only a few rags round their loins. While

in this country, Juan Perez got notice of an extensive province beyond the

mountains towards the north, in which there are rich gold mines, and which

has camels and fowls like those of New Spain, and a species of sheep

considerably smaller than those of Peru. In that country it is necessary

to water all kinds of seeds regularly, as it seldom rains. In it there is

a lake, the environs of which are exceedingly populous. In all its rivers

there are certain _fishes_ as large as dogs, which they likewise very much

resemble, which kill and eat the Indians when they go into the water or

even pass near it, as they often come out of the water and walk on the dry

land[15]. This great country is bounded on the north by the Marannon, on

the east by Brasil, and on the south by the Rio de la Plata; and it is

said that the Amazons dwell in this country, of whom Orellana received

intelligence while descending the Marannon.

Vaca de Castro remained above eighteen months in Cuzco after the departure

of these various expeditions, employing himself in making a distribution

of the unoccupied lands and Indians, and settling the whole country in

good order, issuing likewise many useful regulations for the protection

and preservation of the Indians. In that period the richest gold mine ever

heard of in our days was discovered near Cuzco in a river named _Carabaya_,

where a single Indian is able to gather to the extent of a mark in one

day[16]. The whole country being now perfectly tranquil, and the Indians

protected from those excessive toils to which they had been subjected

during the civil war, Gonzalo Pizarro was permitted to come to Cuzco, and

after a few days went thence to Las Charcas, where he employed himself in

taking care of the extensive estate which he possessed in that country. He

there remained in quiet, till the arrival of the viceroy, Blasco Nunnez

Vela in Peru, as shall be related in the sequel.

[1] This chapter is merely a continuation of the history of the discovery

and conquest of Peru, by Zarate: but we have thought proper to divide

it in this manner, separating the transactions which took place during

the life of Francisco Pizarro, from those which occurred after his

death.--E.

[2] _Il les fit prenare_, are the words of the French translator:

_prendre_ may possibly be an error of the press on this occasion for

_pendre_; in which case those officers of the late marquis were

ordered to be _hanged_; and indeed they do not appear in the

sequel.--E.

[3] There must have been two persons in Peru of this name and surname, as

we have already seen _one_ Francisco de Chaves killed on the same day

with the marquis.--E.

[4] This officer was father to the historian of the same name.--E.

[5] It was now the year 1542.--E.

[6] As Zarate introduces Vaca de Castro into the history of Peru without

any previous notice of his appointment, it has been deemed proper to

give a short account of his commission from Robertsons History of

America, II. 339, which, being too long for a note, is distinguished

in the text by inverted commas--E.

[7] The remainder of the circumstances relative to de Castro, here quoted,

are to be found in Robertson II. 353.; the other events in the history

of Peru having been already given from Zarate.--E.

[8] We now return to the narrative of Zarate.--E.

[9] Garcilasso says, that on this occasion, the Inca Manca Capac, who had

retired to the mountains, in remembrance of the friendship which had

subsisted between him and the elder Almagro, provided Don Diego with

large quantities of armour, swords and saddles, which had been

formerly taken from the Spaniards, sufficient to arm two hundred

men.--E.

[10] The rank of serjeant major in the Spanish service appears to answer

to our adjutant, as applied to a battalion: On the present occasion

Carvajal may be considered as adjutant general under Vaca de Castro.

Maestre de Campo seems equivalent to Major-General.--E.

[11] Garcilasso, himself a mestee, says that Don Diego was the bravest

Mestizo, or son of a Spaniard by an Indian woman, that ever the New

World produced.--E.

[12] According to Garcilasso, of 1500 combatants, including both sides,

500 men were slain, and about an equal number wounded; the royalists

having 500 killed and 400 wounded, while the rebels had only 200 slain

and 100 wounded. In this estimate he has surely made a material error,

as he makes the killed and wounded of the royalists equal to the whole

number thay had in the field.--E.

[13] At this place, a naked list of a great number of names of those who

signalized themselves in the battle, are enumerated by Zarate, but

omitted here as altogether uninteresting.--E.

[14] This appears to countenance the account of Garcilasso in a former

note, who probably quoted from Zarate; but the latter does not limit

this number to the royal troops.--E.

[15] Obviously a misunderstood description of alligators. Indeed the whole

account of this country, now called Colona, seems to have been derived

from the reports of Indians, and is in many circumstances entirely

fabulous, as is well known from the more recent accounts of the Jesuit

missions.--E.

[16] Carabaya is an elevated valley of considerable extent, to the south

east of Cuzco. A mark of gold or eight ounces is worth about L.32;

hence we may readily believe so rich a days work was seldom made.--E.

SECTION II.

_Commencement of the Viceroyalty of Blasco Nunnez Vela, and renewal of the

civil war in Peru by the usurpation of Gonzalo Pizarro_.

At this period, some of the clergy who had been in the New World,

represented to the Emperor Don Carlos and the lords of his council, that

the Spaniards treated the natives in the conquered provinces of America

with extreme cruelty, depriving them of all their property by excessive

exactions, forcing them to labour in the mines and to dive for pearls

beyond their strength, obliging them to carry heavy burdens in long

journeys, and frequently subjecting them to arbitrary punishments, and

even wantonly putting them to death; insomuch that their numbers were fast

diminishing, and that in a short time they would be entirely extirpated

from Mexico and Peru and the other continental dominions of Spain in

America, as was already the case in the islands of Cuba, Hispaniola, Porto

Rico, Jamaica, and others, where hardly any trace remained of the original

inhabitants. To confirm these representations, they particularly recited

many instances of cruelty exercised by the Spaniards upon the Indians,

among which were numerous circumstances that were by no means well

authenticated. They alleged as one of the greatest of these evils, and a

principal cause of the destruction of the Indians, that they were forced

to carry heavy burdens on long journeys, far beyond their strength,

without any consideration of justice or humanity. They added that these

tyrannical practices had been carried to the greatest excess by the

governors, lieutenants, and other officers of the crown, and by the

bishops, monks, and other favoured and privileged persons, trusting to

their authority and immunities to be exempted from punishment for their

improper conduct, by which they were encouraged to the commission of every

excess. He who insisted in these remonstrances with the greatest zeal and

perseverance was Fra Bartholomew de las Casas, a Dominican monk, whom his

majesty had raised to the bishopric of Chiapa.

After maturely considering these representations, his majesty was anxious

to devise proper means to relieve the Indians from oppression; and for

this purpose he assembled a council of all those persons to whom the

administration of affairs in the Indies was confided, with several other

persons of probity learned in the laws. By this assembly the whole affair

was deliberately examined, and a code of regulations drawn up by which it

was expected to remedy the abuses complained of. By these regulations it

was enacted that no Indian should be forced to labour in the mines, or to

dive for pearls; that no excessive labours should be imposed on them, and

even that they should not be obliged to carry burdens except in places

where no other means could be employed; that all Indians should be paid

for their labour, and that the tribute which they were to pay to their

masters should be fixed; that upon the death of any person to whom lands

and Indians now belonged, they were to revert to the crown. Besides, that

all lands and Indians belonging to bishops, monasteries, and hospitals, or

to governors, lieutenant-governors, or other officers of the crown, should

be taken from them and annexed to the crown, even although the possessor

should incline to demit their offices for the purpose of enabling them to

retain their repartitions. It was particularly ordered in regard to Peru,

that all who had taken any share in the civil wars between the marquis and

Almagro should forfeit their lands and Indians. And finally, all Indians

set at liberty by this regulation were to belong in perpetuity to the

crown, to whom their tributes were to be paid in all time coming.

It is perfectly obvious, in consequence of the concluding clause but one

of these regulations, by which all who had taken any share in the late

civil wars were to be deprived of their lands and Indians, that every

individual then in Peru would have been reduced to poverty, as it may be

seen by every circumstance related in the foregoing part of this history,

that every Spaniard in the country had embraced one or other of these

parties with extreme violence. Even the native Peruvians had taken a part

in the civil discords, and had frequent quarrels and engagements on the

subject, some of them taking part with the _Chilese_, and others with the

_Pachacamacs_, by which titles they distinguished respectively the

adherents of Almagro and of the marquis. Hitherto the only court of

justice or royal audience was held at Panama, at a most inconvenient

distance from Peru. By the new regulations this court of Panama was

abolished, and besides the establishment of a new court on the frontiers

of Gauatimala and Nicaragua for all the provinces from Tierra Firma

northwards, of which the licentiate Maldonado was made president, another

court of royal audience was ordered to be established in Lima, consisting

of four oydors or judges, and a president who was to have the title of

Viceroy and captain general. This measure was deemed indispensibly

necessary for the well being of this distant country, the richest and most

valuable dominion which belonged to the crown in all America. All these

regulations were enacted and published at Madrid in 1542, and copies of

them were immediately sent to different parts of the New World. These new

reglations gave extreme dissatisfaction to the conquerors of the American

provinces, and particularly to those of Peru; as every Spanish settler in

that country must have been deprived by them of almost every thing they

possessed, and reduced to the necessity of looking out for new means of

subsistence. Every one loudly declared that his majesty must have received

erroneous information respecting the late events, as the partizans and

adherents both of the marquis and of Almagro, had conducted themselves to

the best of their judgment as faithful subjects of his majesty, believing

that they acted in obedience to his orders in what respected the two rival

governors, who acted in his name and by his authority, and were besides

under the necessity of obeying their officers, either by force or good

will, so that they were in fact guilty of no crime in what they had done;

or, even if their conduct were in some measure faulty, they certainly did

not deserve to be stript entirely of their property. They alleged farther,

that when they discovered and conquered the country, which had been done

at their own proper cost, it had been expressly covenanted that they were

to enjoy the division of the lands and Indians among them for their lives,

with remainder to their eldest sons, or to their widows in case of having

no children; and that, in confirmation of all this, an order had been

issued by his majesty, by which all who had participated in making the

conquest of Peru were to marry within a certain specified time, under the

penalty of losing their lands and Indians, with which regulation most of

them had complied; and that it were now unjust, when they had become old

and worn out, and were encumbered with wives and families, to deprive them

of their substance, when they looked to enjoy repose after all their

fatigues and dangers; being unable from age and infirmity to go in search

of new countries and new establishments.

Great numbers of persons repaired to Cuzco, where Vaca de Castro then

resided, to lay their complaints before him. He told them, that he was

persuaded his majesty would remedy their grievances when informed of the

true state of affairs, and recommended therefore that the procurators or

syndics of the different cities should assemble, and elect a deputation to

carry a true statement of matters to the king and royal council of the

Indies, with a humble supplication that his majesty might apply a proper

remedy, by the revocation or modification of those regulations, which, as

they stood, would produce such ruinous consequences to the colony. On

purpose to facilitate this assembly, the governor promised to repair in

person to Lima, as the most convenient and most central situation for the

deputies of all the other cities. He accordingly set out from Cuzco for

Lima, accompanied by the syndics of all the neighbouring cities, and by

several gentlemen and other persons of consequence.

In the year 1542, while these things were going on in Peru, his majesty

appointed Blasco Nunnez Vela, who had been commissary general of the

revenue in Castille, as Viceroy of Peru, and president of the court of

royal audience, to carry those regulations into effect which we have

already given an accoun of. Vela was chosen to this high and important

office as a person of capacity and experience, who would dispense strict

justice without respect of persons, and would punctually fulfil the royal

orders. The four oydors or judges nominated to the royal audience of Lima

were the licentiate Cepeda, doctor Lison de Texada, and the licentiates

Alvarez and Pedro Ortiz. Augustin de Zarate[1], secretary of the royal

council of Castille, was appointed at the same time auditor general of

accounts both for Peru and the Tierra Firma, as since the discovery and

settlement of these provinces, no accounts of the royal revenues had ever

been rendered to the treasurers. All these persons embarked at San Lucar

de Barrameda on the 1st November 1543, and arrived safe at the harbour of

Nombre de Dios, where they made some stay, on purpose to prepare for their

voyage to Peru. As the viceroy was eager to proceed, he embarked at Panama

in the middle of February 1543, without waiting for the judges of the

royal audience, who anxiously requested to accompany him, and who were

accordingly much chagrined by this procedure. Even before this, some

slight disputes had occurred between them and Vela, which though of small

importance in themselves, had left some impression of mutual

dissatisfaction, and evinced that they were not likely to agree in the

government of the country.

Befere leaving the Tierra Firma, the viceroy began to carry one of the new

regulations into effect, by which all Indians were enjoined to be at

liberty to return to their native countries, whatever might have been the

cause of their transportation to other places. He accordingly collected

all the natives of Peru who happened to be in the province of Tierra Firma;

and as there was a great and constant intercourse between that province

and Peru, the number of Peruvians in Tierra Firma was considerable, and he

ordered all of these to embark in the same ship with himself at the

expence of their masters. The new viceroy had a quick passage from Panama

to the port of Tumbez at the northern extremity of proper Peru, where he

disembarked on the 4th of March, being resolved to go from thence by land

to Lima, and immediately proceeded to enforce the new regulations in every

one of the places by which he travelled. In regard to some of the

colonists, he fixed the services and tributes which they were in future to

exact from the Indians; and others he deprived entirely of their lands and

Indians, annexing them to the crown. Many of those who found themselves

aggrieved by these regulations, particularly all the inhabitants of San

Miguel and Truxillo, waited on the viceroy, respectfully yet earnestly

entreating that he would at least postpone the execution of those rigorous

decrees till the arrival of the judges, when they would make their humble

application for justice at Lima in the royal court of audience. In

corroboration of this request, they pointed out one of the articles of the

regulations, which directed that they were to be put in force by the

viceroy and oydors conjunctly, and that therefore he was not authorised to

execute them by his single authority. All their remonstrances and

reasonings were unavailing, as he refused to listen to them, saying, that

the orders with which he was entrusted were general laws, which could not

be suspended or even postponed in compliance with any requests or

supplications whatever. He persisted, therefore, to put the regulations

strictly in force, through the whole extent of his journey from Tumbez

till his arrival in the province of Guavara[2], which is eighteen leagues

from Lima.

Immediately on his arrival at Tumbez, the viceroy sent an express to

notify his arrival and the extent of his powers and authority to the

governor Vaca de Castro, whom he directed to discontinue all exercise of

authority as governor. By this messenger, and by other persons who

followed him, the inhabitants of Lima were informed of the rigorous manner

in which the viceroy had proceeded to enforce the new regulations, and of

his refusal to listen to any supplications or remonstrances on the subject.

On purpose still more to irritate every one against the viceroy, reports

were spread of several other rigorous proceedings as having been exercised

by him, of which he never even conceived the idea. These news caused much

emotion and discontent among the persons who accompanied Vaca de Castro,

insomuch that several of them urged him to refuse recognizing the viceroy,

and to protest both against the regulations and his commission, as he had

rendered himself unworthy of the government by executing his commission

with extreme rigour, refusing justice to his majestys faithful subjects,

and turning a deaf ear to their respectful remonstrances. Vaca de Castro

soothed them as much as possible, by assuring them that when the oydors

were arrived and had begun to act as the royal court of audience, they

would certainly listen to their remonstrances on being instructed in the

true state of the country; but that for himself, he could in no degree

consent to disobey the orders of his majesty. At this time, Vaca de Castro

had arrived at Guarachiri, about twenty leagues from Lima, and on

receiving the orders which had been transmitted to him by the viceroy, he

immediately divested himself of his office, and discontinued from

exercising any of the functions of government; except that he granted some

vacant repartitions of lands and Indians to different people, some of

which grants were in his own name.

Finding all their representations to Vaca de Castro ineffectual, the

principal persons who attended him set out in their return to Cuzco, under

pretence that they dared not to await the arrival of the viceroy so long

as he was alone; but that they would return to Lima on the arrival of the

judges: Yet, in spite of these specious pretexts, it was easy to see that

they were much discontented and had evil intentions. Indeed they clearly

evinced this soon afterwards on their arrival at the city of Guamanga,

where they excited a great tumult, and took possession of all the

artillery which Vaca de Castro had disposed in that place after his

victory over Don Diego. They then collected a great number of Indians, and

caused the whole of this train or artillery to be removed to Cuzco.

Vaca de Castro continued his journey from Guarachiri to Lima, which he

found all involved in confusion and discontent, the inhabitants being much

divided in opinion as to the expediency of receiving the viceroy or

refusing to recognize him in that capacity. Some alleged that the orders

of his majesty did not command his recognition till his actual arrival.

Others said that he ought not to be recognized even on his arrival,

considering the unjust regulations which he brought along with him, and

the rigour with which he put them in force, in spite of every remonstrance

and supplication to the contrary. But by the earnest exhortations of Yllan

Suarez, _alcalde_ or judge of police and royal commissary of Lima, they

came at length to the resolution of receiving the viceroy, and even to

admit the regulations, which were published with much solemnity. Upon this

all the magistrates principal inhabitants of the city, went to Huaura to

welcome the viceroy and to pay him their respectful compliments. From

Huaura he was accompanied by the whole cavalcade to Lima, where he was

received with great pomp and magnificence, making his entry under a canopy

of cloth of gold. All the magistrates walked in procession, carrying the

ensigns of their office, and dressed in long robes of crimson satin turned

up with white damask. In this grand stile the viceroy was conducted in the

first place to church, and thence to his palace.

Next day as the viceroy had received information of the discontents and

seditious conduct of the persons who had retired to Cuzco, he ordered Vaca

de Castro to be arrested and thrown into the common prison, as he

suspected that he had fomented these seditious practices, and that he had

even been their secret adviser to that step. Although the inhabitants of

Lima were by no means perfectly satisfied with the conduct of Vaca de

Castro, they yet humbly petitioned the viceroy, not to allow a person of

such high rank, who was a member of the royal council and had been

governor of the country, to be thrown into the common prison; as, even if

he merited the punishment of death, and were to be beheaded next day, he

ought to be more honourably dealt with. The viceroy was softened by these

remonstrances, and ordered Vaca de Castro to be placed under arrest in the

palace, taking a bail bond from the burgesses for his safe custody under a

heavy penalty; and besides, he placed all the effects of the late governor

under sequestration. The inhabitants of Lima were extremely discontented

by the harsh conduct of the viceroy, holding frequent secret conferences

among themselves, and a considerable number of them withdrew gradually

from the city, repairing to Cuzco, at which place toe viceroy was not

acknowledged.

At this time Gonzalo Pizarro dwelt at Chuquisaca de la Plata, in the

province of las Charcas, employed in the arrangement of the estate which

had been conferred upon him by his brother the marquis, where ten or

twelve of his most intimate friends resided along with him. On learning

the arrival of the viceroy, the causes of his mission, and the regulations

which he had brought out for the government of the colony, and which he

rigorously enforced, Gonzalo took the resolution of going to Cuzco, under

pretence of inquiring after news from Spain, and to regulate the affairs

belonging to his brother Ferdinand, according to the instructions he had

received on that subject. While employed in collecting money for his

journey, he received letters from all parts of Peru, written both by

private persons and the magistrates of the cities and towns, endeavouring

to persuade him to stand forwards in defence of the common interests on

the present emergency, by protesting against the execution of the royal

ordinances, and demanding either that their execution should be delayed,

or that some other remedy should be interposed to prevent universal ruin

among the colonists. Gonzalo was even urged to this interference, as a

person to whom the government of the country belonged of right, as heir to

the marquis his brother. In some of these letters the writers offered to

devote themselves and their fortunes to his service: Others informed him

that the viceroy had publickly declared he would put Gonzalo to death. In

this way every means was used to irritate Gonzalo, that he might come to

Cuzco to prevent the entry of the viceroy into that city. As every thing

seemed to conspire towards the accomplishment of the desire which he had

always cherished, of acquiring the government of Peru, he gathered a large

sum of money, both from his own funds and those belonging to his brother

Ferdinand, and repaired to Cuzco accompanied by a retinue of twenty

Spaniards[3].

The whole Spanish population of the city went out to meet him, and

received him with every demonstration of joy. Every day additional persons

flocked to Cuzco, withdrawing from Lima in consequence of the rigorous

conduct of the viceroy, who continually irritated the inhabitants by his

tyranny. Numerous meetings were held in the town-house of Cuzco, both of

the magistrates and the citizens in general, to consult as to what ought

to be their conduct in the event of the viceroy arriving at their city.

Some proposed that he ought to be received, and that a deputation should

be sent to his majesty, praying him to give relief in respect to the

regulations, which would ruin the colony unless changed or considerably

modified. Others alleged, if the viceroy were received, that he was so

determined on the establishment of the regulations in their entire rigour,

that he would instantly deprive them of all their Indians; and that,

whatever alteration might be afterwards made, it would be exceedingly

difficult to recover them. It was at length resolved to elect Gonzalo

Pizarro procurator-general, and Diego Centeno, who had been sent to

represent the city of la Plata, was appointed his deputy. Gonzalo was

authorised, in the exercise of this new office, to lay the remonstrances

of the Spanish inhabitants of Peru, in regard to the new regulations,

before the royal Court of Audience; and at first considerable difference

of sentiment took place in the councils of the remonstrants, as to the

mode in which he should proceed to Lima: whether he should be accompanied

by a body of troops for his defence in case of need, or should go there

merely as a peaceful messenger. At last the former alternative was

resolved on, and for the following reasons, in excuse for taking up arms

against the viceroy. First, that the viceroy had beat up for volunteers at

Lima, under pretence of chastising those who had taken possession of the

artillery. Secondly, that the viceroy conducted himself with the most

inflexible rigour in carrying the regulations into effect, without

listening to the supplications and remonstrances which had been presented

to him, and without waiting for the arrival of the judges of the royal

audience, to whom, not less than to himself, the authority had been

confided for enforcing or suspending the execution of the regulations.

Lastly, because the viceroy had been several times heard to declare that

he would put Gonzalo to death, on account of his participation in the late

civil war, and in the death of Don Diego. Some of the remonstrants were

disposed to place this measure, of escorting the procurator general by an

armed force, upon a more moderate pretext, alleging that it was necessary

for him to travel through a part of the country, in his way to Lima, where

the Inca was in arms, and that it was proper in consequence that Gonzalo

should be enabled to defend himself from the hostility of the natives.

Others talked more openly, saying that the viceroy was a person of an

obstinate and inflexible disposition, who did not confine himself within

the bounds of justice and equity, and against whom it was necessary to

have some other protection than that of the law. Some able persons among

them endeavoured to place their present conduct in a favourable light, by

drawing up a kind of manifesto, in which they endeavoured to demonstrate,

that there was nothing in their present conduct which could be considered

as derogatory to the respect which was due to the royal authority, as

justice allowed every one to repel force by force, and to defend

themselves against unjust oppression, even resisting by violence a judge

who acts unlawfully, and against the essential forms of law and justice.

It was flnally determined therefore, that Gonzalo should raise a body of

troops, and for this purpose many of the inhabitants of Cuzco offered

their persons and properties, declaring themselves ready to hazard their

lives in defence of the common cause. Besides the title of

Procurator-general of Peru, for the purpose of presenting the

supplications and remonstrances of the colonists, Gonzalo was appointed

general of the army which was to defend him against the Inca. As is usual

in such matters, these resolutions were all extended with much formality,

to give a colour of regularity to their proceedings. The remonstrants then

proceeded to levy an army, for the payment of which they took possession

of the royal treasure, and availed themselves of the property belonging to

deceased colonists and some other funds, under pretence of a loan. After

this captain Francisco de Almendras was detached with some troops to take

possession of the defiles of the mountains, on purpose to prevent any

intelligence of their proceedings being conveyed to Lima. In this measure,

they were aided by Paullu, brother to the Inca, who guarded all the

passes on his side by means of his Peruvians, to prevent any one from

carrying intelligence to the low country.

The Cabildo or council of Cuzco sent letters to the Cabildo of la Plata,

representing the prodigous injuries which would accrue to all the

colonists from the execution of the obnoxious regulations, informing them

of the measures which they had resolved upon for averting the ruin of the

colony, and requiring them to approve of and concur in these measures, to

which in fact they were already parties, since captain Diego Centeno,

their deputy, had already consented to them in their name and behalf. They

therefore required their concurrence and assistance, and requested them to

repair immediately to Cuzco with their arms and horses. Gonzalo wrote by

the same conveyance to all the inhabitants of La Plata, soliciting their

individual concurrence and aid. At this time, Luis de Ribera acted in the

city of La Plata as lieutenant to Vaca de Castro, the former governor, and

Antonio Alvarez, another inhabitant of the same place, held the office of

judge ordinary. These men, on hearing of the transactions which had taken

place at Cuzco immediately revoked the commission which had been given to

Centeno as deputy from their city, and sent an answer to the regency of

Cuzco in the name of the whole cabildo of La Plata declaring that they

were resolved to obey the orders of his majesty, although it should cost

them their lives and properties: That their city had always preserved its

loyalty against all who had acted against the royal authority, and they

were resolved to persist in the same line of conduct: That Centeno had

only been authorised to concur in their name to such measures as might

appear conducive to the service of his majesty, the advantage of his

dominions, and the preservation of the natives of the country; and since,

in the election of Gonzalo, and the other measures which had been resolved

upon at Cuzco, they saw no tendency towards those things which had been

confided to Centeno, they could not be implicated in the consent which

Centeno had given beyond his legitimate powers, nor were they to be

considered as bound to ratify what he had done in their name, as every

thing which had been done was contrary to the orders and instructions

which they had given him.

This letter did not contain the universal sentiments of the citizens of La

Plata, in which Gonzalo had several friends, who used their endeavours to

gain over the inhabitants to his side, and to engage them to join his army.

They even endeavoured more than once to kill Ribera and Alvarez, but these

officers used such precautions as to baffle all their attempts. Ribera and

Alvarez waited patiently for receiving the regulations from the viceroy;

but owing to the great distance of their city from Lima, these had not yet

reached them. In the mean time, they commanded all the inhabitants, under

severe penalties, to remain in La Plata; yet several of them left the city

and joined the remonstrants at Cuzco.

The viceroy made his entry with great pomp, in the month of May 1544, into

Lima, where no one dared to speak to him on the subject of suspending the

obnoxious regulations. The magistrates, indeed, had already made their

respectful remonstrances and supplications, alleging substantial reasons

why they ought to be suspended, but all in vain. He engaged indeed, after

the regulations should have been carried into effect, that he would write

to his majesty, representing that it was for the interest of the crown, as

well as for the advantage of the natives of the country, that they should

be revoked; and that those who had drawn them up were certainly ignorant

of the true state of the country, or they could never have advised the

king to establish them. He acknowledged that the regulations were

prejudicial to the royal interest and the good of the country; and he

recommended that deputies should be sent to him from all parts of Peru, in

conjunction with whom he would write to the king what might be proper on

the subject; and that doubtless he would then receive orders calculated to

remedy the apprehended evils: But that he could not of his own authority

suspend the execution of the ordinances, and must continue to act as he

had already done, as his orders left him no choice but absolute obedience

to the royal instructions.

At this time three of the judges of the court of audience, Cepeda Alvarez

and Texada, arrived at Lima, leaving Ortiz, the other judge, sick at

Truxillo. The viceroy issued immediate orders for the inauguration of the

royal Court of Audience; for which purpose all the necessary preparations

were made for the solemn reception of the royal seal, as usual on the

first establishment of this high tribunal. The seal was placed in a rich

casket, carried by a horse superbly caparisoned and covered by housings of

cloth of gold, and led under a canopy of the same splendid materials, held

up by the magistrates of the city dressed in flowing robes of crimson

velvet, in the same ceremony as is used in Spain on the entry of the king

in person into any of the cities. On this occasion, Juan de Leon led the

horse, being appointed to officiate as chancellor, in the place of the

Marquis de Camarasa, president of Cazorla, who then held the seals in

Spain. After this procession, the court of audience was installed, and

proceeded immediately to business; but a subject of dispute soon arose

between the viceroy and the judges, which renewed the dissentions which

had arisen between them even before their arrival in Peru, the explanation

of which requires some detail.

When the viceroy arrived at the _Tambo_ or palace of Guavra[4], where he

waited till he was sure of being received at Lima, he found written on one

of the walls of the _tambo_ to the following effect: "Whoever may

endeavour to deprive me of my house and property, I shall endeavour to

deprive of life." He dissimulated his displeasure at these words for some

time; but being afterwards persuaded that these words had been written by

Antonio de Solar, to whom the district of Guavra belonged, and who he

believed was not well inclined towards him, because he had found the tambo

entirely deserted on his arrival, he sent for Solar a few days after his

reception at Lima. In a private conference, he spoke to Solar concerning

these words which he had seen on the walls of the tambo, and reproached

him likewise for having spoken to him personally with much insolence: Then,

ordering the gates of the palace to be shut, the viceroy sent for one of

his chaplains to confess Solar, declaring his resolution to have him

immediately hanged from one of the pillars of a gallery fronting the great

square of Lima. Solar refused to confess himself, and the dispute

continued so long that news of what was going forwards spread over the

city, on which the archbishop and some other persons of quality came to

the palace and humbly requested the viceroy to defer the execution. At

first he obstinately persisted in his intention; but at last consented to

postpone the execution till next day, and sent Solar to prison loaded with

fetters. On the morrow, the anger of the viceroy was somewhat appeased, so

that he did not renew his orders for hanging Solar, but detained him for

two months in prison and in irons, without any information or process

respecting his crime.

After the installation of the court of audience, the judges went on a

Saturday to visit the prison; and having been informed of the foregoing

circumstances by a judicial note or request presented to them on the

subject, they demanded to see Solar, whom they asked the cause of his

imprisonment; to which he answered that he knew nothing about the matter.

On examination, they found no process against Solar, and the jailor and

registrars were only able to say that the viceroy had given orders for his

imprisonment. On the ensuing Monday, the judges represented to the viceroy

that they had found no process or informations against Solar, and could

only learn as the reason of his imprisonment that it was by his orders;

and consequently, having no documents to instruct the lawfulness of his

detention, they could not in law or equity do otherwise than order him to

be set at liberty. The viceroy said that Solar had been arrested by his

orders, and that he had even been inclined to have hanged him, on account

of the writing on the wall of the tambo, and because of his personal

insolence when there was no witnesses present; believing, by his sole

authority as viceroy, that he had the power of arrest, and even of

ordering him to be hanged, without being under the necessity of giving

them any reasons for his conduct. To this the judges made answer, that his

authority as viceroy could only extend so far as justice and the laws of

the kingdom allowed. As the viceroy and they could not agree on this point,

when they visited the prison on the following Saturday, they ordered Solar

to be liberated, desiring him however to remain under arrest in his own

house; and on a subsequent visitation, they set him entirely at liberty.

The viceroy was much chagrined by this affront, and sought anxiously for

an opportunity of being revenged, for which he thought the following

circumstance gave him a favourable opening. The three judges lodged

separately with some of the richest inhabitants of Lima, who likewise

provided their tables, and furnished every thing that was necessary for

themselves and their servants. At first this was done with the consent of

the viceroy, till such time as they might be able to procure and to

furnish houses for themselves. After the dispute concerning Solar, the

viceroy caused them to be informed, that it did not seem to him consistent

with decorum that they should live at the expence of the citizens, which

would be assuredly displeasing to his majesty, and therefore that they

ought to look out for houses for their accommodation: And that, besides,

he did not approve of their walking about the streets in company with the

merchants and other inhabitants of the city. The judges made answer, that

they had not been able to find any houses for hire, and that they were

under the necessity of waiting till some then building were finished: That

in future they would live at their own charges: but as to walking in the

streets with the inhabitants, it was neither a criminal nor a forbidden

conduct, nor in any way improper; as even in Spain the members of the

royal council, or of any other tribunal, were in use to do the same, which

was even useful, as in that way the merchants had an opportunity of

informing or reminding them of their affairs. The viceroy and the judges

were always upon bad terms, and their misunderstanding broke out into

disputes on every occasion. It is said that at one time the licentiate

Alvarez, one of the judges, preferred an oath to a procurator or attorney,

respecting a bribe which he had given to Alvarez de Cueto, brother-in-law

to the viceroy, for his interest to obtain the appointment. By this

procedure of Alvarez, the viceroy is said to have been greatly offended.

During all this time, the passes of the mountains leading towards Cuzco

had been so well guarded by the Spaniards and Peruvians appointed for that

purpose, that no intelligence could be had at Lima of what was going on

among the remonstrants. It was only known that Gonzalo Pizarro had gone to

Cuzco, and that all those who had withdrawn from Lima and other places in

the plain had repaired to the same place in expectation of a civil war.

The viceroy and judges of the royal audience issued their joint

proclamation, ordering, in the name of the king, all the inhabitants of

Cuzco, and the other cities of Peru, to recognize and submit to Blasco

Nunnez as viceroy, and to repair with their arms and horses to Lima to

offer their services. Most of these proclamations were lost by the way;

but that which was sent to La Plata was more fortunate, and, by virtue of

its authority, Luis de Ribera, Antonio Alvarez, and the other magistrates

and officers of that city, proclaimed Blasco Nunnez with much ceremony and

great rejoicings: And, in testimony of their submission to his authority,

they equipped twenty-five horsemen, being all the city could spare, who

were sent to join the viceroy under the command of Captain Luis de Ribera.

Lest Gonzalo might cut off their passage and arrest them on their march,

Ribera made his way towards Lima by a desert and unfrequented road.

Some even of the inhabitants of Cuzco got copies of the proclamation, in

consequence of which several of them repaired secretly to Lima to offer

their services to the viceroy, as will be more particularly specified in

the sequel. By their means the viceroy became acquainted with the

transactions at Cuzco, on which account he found himself under the

necessity of using every effort to increase his forces by means of

additional levies; for which purpose he fortunately possessed ample funds,

as Vaca de Castro had embarked upwards of 100,000 crowns which he had

drawn from Cuzco to transmit to the king, which the viceroy took

possession of and employed for the equipment and pay of his troops. He

appointed Don Alfonso de Montemayor and Diego Alvarez de Cuero, who was

his own brother-in-law, captains of horse; Martin de Robles and Paul de

Menezes captains of foot; and Gonzalo Diaz de Pignera captain of

musqueteers. Vela Nunnez, his own brother, was made captain-general of the

troops. Diego de Urbina maestre de campo, or major general, and Juan de

Aguire serjeant-major, or adjutant general. Without including the citizens,

his army amounted to 600 men; of whom 100 were cavalry, 200 musqueteers,

and the remaining 300 armed with pikes. On purpose to arm these soldiers,

he caused a considerable number of musquets to be made, some of which were

of iron, and others of cast metal, which he procured by melting down some

of the bells belonging to the great church.

Besides frequently exercising his troops to perfect them in their

discipline, he occasionally caused false alarms to be given that he might

ascertain their disposition towards him, as it was much suspected that the

majority were by no means hearty in the cause. Having some suspicion of

Vaca de Castro, the former governor, whom he had lately allowed to be a

prisoner at large on parole not to leave the city, and believing that he

had some secret intelligence with his former friends and dependents, the

viceroy ordered a false alarm one day about noon, reporting that Gonzalo

was near at hand; and when the troops were all assembled in the great

square, he sent his brother-in-law, Diego Alvarez de Cueto to arrest Vaca

de Castro. At the same time he arrested Don Pedro de Cabrera, Hernan Mexia

de Gusman, Lorenço de Aldana, Melchior Ramirez, and Baltazar Ramirez his

brother-in-law, all of whom he sent prisoners on board a ship comanded by

Jeronimo de Zurbano. A few days afterwards, he set Lorenço de Aldana at

liberty, and sent off Cabrera and Mexia to Panama, and the two Ramirez to

Nicaragua. Vaca de Castro remained prisoner in the ship, neither he nor

any of the rest being informed of what they were accused, nor were any

informations or law-processes made respecting them. While these civil

discords were going on, two ships loaded with merchandise arrived at the

port belonging to Arequipa[5], both of which were purchased by Gonzalo

Pizarro, with the intention of employing them to transport his artillery,

and for getting possession of the harbour of Lima, and seizing the ships

belonging to the viceroy, believing that whoever was master of the sea

along the coast of Peru must command the country, by having it in his

power to land in any unguarded place and to do all the mischief he pleased,

on account of the prodigious extent of coast. By commanding at sea, he

would likewise have been enabled to procure arms and horses from the

vessels which are in use to bring these to Peru, and would have it in his

power to stop all vessels coming there from Spain with merchandise or

other supplies. On learning that Gonzalo had purchased these two vessels,

and the purpose for which he destined them, the viceroy was a good deal

distressed, fearing they might occasion considerable detriment to his

affairs, as he had no means of opposing two ships so well provided with

artillery; yet he took the best measures in his power to prepare for his

defence. He equipped, therefore, one of the vessels in the port of Lima,

which he armed with eight brass cannon and some others of iron, with

several musquets and cross-bows, appointing Jeronimo de Zurbano to the

command, with orders to make the best resistance he could against the

ships of Gonzalo. Fortunately these preparations became unnecessary; for

the captains Alfonso de la Caçares and Jeronimo de la Cerna, who dwelt in

Arequipa, went secretly by night on board the two ships which Gonzalo had

purchased, and which remained waiting for their artillery, and by large

bribes to the masters and mariners got possession of them for the viceroy;

then, abandoning their houses lands and Indians, they immediately set sail

for Lima. On their arrival off the harbour of Callao, the viceroy got

notice of their approach from some centinels who were stationed in a

neighbouring island, and having no doubt that they were enemies, he

immediately set out from Lima at the head of a body of cavalry. In the

meantime, Zerbana discharged his artillery against the two ships, which

immediately lowered their sails in token of peace, and sent some of their

people on shore in a boat to surrender the ships to the viceroy. This

circumstance gave much satisfaction to the viceroy and all the inhabitants

of Lima, as it relieved them from a danger of which they were in great

fear.

While these things were going on, Gonzalo Pizarro levied troops at Cuzco,

which he carefully armed and disciplined, and made every necessary

preparation for war. He assembled a body of 500 men, of which he appointed

Alfonso de Toro major-general, retaining the chief command in person. He

divided his cavalry into two troops, one of which he gave the command of

to Don Pedro de Porto-Carrero, placing himself at the head of the other.

Gumiel, and the bachelor Juan Belez de Guevera, were appointed captains of

two companies of pikemen; and Captain Pedro Cermeno had the command of the

musqueteers. He had three standards, one having the royal arms, which was

given to Porto Carrero; a second having the arms of Cuzco was confided to

Antonio de Altamirano, alcalde of Cuzco, whom he afterwards beheaded as

inclined to the royal interests: the third, bearing his own arms, was

carried by his ensign; but was afterwards given to Captain Pedro de

Puelles. Ferdinand Bachicao was made commander of the artillery,

consisting of twenty excellent field-pieces, with a plentiful supply of

powder, balls, and every other necessary for their service.

Gonzalo endeavoured to secure the troops in his interest, covering his

designs and endeavouring to justify his criminal enterprize by the most

specious pretexts. Having assembled his army he made a long harangue to

the soldiers, in which he represented, "That he and his brothers, as was

well known to to them all, had discovered the kingdom of Peru, which they

had reduced under the dominion of the king at their own proper charges,

and had already remitted very large sums in gold and silver to his majesty;

yet, after the death of the marquis, the king had not conferred the

government of the country, either on the son of the marquis, or on him who

now addressed them, as ought to have been done in conformity with the

promises and agreements which had been made at the first discovery, but

had even sent a cruel and inflexible person at this time to strip all of

them of their property, as it was quite obvious that every person in Peru

came under the scope of the obnoxious regulations. Blasco Nunnez Vaca, to

whom the execution of these fatal regulations was confided, caused them to

be put in force with the utmost rigour, not only refusing to listen to

remonstrances and petitions the most respectful, but treating every one

harshly who presumed to offer the most humble representations against

their execution; of all which, and many other things of a like nature,

every one who heard him were able to testify. Besides which, it was

publickly given out, that the viceroy had orders to cut off his head;

although it was well known to them all that he had not only never done any

thing contrary to the service of the king, but had always conducted

himself with the most zealous loyalty. For all these reasons, and by the

consent and appointment of the city of Cuzco, he had resolved to go to

Lima, to make a representation of their grievances to the royal audience,

and humbly to supplicate a suspension of the ruinous regulations, that

time might be given for sending deputies to the king in the name and on

behalf of the whole kingdom of Peru, to inform his majesty of the true

state of affairs, and of what seemed necessary to be done in the present

conjuncture; having no doubt, when his majesty was truly informed, that he

would devise a suitable remedy. If however, after using their utmost

efforts, his majesty should still think proper to enforce the regulations,

he and all with whom he acted would then obey the royal orders with the

most entire and unreserved submission. His own journey and compearance

before the viceroy, considering the menaces of that officer and the troops

which he had levied, were obviously attended with the utmost danger to

himself and all who should accompany him, unless he and they should be in

a situation to defend themselves from lawless violence. For this reason it

had been deemed indispensably necessary that he and the other deputies

should be accompanied by a body of troops, which they had not the most

distant intentions of employing to injure any person, unless they were

attacked. He entreated them, therefore, to accompany him in his journey to

Lima, and to observe during their march the strictest and most vigilant

discipline, and that they might be assured, he, and those other gentleman

who acted along with him, would reward them liberally for their toil and

bravery, in enabling them to act with effect for preserving the properties

of all from ruin."

By this specious discourse, in which Gonzalo endeavoured to persuade his

troops that his cause was just and his intentions pure, a considerable

effect was produced, and his soldiers unanimously declared their

determination to follow and defend him at the risk of their lives. He then

marched out from Cuzco, accompanied by all the inhabitants of that city;

and having put his troops in proper order, he gave permission that same

evening to several of the citizens, as had been previously concerted

between them, to return on purpose to prepare for the journey. Next

morning early, twenty-five of the most eminent citizens, who had first

given their assent to the supplications against the obnoxious regulations,

considering that the steps which were now taking were criminal and

rebellious, and dreading the injurious consequences which they would

necessarily produce in Peru, came to the resolution of abandoning the

party of Gonzalo and offering their services to the viceroy. They

immediately set about executing this design, and went by long journeys

through unfrequented ways in the deserts and mountains, lest Gonzalo might

order them to be pursued, which he actually did. The principal persons in

this defection were Gabriel de Roias, and Gomez de Roias his nephew,

Garcilasso de la Vega, Pedro del Barco, Martin de Florencia, Jeronimo de

Soria, Juan de Saavedra, Jeronimo Costilla, Gomez de Leon, Luis de Leon,

and Pedro Manjares[6]. On setting out from Cuzco, they carried with them

the orders they had received from the royal audience, by which they were

enjoined to compear at Lima to submit to the authority of the viceroy.

When Gonzalo was informed of this notable defection from his cause, by

which all his troops seemed very considerably disconcerted, he was almost

in the mind to have abandoned his enterprize, and to withdraw into the

district of Charcas with about fifty horsemen of his most attached friends,

to fortify himself there as well as he could; but after mature reflection,

he considered it as less dangerous to follow his first intentions, and to

continue the march for Lima. Having taken this resolution, he endeavoured

to encourage his troops, by telling them that the deserters were assuredly

ill-informed of the true state of affairs at Lima, as he had letters from

the principal inhabitants of that city, assuring him that, with fifty

horsemen only, he might easily bring his enterprize to a happy conclusion,

and without incurring the smallest danger, as all the colonists

entertained the same sentiments with him, and only needed his countenance

and direction to declare themselves. He continued his march accordingly,

but very slowly and with infinite difficulty, on account of the extreme

labour which was requisite for bringing forward his artillery. All the

cannon and warlike stores had to be carried on the shoulders of Indians,

by means of levers or long spars, for which purpose the guns were taken

off from their carriages, and it required twelve Indians to each gun, who

were hardly able to go above a hundred paces under their load, when they

were relieved by an equal number. On this account, 300 Indians were

assigned to each gun, so that the artillery alone, with its ammunition and

stores, required above 6000 Indians to conduct it over the mountains.

Several gentlemen and other persons of consideration who accompanied

Gonzalo, began to repent of being engaged in the enterprize. They had

concurred with the rest at the beginning, in the propriety of

remonstrating against the execution of the obnoxious regulations, and had

even offered to risk their lives and fortunes in that measure; but on

seeing the turn which affairs had taken, and that Gonzalo gradually

assumed an authority to which he had no pretensions, they wished sincerely

to get away from the engagements into which they had entered. Before

leaving Cuzco, Gonzalo had seized the treasure belonging to the crown, not

only without the consent and authority of the magistrates, but contrary to

their advice and desire. They were anxiously desirous, therefore, of

retracing the dangerous and criminal steps which they had taken, and the

rather because they already believed that it would be unsuccessful.

Gaspard Rodriguez De Campo-rondo, the brother of the deceased Captain

Pedro Anzurez, and who had succeeded to the management of his estate and

Indians, was the leader of these persons who wished to return to their

duty. He and the rest concerted with each other how they might best

abandon Gonzalo and join the viceroy; but they were somewhat afraid of

trusting implicitly to Blasco Nunnez, in consideration of the extreme

severity of his character, fearing that he might punish them for the share

they had taken hitherto in the insurrection, notwithstanding of this their

intended tardy abandonment of Gonzalo. For this reason they resolved to

take effectual measures for securing an indemnity, and sent off, by a

secret and unfrequented road, letters for the viceroy and the audience, in

charge of a priest named Baltasar de Loaysa, by which they craved pardon

for the past and a safe conduct for their compearance at Lima; adding,

that, as they held some rank in the insurgent army, being captains under

Gonzalo, all their friends and dependents might be expected to follow

their example, by which in all probability the army of Gonzalo would fall

to pieces of itself. Besides Rodriguez, Philip Gutierez, Arias Maldonado,

Pedro de Vila-Castin, and others to the number of twenty-five, concurred

in this plan of abandoning Gonzalo.

Loaysa went in all haste to Lima, and, for the better concealment, he

avoided uniting himself with Gabriel de Roias and the others who had

formerly set out from Cuzco to join the viceroy. On his arrival at Lima,

he immediately delivered his dispatches to the viceroy and the audience,

and received without delay the safe conduct which his employers required.

The news of this affair was soon spread over Lima, in which many of the

inhabitants and others secretly wished well to the party of Gonzalo, as

conformable to their own interest; and they were therefore a good deal

mortified at the defection among the insurgents, which they supposed would

soon occasion the army of Gonzalo to disperse; after which, the viceroy

would assuredly carry the regulations into execution with the utmost

rigour, when there was no one to oppose him.

At the time when the viceroy was received at Lima, Pedro de Puelles, who

was lieutenant of Guanuco under Vaca de Castro, came among the first to

pay his compliments and to tender submission to his authority. As he had

resided long in Peru, and had great experience in the affairs of that

country, the viceroy gave him a new commission, by which he was confirmed

in the lieutenancy of Guanuco, to which city he was sent back, with orders

to hold the inhabitants in readiness to take the field with their horses

and arms in case of need. Puelles not only prepared the people of his

government for taking the field, but even retained in his pay some

soldiers who had come from the province of Chachapoyas along with Gomez de

Soliz and Bonefaz. Thinking it necessary to strengthen his army as much as

possible to oppose Gonzalo, who was now marching towards Lima, the viceroy

sent Jeronimo de Villegas with a letter commanding Puelles to join him

without delay with all his force. On the arrival of Villegas at Guanuco,

he and Puelles consulted together on the state of affairs, and concluded

that if they should join the viceroy they would give a decided superiority

to his side; and after the defeat of Gonzalo, having no one to oppose him,

the viceroy would then cause the regulations to be enforced in their

utmost rigour, by which the whole colonists of Peru would suffer extreme

injury; as by depriving them of their Indians, not only the burgesses to

whom they belonged would be reduced to poverty, but even the soldiers

would be materially injured, as the burgesses would be no longer in

condition to furnish subsistence to the troops as now. They came to the

resolution therefore to join the party of Gonzalo, and set out immediately

in search of his army for that purpose.

[1] The author of this history.--E.

[2] About that distance to the north of Lima is the town of _Huaura_,

which is probably the place indicated in the text, as in many names of

places in Peru the initial syllable _Gua_ or _Hua_, are

interchangeably used by different authors.--E.

[3] Zarate is exceedingly negligent in regard to dates. We learn from the

history of America, II. 370, that the present occurrences took place

in 1544.--E.

[4] It has been already mentioned in a former note, that this is probably

a different orthography for Huaura, a place about 70 miles to the N.N.

W. of Lima.--E.

[5] Arequipa is a considerable way from the coast, on which there are

several harbours, thirty or forty miles distant.--E.

[6] Garcilasso de la Vega differs somewhat in the names of one or two of

these leading men who deserted from Gonzalo, and enumerates a

considerable number more, among whom he names one Pedro Pizarro,

saying they were in all about forty, with many of whom he was

personally acquainted.--E.

END OF VOLUME FOURTH.