SECTION XXIV.

_Concluding Observations by the Author_[1].

Having enumerated the soldiers who passed from Cuba along with Cortes, to

the conquest of New Spain, I have to observe that we were for the most

part _hidalgos_, or gentlemen, though some were not of such clear lineage

as others; but, whatever may have been the dignity of our birth, we made

ourselves much more illustrious by our heroic actions in the conquest of

this country, at our own sole cost, without any aid or support, save that

of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. In the ancient history of our own

country, many cavaliers rose to dignity and honours by valiant and

faithful services to their kings; and though they did not go into the

field as we did, without pay, they were rewarded with lands, houses,

castles, dignities, and privileges, to them and their heirs in perpetuity.

Also, when his majesty Don Jayme, won certain parts of his kingdom from

the Moors, he made grants of these to the cavaliers who assisted him in

the conquest, from which period their descendants derive their estates,

honours, and blazons. Those also who served under the Great Captain and

the Prince of Orange were rewarded in like manner. I have recalled the

recollection of these things, that the world may consider and determine

whether we, who gained this great country by our valour, even without the

knowledge of his majesty, are not as worthy of such rewards and honours as

those cavaliers above-mentioned, by our good, notable, and loyal services

to God, the king, and all Christendom.

I have placed myself last in the list, having been twice in this country

before the coming of Cortes, and the third time along with him; and, as

among those whom I have enumerated, there were many valiant captains, so I

was held in no inconsiderable estimation in my day as a soldier. Besides

the many battles and dangers in which I participated since I came into

this country, and the distresses, by hunger, thirst, fatigue and wounds,

incident to all who undertake discoveries and wars in unknown countries, I

was twice in the hands of the enemy, who were carrying me off for

sacrifice: But thanks and praise to God and his holy Virgin Mother, who

gave me force to escape from their grasp, that I might now relate and make

manifest our heroic deeds in the conquest of this _new world_, and thereby

to prevent all the honour and merit from being unjustly ascribed to our

general alone. It is now proper that I should make some observations on

the good effects produced by our exertions and illustrious conquests, to

the service of God and our king, in which many of our companions lost

their lives, being sacrificed to the gods or idols of the Mexicans,

Huitzilopochtli and Tezcatlipoca.

In the first place, we purged the land of many wicked customs, and in

particular from human sacrifices. By estimates made by the reverend

Franciscan friars, who succeeded Fra Bartholomew de Olmedo, it appears

that above 2500 human victims were sacrificed yearly in Mexico and some

adjacent towns on the lake; so that the number annually put to death in

the whole country must have been very great. Their various other horrible

practices exceed my powers of description. Their cursed adoratories were

exceedingly numerous, like our holy churches, hermitages, and chapels, in

Spain, as they had everywhere houses dedicated to idols, devils, and

infernal figures. Besides which, every individual native had two altars,

one beside the place where he or she slept, and another at the door of the

house, with chests containing large or small idols and stone knives, and

books made of the bark of trees containing the record of past times.

Especially on the coast and other sultry parts of the country, they were

addicted to the most abominable vices, where they had boys in female

attire. They fed on human flesh, as we do on beef, having wooden cages in

every town, in which men, women, and children, were kept and fed for that

purpose, to which all the prisoners taken in war were destined. Incest was

common among them, and they were extremely addicted to drunkenness. They

had as many wives as they pleased. From these and many other abominations,

it was the will of God that we should be the humble instruments to clear

the land; substituting a good policy and the holy doctrine of Jesus Christ

in their place. It is true that, two years afterwards, when the country

was subjugated and civilized, certain worthy Franciscans of good example

and holy doctrine came here, who were followed in three or four years by

fathers of the order of St Dominic, who completed what others had begun.

But the honour of having destroyed the abominations of the land, assuredly

belongs to us the true conquerors, who opened the way for these holy

fathers.

By the will of God, and the sacred Christianity of the emperor Don Carlos

of glorious memory, and our present most fortunate sovereign the

invincible Don Philip, all the natives of this great country have been

baptised to the salvation of their souls, formerly sunk and lost in the

bottomless pit. We have many fathers of the different orders, who go about

preaching and baptizing, by which means the knowledge of the holy Evangile

is firmly planted in the hearts of the natives, who confess yearly, and

those who have sufficient knowledge in the faith, participate in the holy

eucharist. The churches and their altars are richly adorned with all

requisites for holy worship; as crosses, candlesticks, wax-candles,

chalices, cups, plates, and vessels for incense, all of silver. The

ornaments of the altars and crosses are of velvet, and damask, and other

rich materials, of various colours and splendid workmanship, adorned with

embroidery of gold, silk and pearls. Each town has its bells according to

its ability. The chapels have choirs of good voices which sing in concert,

tenors, trebles, and counter-tenors. In some places there are organs; but

most have lutes, sackbuts, dulcimers, and bass and treble trumpets. This

one province of Guatimala has more than my native county, old Castille. It

is edifying and wonderful to see the devotion of the natives at the holy

mass, especially when performed by the fathers of the orders of St Francis

and of Mercy, who have the cures of the parishes. All the natives, men,

women, and children, are taught the holy prayers in their own tongue; and

always on passing a cross, crucifix, or altar, they fall on their knees

repeating a _pater noster_ or an _ave Maria_. We, the conquerors, taught

them to burn wax candles before the holy altars and crosses, and to behave

respectfully to the reverend fathers, going out to meet them when they

came to the towns, with lighted candles, ringing of bells, and providing

them abundantly with provisions. On Lady Day and Corpus Christi, and other

solemn fasts of the church, when we make processions, most of the natives

of this city of Guatimala go likewise in procession, with crosses and

lighted candles, bearing the images of their patron saints as richly

dressed as they can afford, and singing litanies and other holy prayers to

the sound of flutes and trumpets.

The natives also of these countries have learnt all the trades used among

us in Spain, having their shops, manufactories, and work-people. Their

goldsmiths and silversmiths, both those who make cast work or who use the

hammer, are excellent. Their lapidaries or engravers on precious stones,

especially emeralds, execute the nicest representations of the holy acts

and passion of our blessed Saviour, in such a manner as could not be

believed from Indians. Three of our native Mexican artists, named Andres

de Aquino, Juan de la Cruz, and El Crispillo, have in my humble judgment

executed paintings which may vie with those of Apelles, Michael Angelo,

and Berruguete. The sons of the chiefs used to be educated in grammar, and

were learning very well, till this was prohibited by the holy synod, under

an order of the most reverend the archbishop of Mexico. Many of the

natives are manufacturers of silks and various other stuffs, and hatters,

and soap-boilers. Two trades only could never be acquired by them, which

is the art of glass blowing, and that of the apothecary; but this is not

owing to any defect of natural genius, as there are among them surgeons,

herbalists, jugglers, makers of puppets, and of violins. They cultivated

the ground before our arrival; and now they rear stock, break in bullocks

to the plough, sow, reap, manure, and make bread and biscuit. They have

planted their lands with the various fruits of old Spain, such as quince,

apple, and pear trees, which they hold in high estimation; but cut down

the unwholesome peach trees and the overshading plantains. From us they

have learnt laws and justice; and they every year elect their own alcaldes,

regidors, notaries, alguazils, fiscals, and major-domos[2]. They have

their _cabildos_, or common councils, and bailiffs, which meet twice

a-week, judging, sentencing, and punishing for smaller offences; but for

murder and higher crimes, they must have recourse to the Spanish governors

in places where there are no courts of royal audience. In Tlascala,

Tezcuco, Cholula, Guaxocinco, Tepeaca, and other large cities, gilt maces

are borne before the native magistrates when they go to hold their

cabildos, as is done before our viceroys; and they distribute justice with

much zeal and impartiality, being anxious to acquire a thorough knowledge

of our laws. All the caciques are rich, and ride on horses handsomely

caparisoned, attended by pages. In some townships likewise, they exercise

with the lance on horseback, running at the ring; and they have bull

feasts, especially on the days of Corpus Christi, St John, St James, the

Assumption, or the patron or patroness saint of the town. Many of them are

excellent horsemen, and the natives especially of Chiapa de los Indios,

will face the fiercest bull. The caciques breed horses, and use them and

mules for conveying their various commodities for sale, such as maize,

wood or lime; and many of the natives gain their living by following the

occupation of carriers.

By means of our illustrious services, our mother-country obtains gold,

silver, precious stones, cochineal, wool, salsaparilla, hides, and various

other commodities, to the great advantage of the royal revenue. Since the

time of the great and wise Solomon, neither ancient nor modern history

record the acquisition of such riches by any country, as have been derived

from New Spain. I do not now include the millions in gold and silver

derived from Peru, as that country was unknown when we conquered New Spain,

and was not conquered till ten years afterwards: Besides all which, Peru

has been involved in cruel civil wars, whereas we have ever remained

submissive in our allegiance to his majesty, and ready to devote our lives

and fortunes to his service. The numerous cities in New Spain are worthy

of consideration, but would be too tedious to enumerate. Besides the

archbishoprick of Mexico, we have ten bishopricks, with many cathedrals,

and monastaries belonging to the Dominicans, Franciscans, Augustines, and

the order of Mercy. Many hospitals, with extensive remissions and pardons

attached to them; besides the _Santa casa_ of our Lady of Guadeloupe,

where many holy miracles are performed daily. In Mexico there is an

university in which are taught grammar, theology, rhetoric, logic,

philosophy, and other sciences; and in which the students take the several

degrees of bachelor, licentiate, and doctor; having also a printing press

for books in the Spanish and Latin languages. If all I have now said be

insufficient, let the wise and learned read over this my true history with

impartial care, and they must confess that there never were men who have

gained more by their valorous achievements for their king than we the

brave conquerors, among the most valiant of whom I was considered. And I

say again, I myself, who am a true conqueror, am the most ancient of all.

Of the 550 soldiers who left Cuba along with Cortes, _five_ only are now

living in the year 1568, while I am writing this history; all the rest

having been slain in the wars, or sacrificed to the accursed idols, or

have died in the course of nature. Of 1300 soldiers who came with Narvaez,

exclusive of mariners, not more than ten or eleven now survive. Of those

who came with Garay, including the three companies which landed at St Juan

de Ulua previous to his own arrival, amounting to 1200 soldiers, most were

sacrificed and devoured in the province of Panuco. We five companions of

Cortes who yet survive, are all very old and bowed down with infirmities,

and extremely poor; having heavy charges of sons to establish, daughters

to marry off, and grand-children to maintain, with very small means to do

all this. Whereas we ought to have had the best properties in the country

allotted to us, in reward of our high prowess and transcendent services in

that country which we conquered; not indeed to the same extent with the

rewards granted to Cortes, but in just moderation in proportion to our

merits. This indeed was ordered by his majesty, but interest and

partiality gave away what we ought to have received to others, leaving

little for the royal patrimony or to be bestowed on us. Immediately after

the conquest, Cortes ought to have divided the whole country into five

shares, assigning the richest and best to his majesty, out of which to

reward those cavaliers who served him in his European wars; taking a share

and a half to himself, and for the establishment of churches, monasteries,

and municipalities; and dividing the remaining half in perpetual grants to

us the true conquerors, by which we should have all been amply provided

for.

Our emperor was so truly a Christian monarch, that he would willingly have

granted us these favours, more especially as the conquest cost him nothing.

But we knew not then where to apply for justice, except to Cortes himself,

who did in all things as he thought fit, taking care of himself, and of

his friends and relations newly come from old Spain. We remained therefore

with the little which had been assigned to us, till we saw Don Francisco

de Montejo, who had waited on his majesty in Europe, return with the

appointment of adelantado and governor of Yucutan, estates in Mexico, and

other rewards. Diego de Ordas also, who went to court, obtained a

commandery of St Jago, and districts in New Spain. Don Pedro de Alvarado,

who likewise went to represent his services, was made adelantado and

governor of Guatimala and Chiapa, commander of the order of St Jago, and

obtained extensive grants of land. When therefore, we the conquerors saw

that those who did not reach his majesty, or had no one to speak for them,

were neglected, we transmitted a petition, by which we prayed that such

lands as fell vacant might be distributed among us in perpetuities, as had

been done by the first court of royal audience, of which Nuno de Guzman

was president; who had been directed to make the divisions more equal,

deducting in due proportions from the immoderate grants of Cortes, and

that the best districts and rents should be divided among us the true

conquerors, leaving the cities and great towns for his majesty. His

majesty likewise ordered the vassals of Cortes to be counted, leaving no

more than were specified in his patents; but I do not remember what was to

have been done with the surplus. Nuno de Guzman and the judges of his

tribunal were misled by advisers from making their grants perpetual, under

pretence that the conquerors would cease to depend upon and respect them

if independent, and that it was better to keep them under the necessity of

supplicating for subsistence, and likewise to preserve to themselves the

power of dividing the conquered lands to the advantage of their own

interest. Guzman and his oydors indeed, constantly assigned such districts

as fell vacant among the conquerors and colonists to universal

satisfaction; but were superseded in consequence of their disputes with

Cortes.

In 1550, when I was in Old Spain, a council was formed, consisting of

Bartholomew de las Casas, bishop of Chiapa, Vasco de Quiroga, bishop of

Mechoacan, and other cavaliers who had come as agents from New Spain and

Peru, with some gentlemen who had come on business to court; to which

council I also was called, as being the most ancient of the conquerors of

New Spain. At this time certain of the Peruvian gentlemen petitioned his

majesty to cause perpetual allotments of lands to be made in that kingdom,

and a similar petition was presented by Gonzalo Lopez and Alonzo de

Villanueva, who had come over as agents from Mexico. His majesty was

pleased to order the _rapartimiento_ or distribution of lands to be

referred to the council of the Indies, consisting of the Marquis de

Mondejar president, with the licentiates Gutierre Velasquez, Tello de

Sandoval, Gregorio Lopes de Briviesca, and the Doctor Hernan Perez de la

Fuente, oydors or judges of that court, together with the members of other

royal councils. At this meeting, it was proposed to make a perpetual

distribution of the lands of New Spain and Peru; I am uncertain if New

Granada and Popayan were to have been included. Many excellent reasons

were given for this measure being adopted, but it was strenuously opposed

by the members of the royal council of the Indies, together with Bishop de

las Casas, Fra Rodrigo his coadjutor, and the Bishop of las Charcas, who

insisted that the matter should be postponed till the return of the

emperor from Vienna, when every thing should be arranged to the

satisfaction of the conquerors: And thus the affair was dropped for the

present.

After my return to New Spain, the conquerors then proposed to send agents

to solicit his majesty for our interest exclusively, in consequence of

which I was written to here in Guatimala, by Captain Andres de Tapia,

Pedro Morena de Medrana, and Juan Limpias Caravajal, on the subject. I

accordingly went round among the other conquerors who were settled in this

city, to raise a sum by subscription for the purpose, but this project

failed for want of money. At a subsequent period, our present invincible

king Don Philip, was pleased to command that the conquerors and their

posterity should be provided for, attending in the first instance to those

who were married. But all has been of no avail.

Two learned licentiates, to whom I communicated the MS. of this history,

observed that I had praised myself greatly in the battles of which I have

given an account, whereas I ought to have left that to be done by others.

But how is any one who was not in the wars with us to praise us as we

deserve? To compare myself, a poor soldier, with the great emperor and

warrior Julius Cesar, we are told by historians, that he used to write

down with his own hand an account of his own heroic deeds, not chusing to

entrust that office to others, although he had many historians in his

empire. It is not therefore extraordinary if I relate the battles in which

I fought, that it may be known in future ages, _thus did Bernal Diaz del

Castillo_; that my sons and grandsons may enjoy the fame of their ancestor,

as many cavaliers and lords of vassals do the deeds and blazons of their

predecessors. I shall therefore enumerate the various battles and other

warlike affairs in which I have been present. At Cape Cotoche, under

Cordova; at Pontonchan in a battle where half our number was slain; and in

Florida where we landed to procure water. Under Juan de Grijalva, I was

present in the second battle of Pontonchan. During my third voyage, under

Cortes, two pitched battles at Tabasco. On our arrival in New Spain, the

battle of Cingapacinga or Teoatzinco. Shortly afterwards three pitched

battles with the Tlascalans. The affair of Cholula. On our entry into

Mexico, I was at the seizure of Montezuma, which I do not enumerate as a

warlike exploit, but on account of its great boldness. Four months

afterwards, when with 276 men, Cortes defeated Narvaez who had 1300. The

relief of Alvarado, when the Mexicans made incessant attacks upon us

during eight days and nights, during which I reckon eight several battles,

at all of which I was present, and in the course of which we lost 870 men.

The battle of Obtumba or Otompan. A battle at Tepeaca. A battle at Tezcuco.

Two battles, in one of which I was wounded in the throat by a lance. Two

actions about the maize fields near Chalco. The rash attack on the

fortresses called the Rocks of the Marquis in our expedition round the

lake. The battle of Cuernavaca. Three battles at Xochimilco. During the

siege of Mexico, which lasted _ninety-three_ days, I find by my account

that I was engaged in upwards of eighty battles and skirmishes. After the

conquest, I was sent out on various expeditions to reduce Coatzacualco,

Chiapa, and the Zapotecans, in which we had several engagements. In

Chamula and Cuitlan, two engagements. In Teapa and Chematlan two others,

in one of which I was badly wounded in the throat. I forgot to mention,

that we were pursued for nine days in our flight from Mexico, and had to

fight four battles before the great one at Otompan. Several actions in our

expedition to Higueras and Honduras, during which in a battle at Culacotu

I had a horse killed under me which cost 600 crowns. After my return to

Mexico, I went upon an expedition into the mountains against the Zapotecas

and Mixtecas. I have on the whole been present in _one hundred and

nineteen_ battles, engagements, and skirmishes; so that it is not

wonderful if I praise myself for the many and notable services which I

have rendered to God, his majesty and all Christendom: And I give thanks

and praise to the Lord Jesus Christ, who hath preserved me in so many

dangers.

THE END OF BERNAL DIAZ.

[1] In this section Diaz gives a minute enumeration _of the valiant

companions who passed over to the conquest of Mexico with the most

adventurous and most magnanimous Don Hernando Cortes, Marquis of the

Valley_. This must assuredly be a most valuable document to vast

numbers of the present inhabitants of New Spain, by enabling them to

trace their honourable descent from the conquerors; but, as totally

uninteresting to the English reader, is here omitted.--E.

[2] These are the ordinary municipal officers of Spanish townships,

answerable to our mayors, aldermen, bailiffs, constables, &c.--E.

* * * * *

CHAPTER VI.

HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF PERU, BY FRANCISCO PIZARRO,

WRITTEN BY AUGUSTINO ZARATE, TREASURER OF THAT KINGDOM, A FEW YEARS AFTER

THE CONQUEST.

INTRODUCTION.

The present chapter, like that immediately preceding from the pen of

Bernal Diaz, although in strict language neither a journey nor a voyage,

records in every step of the conquerors a new _discovery_ of coasts,

islands, rivers, districts, and tribes, that had never been visited before.

In conformity with our uniform desire to have recourse upon all occasions

to the most authentic original authorities for every article admitted into

this collection, so far as in our power, the work of Zarate has been

chosen as the record of the discovery and conquest of Peru, in preference

to any modern compilation on the same subject. As we learn from himself,

Zarate was a person of rank and education, who went into Peru in 1543,

only _eighteen_ years after the first movements of Pizarro and Almagro

towards the discovery of that extensive country, and only _eleven_ years

after its actual invasion by Pizarro in 1532. From the illustrious

historian of America, Dr William Robertson, the work which we now offer to

the public for the first time in the English language, has the following

high character: "The history of Zarate, whether we attend to its matter or

composition, is a book of considerable merit, and great credit is due to

his testimony." Besides this general eulogy; in his enumeration of six

original authors whom he had consulted in the composition of that portion

of his History of America which refers to Peru, he clearly shews that

Zarate alone can be considered as at the same time perfectly authentic and

sufficiently copious for the purpose we have at present in view. The

substance of his account of all the six is as follows.

"_Two_ of the more early writers on the subject of the discovery and

conquest of Peru, Francisco de Xeres, the secretary of Pizarro, and Pedro

Sanchez, an officer who served under the conqueror, break off almost in

the introduction to the narrative, going no farther into the history of

the conquest than the death of Atahualpa in 1533, only one year after the

invasion of Peru. The _third_ in point of time, Pedro Cioca de Leon, only

two years earlier in his publication than Zarate, gives nothing more than

a description of the country, and an account of the institutions and

customs of the natives. Zarate is the _fourth_. The _fifth_, Don Diego

Fernandez, solely relates to the dissentions and civil wars among the

Spanish conquerors. The _sixth_ and last of these original authors,

Garcilasso de la Vega _Inca_, the son of a Spanish officer of distinction

by a _Coya_, or Peruvian female of the royal race, gives little more than

a commentary on the before mentioned writers, and was not published till

1609, seventy five years after the invasion of Peru by Pizarro[1]."

In the Bibliotheque des Voyages, VI. 319. mention is made of a Description

of Peru as published in French in 1480, and said to be a very rare work:

_Rare_, indeed, if the imprint be not an error, _fifty-two_ years before

the actual invasion and discovery. In the same useful work, the

performance of Zarate is thus characterized. "The author has not confined

his views to the history and conquest of Peru, but has given us a

statement of the natural features of the country, an account of the

manners of the inhabitants, and a curious picture of the religious

opinions and institutions of the Peruvians."

Four of the six original authors respecting Peru which are noticed by

Robertson, we have not seen; having confined our views to that of Zarate,

which is not only the best according to the opinion of that excellent

judge, but the only one which could answer the purpose of our present

collection. In preparing this original work for publication, it is proper

to acknowledge that we have been satisfied with translating from the

French edition of Paris, 1742; but, besides every attention to fidelity of

translation, it has been carefully collated throughout with the _Royal

Commentary_ of the Inca Garcilasso de la Vega, as published in English by

Sir Paul Rycaut, knight, in 1688; and with the excellent work of Dr

Robertson. It may be proper to mention, however, that the following

translation, though faithful, has been made with some freedom of

retrenching a superfluity of useless language; though nothing has been

omitted in point of fact, and nothing altered.

Having mentioned the work of Garcilasso de la Vega, which we have employed

as an auxiliary on the present occasion, it may be worth while to give a

short account of it in this place: For there never was, perhaps, a

literary composition so strangely mixed up of unconnected and discordant

sense and nonsense, and so totally devoid of any thing like order or

arrangement, in the whole chronology of authorship, or rather of

book-making, as has been produced by this scion of the Incas. No

consideration short of our duty to the public, could have induced us to

wade through such a labyrinth of absurdity in quest of information. It is

astonishing how the honest knight could have patience to translate 1019

closely printed folio pages of such a farrago; and on closing the work of

the Inca for ever, we heartily joined in the concluding pious thanksgiving

of the translator, _Praised be God_. This enormous literary production of

the _Inca_ Garcilasso, is most regularly divided and subdivided into parts,

books, and chapters; which contain here a little history, then digressions

on manners, customs, opinions, ceremonies, laws, policy, arts, animals,

vegetables, agriculture, buildings, &c. &c. &c. intermixed with bits and

scraps of history, in an endless jumble; so that for every individual

circumstance on any one of these topics, the pains-taking reader must turn

over the whole work with the most anxious attention. We quote an example,

taken absolutely at random, the titles of the Chapters of Part I. Book ix.

Chap. I. Huayna Capac makes a gold chain as big as a cable, and why. II.

Reduces ten vallies of the coast. III. Punishes some murderers. IV.-VII.

Incidents of his reign, confusedly related. VIII. Gods and customs of the

Mantas. IX. Of giants formerly in Peru. X. Philosophical sentiments of the

Inca concerning the sun. XI. and XII. Some incidents of his reign. XIII.

Construction of two extensive roads. XIV. Intelligence of the Spaniards

being on the coast. XV. Testament and death of Huayna Capac. XVI. How

horses and mares were first bred in Peru. XVII. Of cows and oxen.

XVIII.-XXIII. Of various animals, all introduced after the conquest.

XXIV.-XXXI. Of various productions, some indigenous, and others introduced

by the Spaniards. XXXII. Huascar claims homage from Atahualpa. XXXIII.-XL.

Historical incidents, confusedly arranged, all without dates.

The whole work is equally confused at best, and often much more so; often

consisting of extracts from other writers, with commentaries,

argumentations, ridiculous speeches, miracles, and tales recited by old

_Incas_ and _Coyas_, uncles aunts and cousins of the author. To add to the

difficulty of consultation, Sir Paul, having exhausted his industry in the

translation, gives no table of contents whatever, and a most miserable

Index which hardly contains an hundredth part of the substance of the work.

Yet the author of the Bibliotheque des Voyages, says "that this work is

_very precious_, as it contains the only remaining notices of the

government, laws, manners, and customs of the Peruvians."--Ed.

[1] History of America, _note_ cxxv.

PREFACE OF THE AUTHOR.

After having enjoyed the office of secretary to the royal council of

Castille for fifteen years, the king was graciously pleased to order me to

Peru in 1543, as treasurer-general of that province and of the Tierra

Firma; in which employment I was entrusted with the entire receipt of the

royal revenues and rights, and the payment of all his majesties officers

in those countries. I sailed thither in the fleet which conveyed Blasco

Nugnez Vela the viceroy of Peru; and immediately on my arrival in the New

World, I observed so many insurrections, disputes, and novelties, that I

felt much inclined to transmit their memory to posterity. I accordingly

wrote down every transaction as it occurred; but soon discovered that

these could not be understood unless the previous events were explained

from which they originated. I found it necessary, therefore, to go back to

the epoch of the discovery of the country, to give a detail of the

occurrences in their just order and connection. My work might perhaps have

been somewhat more perfect, if I had been able to compose it in regular

order while in Peru; but a brutal major-general, who had served under

Gonzalo Pizarro[1], threatened to put any one to death who should presume

to write a history of his transactions, so that I was obliged to satisfy

myself with collecting all the documents I could procure for enabling me

to compose my history after returning into Spain. He was perhaps right in

wishing these transactions might fall into oblivion, instead of being

transmitted to posterity.

Should my style of writing be found not to possess all the polish that my

readers may desire, it will at least record the true state of events; and

I shall not be disappointed if it only serve to enable another to present

a history of the same period in more elegant language and more orderly

arrangement. I have principally directed my attention to a strict regard

for truth, the soul of history, using neither art nor disguise in my

description of things and events which I have seen and known; and in

relating those matters which happened before my arrival, I have trusted to

the information of dispassionate persons, worthy of credit. These were not

easy to find in Peru, most persons having received either benefits or

injuries from the party of Pizarro or that of Almagro; which were as

violent in their mutual resentments as the adherents of Marius and Sylla,

or of Caesar and Pompey of old.

In all histories there are three chief requisites: the designs, the

actions, and the consequences. In the two latter particulars I have used

all possible care to be accurate. If I may not always agree with other

authors in regard to the first of these circumstances, I can only say that

such is often the case with the most accurate and faithful historians.

After I had finished this work, it was my intention to have kept it long

unpublished, lest I might offend the families of those persons whose

improper conduct is therein pourtrayed. But some persons to whom I had

communicated my manuscript, shewed it to the king during his voyage to

England, who had it read to him as an amusement from the tiresomeness of

the voyage. My work had the good fortune to please his majesty, who

honoured it with his approbation, and graciously commanded me to have it

printed; and which I have the more readily complied with, as his royal

commands may protect my book from the cavils of the censorious readers.

* * * * *

Much difficulty occurs respecting the origin of the people who inhabited

Peru and the other provinces of America, and by what means their ancestors

could have crossed the vast extent of sea which separates that country

from the old world. In my opinion this may be explained from what is said

by Plato in his _Timaeus_, and the subsequent dialogue entitled _Atlantis_.

He says: "That the Egyptians report, to the honour of the Athenians, that

they contributed to defeat certain kings who came with a numerous army by

sea from the great island of Atlantis, which, beginning beyond the Pillars

of Hercules, is larger than all Asia and Africa together, and is divided

into ten kingdoms which Neptune gave among his ten sons, Atlas, the eldest,

having the largest and most valuable share." Plato adds several remarkable

particulars concerning the customs and riches of that island; especially

concerning a magnificent temple in the chief city, the walls of which were

entirely covered over with gold and silver, having a roof of copper, and

many other circumstances which are here omitted for the sake of brevity;

though it is certain that several customs and ceremonies mentioned by

Plato are still practised in the provinces of Peru. Beyond the great

island of Atlantis, there were other large islands not far distant from

the _Firm Land_, beyond which again was the _True Sea_. The following are

the words which Plato attributes, in his Timaeus, to Socrates, as spoken

to the Athenians. "It is held certain, that in ancient times your city

resisted an immense number of enemies from the Atlantic Ocean, who had

conquered almost all Europe and Asia. In those days the _Straits_ were

navigable, and immediately beyond them there was an island, commencing

almost at the _Pillars of Hercules_, which was said to be larger than Asia

and Africa united; from whence the passage was easy to other islands near

and opposite to the continent of the _True Sea_." A little after this

passage, it is added. "That nine thousand years before his days, a great

change took place, as the sea adjoining that island was so increased by

the accession of a prodigious quantity of water, that in the course of one

day it swallowed up the whole island; since when that sea has remained so

full of shallows and sand banks as to be no longer navigable, neither has

any one been able to reach the other islands and the _Firm Land_."

Some authors hare believed this recital to be merely allegorical, while

most of the commentators on Plato considered it as a real historical

narrative. The _nine thousand years_, mentioned by Plato, must not be

considered as an indication of this discourse being fabulous; since,

according to Eudoxus, we must understand them as lunar years or _moons_,

after the Egyptian mode of computation, _or nine thousand months_, which

are _seven hundred and fifty years_. All historians and cosmographers,

ancient as well as modern, have concurred to name the sea by which that

great island was swallowed up, the _Atlantic Ocean_, in which the name of

that ancient island is retained, giving a strong evidence of its former

existence. Adopting, therefore the truth of this historical fact, it must

be granted that this island of Atlantis, beginning from the Straits of

Gibraltar near Cadiz, must have stretched a vast way from north to south,

and from east to west, since it was larger than all Asia and Africa. The

_other_ islands in the neighbourhood must have been those now named

Hispaniola, Cuba, Porto Rico, Jamaica, and others of the West Indies; and

the _Firm Land_, that part of the Continent to which we still give the

name of _Tierra Firma_, together with the other countries and provinces of

America, from the Straits of Magellan in the south to the extreme north;

as Peru, Popayan, Golden Castille, Veragua, Nicaragua, Guatimala, New

Spain, _the Seven Cities_, Florida, _Baccalaos_, and so on along the north

to Norway. The authority of Plato is conclusive that the _New World_ which

has been discovered in our time, is the same Continent or Firm Land

mentioned by that philosopher; and his _True Sea_ must be that which we

name the _South Sea_, or Pacific Ocean; for the whole Mediterranean, and

all that was before known of the Ocean, which we call the _North Sea_, can

only be considered as rivers or lakes in comparison with the vast extent

of that other sea. After these explanations, it is not difficult to

conceive how mankind in ancient times may have passed from the great

island of _Atlantis_ and the _other_ neighbouring isles, to what we now

call the Tierra Firma, or _Firm Land_, and thence by land, or by the South

Sea, into Peru: As we must believe that the inhabitants of these islands

practised navigation, which they must have learned by intercourse with the

great island, in which Plato expressly says there were many ships, and

carefully constructed harbours. These, in my opinion, are the most

probable conjectures which can be formed on this obscure subject of

antiquity; more especially as we can derive no lights from the Peruvians,

who have no writing by which to preserve the memory of ancient times. In

New Spain, indeed, they had certain pictures, which answered in some

measure instead of books and writings; but in Peru, they only used certain

strings of different colours with several knots, by means of which and the

distances between them, they were able to express some things in a very

confused and uncertain manner, as shall be explained in the course of this

history.

So much of the following history as relates to the discovery of the

country, has been derived from the information of Rodrigo Lozan, an

inhabitant of Truxillo in Peru, and from others who were witnesses of and

actors in the transactions which I have detailed.

[1] Even the orthography of the name of Pizarro is handed down to us with

some variety. In the work of Garcilasso de la Vega it is always spelt

Piçarro: Besides which, the Inca Garcilasso, in his almost perpetual

quotations of our author Zarate, always gives the name Carate; the _ç_,

or cerilla _c_, being equivalent in Spanish to the _z_ in the other

languages of Europe.--E.

SECTION I.

_Of the discovery of Peru, with some account of the country and its

inhabitants_.

The city of Panama is a port on the South Sea, in that province of the

continent of America which is called Golden Castille. In the year 1524,

three inhabitants of that city entered into an association for the purpose

of discovering the western coast of the continent by the South Sea, in

that direction which has been since named Peru. These were Don Francisco

Pizarro of Truxillo, Don Diego de Almagro of Malagon, and Hernando de

Luque, an ecclesiastic. No one knew the family or origin of Almagro,

though some said that he had been found at a church door[1]. These men,

being among the richest of the colonists of Panama, proposed to themselves

to enrich and aggrandize themselves by means of discovering new countries,

and to do important service to the emperor, Don Carlos V. by extending his

dominions. Having received permission from Pedro Arias de Avila[2], who

then governed that country, Francisco Pizarro fitted out a vessel with

considerable difficulty, in which he embarked with 114 men. About fifty

leagues from Panama, he discovered a small and poor district, named _Peru_,

from which that name has been since improperly extended to all the country

afterwards discovered along that coast to the south for more than 1200

leagues. Beyond that Peru, he discovered another district, to which the

Spaniards gave the name of _El Pueblo quemado_, or the _Burnt People_. The

Indians of that country made war upon him with so much obstinacy, and

killed so many of his men, that he was constrained to retreat to

_Chinchama_ or Chuchama, not far from Panama.

In the mean time, Almagro fitted out another vessel at Panama, in which he

embarked with 70 men, and went along the coast in search of Pizarro as far

as the river San Juan, a hundred leagues from Panama. Not finding him

there, Almagro returned along the coast to the _Pueblo quemado_, where,

from certain indications of Pizarro having been there, he landed with his

men. The Indians, puffed up with the remembrance of the victory they had

gained over Pizarro, attacked Almagro with great courage, and did him

considerable injury; and one day they even penetrated the entrenchment he

had thrown up for defence, through some negligence in the guards, and put

the Spaniards to flight, who were forced to retreat with loss to their

vessel and put to sea, on which occasion Almagro lost an eye. Following

the shore on the way back towards Panama, Almagro found Pizarro at

Chinchama[3]. Pizarro was much pleased by the junction of Almagro, as by

means of his men, and some additional soldiers they procured in Chinchama,

they had now a force of two hundred Spaniards. They accordingly

recommenced the expedition, endeavouring to sail down the coast to the

southwards in two vessels and three large canoes. In this navigation they

suffered great fatigue from contrary winds and currents, and were much

incommoded when they attempted to land in any of the numerous small rivers

which fall into the South Sea, as they all swarmed at their mouths with

large lizards, or alligators, called caymans by the natives. These animals,

are ordinarily from twenty to twenty-five feet long, and kill either men

or beasts when in the water. They come out of the water to lay their eggs,

which they bury in great numbers in the sand, leaving them to be hatched

by the heat of the sun. These caymans have a strong resemblance to the

crocodiles of the river Nile. The Spaniards suffered much from hunger in

this voyage, as they could find nothing fit to eat along this coast except

the fruit of a tree called mangles, which grew in great abundance

everywhere along the shore. These trees are tall and straight, and have a

very hard wood; but as they grow on the shore, their roots being drenched

in sea water, their fruit is salt and bitter; yet necessity obliged the

Spaniards to subsist on them, along with such fish as they could find,

particularly crabs; as on the whole of that coast no maize was grown by

the natives. From the currents along this coast, which always set strongly

to the north, they were obliged to make their way by dint of constant

rowing; always harassed by the Indians, who assailed them with loud cries,

calling them banished men, and _hairy faces_, who were formed from the

spray of the sea, and wandered about without cultivating the earth, like

outcasts and vagabonds.

Having lost several of his men through famine and by the incessant attacks

of the Indians, it was agreed that Almagro should return to Panama for

recruits and provisions. Having procured twenty-four, they advanced with

these and the remains of their original force to a country named

_Catamez_[4], considerably beyond the river of St Juan, a tolerably

peopled country, in which they found plenty of provisions. The Indians of

this part of the coast, who were still hostile, were observed to have

certain ornaments of gold, resembling nails, inserted into holes made for

that purpose in different parts of their faces. Almagro was sent back a

second time to Panama, to endeavour to procure a larger force, and Pizarro

retired in the mean time to the small island of _Gallo_ somewhat farther

to the north, near the shore of the _Barbacoas_, and not far from Cape

_Mangles_, where he and his people suffered extreme hardships from

scarcity of provisions, amounting almost to absolute famine.

On the return of Almagro to Panama for reinforcements, he found the

government in the hands of Pedro de los Rios, who opposed the design of

Almagro to raise recruits, because those with Pizarro had secretly

conveyed a petition to the governor, not to permit any more people to be

sent upon an enterprize of so much danger, and requesting their own recal.

The governor, therefore, sent an officer to the Isle of Gallo, with an

order for such as were so inclined to return to Panama, which was eagerly

embraced by the greatest part of the soldiers of Pizarro, twelve only

remaining along with him. Not daring to remain with so small a force in an

island so near the main land, Pizarro retired to an uninhabited island

named Gorgona, about 70 miles farther north, and considerably more distant

from the coast than Gallo, in which island, which had abundance of springs

and rivulets, he and his small band of faithful associates, lived on crabs

in expectation of relief and reinforcement from Panama. At last a vessel

arrived with provisions, but no soldiers, in which Pizarro embarked with

his twelve men, to whose courage and constancy the discovery of Peru was

owing. Their names deserve to be handed down to posterity: Nicolas de

Ribera, Pedro de Candia a native of the Greek island of that name, Juan de

Torre, Alfonso Briseno, Christoval de Peraulte, Alfonso de Truxillo,

Francisco de Cuellar, and Alfonso de Molina[5]. The pilot of the vessel in

which they embarked was named Bartholomew Bruyz, a native of Moguer. Under

the guidance of this man, but with infinite difficulty from contrary winds

and adverse currents, Pizarro reached a district named _Mostripe_[6],

about equally distant from the two places since built by the Christians,

named Truxillo and San Miguel. With the very small number of men who

accompanied him, Pizarro dared not to advance any farther along the coast,

and contented himself with going a small way up the river _Puechos_ or de

la Chira[7]; where he procured some of the sheep[8] of the country, and

some of the natives on purpose to serve him as interpreters in the sequel.

Returning from thence, Pizarro went northwards to the port of Tumbez on

the south-side of the bay of Guayaquil, where he was informed that the king

of Peru had a fine palace, and where the Indians were said to be very rich.

This place was one of the most extraordinary in the country, until it was

ruined by the inhabitants of the island of Puna, as will be related

hereafter. At this place, three of his men deserted, who were afterwards

put to death by the Indians.

After these discoveries, Pizarro returned to Panama, having spent three

years in this voyage, counting from his first leaving Panama, in which

time he was exposed to many dangers fatigues and privations, by the

opposition and hostilities of the Indians, and through famine, and more

than all distressed by the discontents and mutinies of his people, most of

whom lost all hope of success, or of deriving any advantage from the

expedition. Pizarro soothed their fears and encouraged their perseverance

by every means in his power, providing for their necessities with much

prudent care, and bearing up against every difficulty with astonishing

firmness and perseverance: leaving to Almagro to provide men arms and

horses, and necessaries of all kinds for the enterprize. These two

officers, from being the richest of the settlers in Panama at the

commencement of their enterprize, were now entirely ruined and overwhelmed

in debt; yet did they not despair of ultimate success, and resolved to

prosecute the discovery of which a very promising commencement had now

been made[9].

In concert with his associates Almagro and Luque, Pizarro went to Spain,

to lay an account before the king of the discovery which he had made, and

to solicit the appointment of governor of that country, of which he

proposed to prosecute the discovery, and to reduce it under the dominion

of the crown of Spain. His majesty granted his demand, under those

conditions which used to be stipulated with other officers who engaged in

similar enterprizes. With this authority, he returned to Panama,

accompanied by Ferdinand, Juan, and Gonzalo Pizarro, and Francisco Martin

de Alcantara, his brothers. Ferdinand and Juan Pizarro were his brothers

both by father and mother, and the only lawful sons of Gonzalo Pizarro, an

inhabitant of Truxillo in Old Spain, a captain in the infantry regiment of

Navarre: Don Francisco Pizarro himself and Gonzalo Pizarro were natural

sons of the elder Gonzalo Pizarro by different mothers: Francisco de

Alcantara was likewise the brother of Don Francisco Pizarro, by his mother

only, but by a different father[10]. Besides these, Pizarro brought as

many men from Spain to assist in his enterprize as he could procure, being

mostly inhabitants of Truxillo and other places in Estremadura[11].

On his arrival at Panama in 1530, Pizarro and his associates used every

effort to complete the preparations for the enterprize; but at first a

dispute arose between him and Almagro. The latter complained that Pizarro

had only attended to his own interests when at the court of Spain, having

procured the appointments of governor and president of Peru for himself,

without making any mention of Almagro, or at least without having procured

any office for him, who had borne the far greater proportion of the

expences hitherto incurred. Pizarro alleged that the king had refused to

give any office to Almagro, though solicited by him for that purpose: But

engaged his word to renounce the office of president in his behalf, and to

supplicate the king to bestow that appointment upon him. Almagro was

appeased by this concession; and they proceeded to make every preparation

in concert that might be conducive to the success of the undertaking. But,

before entering upon the narrative of their actions, it seems proper to

give some account of the situation of Peru, of the most remarkable things

which it contains, and of the manners and customs of the inhabitants.

The country of Peru, of which this history is intended to treat, commences

at the equator, and extends south towards the antarctic pole[12]. The

people who inhabit in the neighbourhood of the equator have swarthy

complexions; their language is extremely guttural; and they are addicted

to unnatural vices, for which reason they care little for their women and

use them ill[13], The women wear their hair very short, and their whole

clothing consists of a short petticoat, covering only from the waist to

about the knees. By the women only is the grain cultivated, and by them it

is bruised or ground to meal, and baked. This grain, called maize in the

West-Indian Islands, is called _Zara_ in the language of Peru[14]. The men

wear a kind of shirts or jackets without sleeves, which only reach to the

navel, and do not cover the parts of shame. They wear their hair short,

having a kind of tonsure on their crowns, almost like monks. They have no

other dress or covering, yet pride themselves on certain ornaments of gold

hanging from their ears and nostrils, and are particularly fond of

pendants made of emeralds, which are chiefly found in those parts of the

country bordering on the equator. The natives have always concealed the

places where these precious stones are procured, but the Spaniards have

been in use to find some emeralds in that part of the country, mixed among

pebbles and gravel, on which account it is supposed that the natives

procured them from thence. The men also are fond of wearing a kind of

bracelets, or strings of beads, of gold and silver, mixed with small

turquoise stones and white shells, or of various colours; and the women

are not permitted to wear any of those ornaments.

The country is exceedingly hot and unwholesome, and the inhabitants are

particularly subject to certain malignant warts or carbuncles of a

dangerous nature on the face and other parts of the body, having very deep

roots, which are more dangerous than the small-pox, and almost equally

destructive as the carbuncles of the plague. The natives have many temples,

of which the doors always front the east, and are closed only by cotton

curtains. In each temple there are two idols or figures in relief

resembling black goats, before which they continually burn certain

sweet-smelling woods. From this wood a certain liquor exudes, when the

bark is stripped off, which has a strong and disagreeable flavour, by

means of which dead bodies are preserved free from corruption. In their

temples, they have also representations of large serpents, to which they

give adoration; besides which every nation, district, tribe or house, had

its particular god or idol. In some temples, particularly in those of

certain villages which were called _Pafao_, the walls and pillars were

hung round with dried bodies of men women and children, _in the form of

crosses_, which were all so thoroughly embalmed by means of the liquor

already mentioned, that they were entirely devoid of bad smell. In these

places also they had many human heads hung up; which by means of certain

drugs with which they were anointed, were so much shrunk or dried up as to

be no bigger than a mans fist[15].

This country is extremely dry, as it very seldom has any rain, and its

rivulets are few and scanty; so that the people are reduced to the

necessity of digging pit-wells, or of procuring water from certain pools

or reservoirs. Their houses are built of large canes or reeds. It

possesses gold, but of a very low quantity; and has very few fruits. The

inhabitants use small canoes hollowed out of the trunks of trees, and a

sort of rafts which are very flat. The whole coast abounds in fish, and

whales are sometimes seen in these seas. On the doors of the temples in

that district which is called _Caraque_, the figures of men are sometimes

seen, which have dresses somewhat resembling those of our deacons.

Near the last mentioned province, at Cape St Helena in the province of

Guayaquil, there are certain springs or mineral veins which give out a

species of bitumen resembling pitch or tar, and which is applied to the

same purposes. The Indians of that country pretend that in ancient times

it was inhabited by giants, who were four times the height of ordinary

men[16]. The Spaniards saw two representations of these giants at _Puerto

viejo_, one of a man and the other of a woman, and the inhabitants related

a traditionary tale of the descent of a young man from heaven, whose

countenance and body shone like the sun, who fought against the giants and

destroyed them with flames of fire. In the year 1543, Captain Juan de

Holmos, lieutenant-governor of Puerto viejo, caused a certain valley to be

carefully examined, in which these giants were were said to have been

destroyed, and in which ribs and other bones of prodigious size were dug

up, which fully confirmed the traditions of the Indians[17]. The natives

of this country have no knowledge whatever of writing, nor had they even

any use of that method of painting employed by the Mexicans for preserving

the memory of ancient events, which were handed down from father to son

merely by traditionary stories. In some places indeed they used an

extraordinary means for preserving the remembrance of important events, by

certain cords or strings of cotton called _Quippos_, on which they

represented _numbers_ by knots of different kinds, and at regulated

intervals, from _units_ up to _dozens_, and so forth; the cords being of

the same colours with those things which they were intended to represent.

In every province, there are persons who are entrusted with the care of

these _quippos_, who are named _Quippo camayos_, who register public

matters by means of these coloured strings and knots artificially disposed;

and it is wonderful with what readiness these men understand and explain

to others events that have happened several ages ago. There are public

buildings throughout the country which are used as magazines of these

quippos.

To the south of the equator, and near the coast, is the island of Puna[18],

about twelve leagues in circumference, containing abundance of game, and

having great quantities of fish on its shores. It has plenty of fresh

water, and was formerly very populous, its inhabitants being almost

continually engaged in war, especially with the people of Tumbez, which is

twelve leagues distant to the south. These people wore shirts, above which

they had a kind of woollen garments. They went to sea in a peculiar kind

of flats or rafts, made of long planks of a light wood fixed to two other

cross planks below them to hold them together. The upper planks are always

an uneven number, usually five, but sometimes seven or nine; that in the

middle, on which the conductor of the float sits and rows, being longer

than the others, which are shorter and shorter toward the sides, and they

are covered by a species of awning to keep those who sit upon them from

the weather. Some of these floats are large enough to carry fifty men and

three horses, and are navigated both by oars and sails, in the use of

which the Indians are very expert. Sometimes, when the Spaniards have

trusted themselves on these floats, the Indian rowers have contrived to

loosen the planks, leaving the christians to perish, and saving themselves

by swimming. The Indians of that island were armed with bows and slings,

and with maces and axes of silver and copper. They had likewise spears or

lances, having heads made of gold very much alloyed; and both men and

women wore rings and other ornaments of gold, and their most ordinary

utensils were made of gold and silver. The lord of this island was much

feared and respected by his subjects, and so extremely jealous of his

women, that those who had the care of them were not only eunuchs, but had

their noses cut off. In a small island near Puna, there was found in a

house the representation of a garden, having the figures of various trees

and plants artificially made of gold and silver.

Opposite to the island of Puna on the main land, there dwelt a nation or

tribe which had given so much offence to the king of Peru, that they were

obliged as a punishment to extirpate all their upper teeth; in consequence

of which, even now, the people of that district have no teeth in their

upper jaws. From Tumbez for five hundred leagues to the south along the

coast of the south sea, and for ten leagues in breadth, more or less

according to the distance between the sea and the mountains, it never

rains or thunders. But on the mountains which bound that maritime plain,

there are both rain and thunder, and the climate has the vicissitudes of

summer and winter nearly as in Spain. While it is winter in the mountain,

it is summer all along the coast; and on the contrary, during the summer

on the mountain the coast has what may be termed winter. The length of

Peru, from the city of _St Juan de Parto_ to the province of Chili lately

discovered, is above 1800[19] leagues of Castille. Along the whole of that

length, a vast chain of exceedingly high and desert mountains extends from

north to south, in some places fifteen or twenty leagues distant from the

sea, and less in others. The whole country is thus divided into two

portions, all the space between the mountains and the sea being

denominated _the plain_, and all beyond is called the mountain.

The whole plain of Peru is sandy and extremely arid, as it never has any

rain, and there are no springs or wells, nor any rivulets, except in four

or five places near the sea, where the water is brackish. The only water

used by the inhabitants is from torrents which come down from the mountain,

and which are there formed by rain and the melting of snow, as there are

even very few springs in the mountainous part of the country. In some

places, these torrents or mountain-streams are twelve fifteen or twenty

leagues distance from each other, but generally only seven or eight

leagues; and travellers for the most part are under the necessity of

regulating their days journies by these streams or rivers, that they may

have water for themselves and cattle. Along these rivers, for the breadth

of a league, more or less according to the nature of the soil, there are

some groves and fruit-trees, and maize fields cultivated by the Indians,

to which wheat has been added since the establishment of the Spaniards.

For the purpose of irrigating or watering these cultivated fields, small

canals are dug from the rivers, to conduct the water wherever it is

necessary and where that can be done; and in the construction of these the

natives are exceedingly ingenious and careful, having often to draw these

canals seven or eight leagues by various circuits to avoid intermediate

hollows, although perhaps the whole breadth of the vale may not exceed

half a league. In all these smaller vales along the streams and torrents,

from the mountain to the sea, the country is exceedingly fertile and

agreeable. Several of these torrents are so large and deep, such as those

of Santa, Baranca, and others, that without the assistance of the Indians,

who break and diminish for a short time the force of the current, by means

of piles and branches forming a temporary wear or dike, the Spaniards

would be unable to pass. In these hazardous passages, it was necessary to

get over with all possible expedition, to avoid the violence of the stream,

which often rolled down very large stones. Travellers in the plain of Peru,

when going north or south, almost always keep within sight of the sea,

where the torrents are less violent, owing to the greater flatness of the

plain as it recedes from the mountain. Yet in winter the passage of these

torrents is extremely dangerous, as they cannot be then forded, and must

be crossed in barks or floats like those formerly mentioned, or on a kind

of rafts made of gourds inclosed in a net, on which the passenger reclines,

while one Indian swims before pulling the raft after him with a rope, and

another Indian swims behind and pushes the raft before him.

On the borders of these rivers there are various kinds of fruit-trees,

cotton-trees, willows, and many kinds of canes, reeds, and sedges. The

watered land is extremely fertile, and is kept under continual cultivation;

wheat and maize being sown and reaped all the year through. The Indians in

the plain seldom have any houses, or at best a kind of rude huts or cabins

made of branches of trees, often dwelling under the shade of trees,

without any habitation whatever. The women are habited in long dresses of

cotton which descend to their feet; while the men wear breeches and vests

which come down to their knees, and have a kind of cloak or mantle thrown

over their shoulders. They are all dressed in a similar manner, having no

distinctions except in their head-dresses, according to rank or the

different districts of the country; some wearing a tuft of wool, others a

single cord, and others several cords of different colours. All the

Indians of the plain are distributed into three orders; the first named

_Yungas_, the second _Tallanes_, and the third _Mochicas_. Every province

has its own peculiar language or dialect, different from all the rest. But

all the caciques or principal people and nobles of the country, besides

the language peculiar to their respective countries or districts, were

obliged to understand and speak the language of Cuzco. One of the Peruvian

kings, named Huana Capac, the father of Atahualpa or Atabalipa, was much

displeased that the caciques and principal people of his empire should be

under the necessity of employing interpreters when they had occasion to

speak to him; and gave orders that all the caciques and their relatives

should send their children to reside at court, to be instructed in the

language of Cuzco which was spoken by the Incas. This was the ostensible

reason of the measure; but in reality he wished to have these children in

his power, to serve as hostages for the loyalty of their parents. By this

means, all the nobles of the land came to understand the peculiar language

of Cuzco which was spoken at court; just as in Flanders all the nobles and

persons of any rank speak French. Owing to this circumstance, as the

Spaniards have learnt the language of the Incas, or of Cuzco, they are

able to converse with all the principal natives of Peru, both those of the

mountain and of the plain.

It may appear difficult to some of my readers to comprehend why no rain

should fall in the plain of Peru, considering that the country is bounded

along the whole of one side by the sea, where many vapours are constantly

ascending, and on the other side by a vast range of mountain which is

always enveloped in rain or snow. Those who have carefully considered this

singular phenomenon, allege that it is occasioned by the continual

prevalence of a strong south-west wind all along the coast and over the

whole plain of Peru, which carries off all the vapours which rise from the

sea and the land, without allowing them to rise sufficiently high in the

air to gather and fall down again in rain. From the tops of the high

mountains, these vapours are often seen far beneath on the plain in thick

clouds, while all is quite clear and serene on the mountain. By the

perpetual blowing of the same wind, the waters of the South-sea have a

constant current along the coast to the northward. Others allege a

different reason for this current; saying, that the water of the

South-sea having only a narrow outlet at the straits of Magellan, which

are only two leagues broad, and being there opposed by the Atlantic Ocean,

they are forced to return to the northward along the coast of Chili and

Peru. This constant wind and current render the navigation exceedingly

difficult, from Panama to Peru for the greater part of the year; so that

vessels are obliged always to tack to windward against wind and current.

The whole coast of Peru abounds in fish of various kinds, among which are

great quantities of sea-calves or seals, of several species. Beyond the

river of Tumbez there are no caymans or alligators, which is supposed to

be owing to the too great coolness of the sea and rivers, as these animals

delight in heat; but it is more probable that their absence from the

rivers of Peru is occasioned by their great rapidity, as they usually

frequent rivers that are very still. In the whole extent of the plain

there are only five cities inhabited by the Christians[20]. The first of

these, Puerto Viejo, about one degree south of the line, has very few

inhabitants, as it stands in a poor and unwholesome country, in which the

principal production of value is a few emeralds. Fifty leagues to the

southward, and about fifteen leagues from the coast, is the city of San

Miguel, named _Piuru_ by the Indians, in a pleasant and fruitful country,

but which has no mines of gold or silver. Most people who have occasion to

go there are liable to be afflicted with diseases of the eyes. Sixty

leagues farther along the coast, is the city of Truxillo, two leagues from

the sea, in the valley of Chimo, having a dangerous harbour of difficult

approach. This city stands on the banks of a river in a fine plain, which

is fertile in wheat and maize, and breeds great abundance of cattle,

having plenty of excellent water. Truxillo is very regularly built, and is

inhabited by about three hundred Spanish families. About eighty leagues

from Truxillo to the south, and in the valley of _Rimac_, stands the city

of _Los Reys_, or Lima, because it was founded at Epiphany, vulgarly

called the day of the kings. This city is about two leagues from the

harbour of _Callao_, an excellent and secure harbour, and is situated on a

large river in a fine plain, abounding in grain, and in all kinds of fruit

and cattle. All the streets are perfectly straight, and all of them lead

towards the country, which may be seen from all parts of the city. This is

a most agreeable residence, as the air is always temperate, being never

either too hot or too cold at any season of the year. During the four

months which constitute the summer in Spain, the air here is somewhat

cooler than for the rest of the year; and every day from sun-rise to noon

there falls a light dew, somewhat like the mists at Valladolid in Old

Spain. Far from being injurious to health, this slight moisture is

reckoned an infallible cure for headaches. This part of the country

produces the same kinds of fruit as are found in Spain, particularly

oranges, citrons, and lemons of all kinds, both sweet and sour, with figs

and pomegranates. It might assuredly have produced grapes in great

abundance, if the discords which have prevailed in this country had

allowed the colonists to plant and cultivate the vine; as it already has

several thriving vine plants which have grown from the pips of dried

raisins. The neighbouring country produces all kinds of pot herbs and

garden vegetables usually cultivated in Spain, in great perfection and

abundance. Indeed every thing conspires to assist cultivation at this

place, as every plantation has a canal from the river sufficiently large

for a mill-stream; and on the main river, the Spaniards have several

corn-mills. This city is universally reckoned the most salubrious and most

agreeable residence in all Peru; and its harbour is so convenient for

trade, that people come here from all parts of Peru to provide themselves

with necessaries of all kinds, bringing with them the gold and silver

which is so abundantly procured from the mines of the other provinces. For

these reasons, and because it is nearly central to Peru, it has been

chosen by his majesty for the residence of the royal court of audience, to

which the inhabitants of all Peru have to carry their law-suits, by which

means it is to be presumed that this place will in time become more

considerable and very populous. Lima at present, 1550, contains five

hundred houses; yet is larger than any city in Spain of fifteen hundred

houses, as the square in the centre of the town is very large, and all the

streets very wide, and because each house has a plot of eighty feet in

front by twice that in depth. The houses likewise are all of one storey,

as the country has no wood fit for joists or flooring-deals, every kind

which it produces becoming worm-eaten in three years. The houses, however,

are large and magnificent, and have many chambers and very convenient

apartments. The walls are built on both sides of brick, leaving a hollow

between of five feet, which is filled up with hard-rammed earth; in which

manner the apartments are carried up to a convenient height, and the

windows towards the street are raised considerably above the ground. The

stairs leading up are towards the interior court, and in the open air,

leading to galleries or corridors, which serve as passages to the several

apartments. The roofs are formed of some rough timbers, not even hewn

square, which are covered underneath by coloured matts like those of

Almeria, or painted canvas, serving as ceilings, to conceal these clumsy

joists: and the whole is covered over by way of roofing with branches of

trees with their leaves, which keep the rooms cool and effectually exclude

the rays of the sun. In this climate there is no call for any defence from

rain, which never falls in the plain of Peru.

One hundred and thirty leagues still farther south, is the city of

Villahermosa de Arequipa, containing about three hundred houses, in a very

healthy situation, abounding in provisions. Though at twelve leagues

distance from the sea, this place is very conveniently situated for trade,

as vessels can easily import thither by the river Quilca all sorts of

European commodities for the supply of the city of Cuzco and the province

of Charcas, which are much frequented on account of the mines of Potosi

and Porco; and from whence large quantities of silver are carried to

Arequipa, to be transported by sea to Lima and Panama, which saves a vast

expence and risk of land-carriage; now become more difficult since his

majesty has forbidden those heavy burdens upon the Indians by which they

were formerly oppressed. From this city we travel four hundred leagues by

land along the coast of the South Sea to the province of Chili, which was

discovered and in part colonized by the governor Pedro de Valdibia, or

Baldivia. In the language of the Indians the word _Chili_ signifies cold;

and it was so named by the Peruvians because of the terribly cold

mountains which were necessary to be passed on the way thither from Peru,

as will be particularly mentioned when we come to detail the perilous

enterprize undertaken by Don Diego de Almagro when he marched to discover

that distant country. Such is a rapid view of that portion of Peru which

is called _the plain_; to which must be added that the sea along its

entire coast is always smooth and tranquil, from which it has been called

the _Pacific Ocean_, being never vexed with storms, or disturbed by high

and low tides; so that vessels can everywhere ride in perfect security at

single anchor.

Those Indians who inhabit the mountainous regions of Peru are entirely

different from the inhabitants of the plain, whom they vastly exceed in

strength, courage, and mental abilities. They live in a much less savage

manner, having houses covered with earth, and being clothed in shirts and

mantles made from the wool of their sheep[21]; but their only head-dress

consists in a species of bands or fillets. The women wear a species of

vestments like shifts without sleeves, and gird their waists with several

turns of a woollen girdle, which give them a neat and handsome shape;

covering their shoulders with a mantle or plaid of woollen cloth like a

large napkin, which they fix round the neck with a large skewer or pin of

silver or gold called _topos_ in their language, with large broad heads,

the edges of which are sharpened so as to serve in some measure the

purposes of a knife. These women give great assistance to their husbands

in all the labours belonging to husbandry and household affairs, or rather

these things fall entirely to their lot. Their complexions are much fairer,

and their countenances, manners, and whole appearance, are greatly

superior in all respects to the natives of the plain. Their countries

likewise differ entirely; as instead of the sterile sands which are

everywhere interspersed over the plain, the mountain is covered through

its whole extent with verdure, and is everywhere furnished with rivulets

and springs of fine water, which unite to form the torrents and rivers

which descend so impetuously into the plain country. The fields are

everywhere full of flowers and plants of infinite varieties, among which

are many species like the plants which grow in Spain; such as cresses,

lettuce, succory, sorrel, vervain, and others; and vast quantities of wild

mulberries, and other fruit-bearing shrubs are found everywhere. There is

one particular plant with yellow flowers, having leaves like those of

celery, of most admirable virtues. If applied to the most putrid sore, it

makes it quite clean and sweet in a short time; but if laid upon a sound

place it soon eats to the very bone. There are many fruit-trees in this

country of various kinds, carrying abundant crops of fruit as good as

those of Spain without having the smallest care taken of them.

There are great numbers of sheep in the mountainous region, part of which

are domesticated by the Indians, but vast numbers of them are wild;

likewise abundance of deer and roes, many foxes and other smaller animals.

The natives often have public hunts of these animals, which they call

_chaco_, in which they take great delight. Four or five thousand natives,

more or less according to the population of the district, assemble

together, and enclose two or three leagues of country by forming a circle,

in which at first they are at considerable distances from each other, and

by gradually contracting their circle, beating the bushes, and singing

certain songs appropriated to the occasion, they drive all the animals of

every kind before them to an appointed place in the centre. The whole

company at length join in a small circle, holding each other by the hands,

and hallooing loudly, by which the beasts are terrified from endeavouring

to break through, and are easily taken in nets or even by the hand. Even

partridges, hawks, and other birds, are often so astonished by the loud

cries of the hunters as to fall down in the circle and allow themselves to

be taken. In these mountains there are lions or _pumas_, black bears, wild

cats of several kinds, and many species of apes and monkeys. The principal

birds, both of the plain and the mountain, are eagles, pigeons,

turtle-doves, plovers, quails, parroquets, falcons, owls, geese, white and

grey herons, and other water fowl; nightingales and other birds of sweet

song, many kinds of which have very beautiful plumage. There is one kind

of bird very remarkable for its astonishing smallness, not being larger

than a grasshopper or large beetle, which however has several very long

feathers in its tail. Along the coast there is a species of very large

vulture, the wings of which, when extended, measure fifteen or sixteen

palms from tip to tip. These birds often make prey of large seals, which

they attack when out of the water: On these occasions, some of the birds

attack the animal behind; others tear out his eyes; and the rest of the

flock tear him on all sides with their beaks, till at length they kill him,

and tear him to pieces. Upon the coast of the South Sea there are great

numbers of birds named _alcatraz_, somewhat like our ordinary poultry in

shape, but so large that each individual may contain three pecks of grain

in its crop. These birds feed mostly on fish which they catch in the sea,

yet are fond of carrion, which they go in search of thirty or forty

leagues inland. The flesh of these birds stinks most abominably, insomuch

that some persons who have been driven to the necessity of eating it have

died, as if poisoned.

It has been already said, that rain, hail, and snow, fall on the

mountainous region of Peru, where in many places it is intensely cold: But

in many parts of that region there are deep valleys in which the air is so

hot, that the inhabitants have to use various contrivances to defend

themselves from the excessive heat. In these vallies there is an herb

called _coca_, which is held in very high estimation by the natives: Its

leaf resembles that of the _sumach_, and the Indians have learnt from

experience that, by keeping a leaf of that plant in their mouth they can

prevent themselves for a long time from feeling either hunger or thirst.

In many parts of the mountain there is no wood, so that travellers in

those parts are obliged to use a species of earth which is found there for

the purpose of fuel, and which burns very much like turf or peats. In the

mountains there are veins of earth of various colours, and mines both of

gold and silver, in which the natives are exceedingly conversant, and are

even able to melt and purify these metals with less labour and expence

than the Christians. For this purpose they construct furnaces in the

mountains, placing always the door of the furnace towards the south, as

the wind blows always from that point. The ores are put into these

furnaces alternately with dried sheeps dung, which serves as fuel, and by

means of the wind the fire is raised to a sufficient power to melt and

purify the metal. In melting the vast quantities of silver which has been

dug from the mines of Potosi, the furnaces constructed with bellows were

found quite inefficient, while these furnaces, named _guayras_ by the

Indians, which signifies wind-furnaces, answered the purpose effectually.

The soil is everywhere extremely fertile, and gives abundant returns of

all the kinds of grain which are there sown; insomuch that from one bushel

of seed for the most part at hundred bushels are reaped, sometimes an

hundred and fifty, and even as high as two hundred. The natives employ no

ploughs, but labour the earth with a kind of hoes; and set their seed into

the ground in holes made with a dibble, or pointed stick, just as beans

are sown in Spain. All kinds of pot and garden herbs grow so luxuriantly

that radishes have been seen at Truxillo as thick as a mans body, yet

neither hard nor stringy. Lettuces, cabbages, and all other vegetables

grow with similar luxuriance: But the seeds of these must all be brought

from Spain; as when raised in the country the produce is by no means so

large and fine. The principal food of the Indians is maize, either roasted

or boiled, which serves them for bread, and venison of various kinds,

which they salt up for use. They likewise use dried fish, and several

kinds of roots, one of which named _yuca_ resembles skirret; likewise

lupines and many other leguminous vegetables. Instead of wine, they make a

fermented liquor from maize, which they bury in the earth along with water

in tubs or large jars, where it ferments. In this process, besides the

maize in its natural state, a certain quantity of maize which has been

steeped in a particular manner is used as a ferment; and there are men and

women who are versant in the manner of steeping maize, and are hired for

this purpose. When this kind of drink is made by means of stagnant water,

it is reckoned stronger and better than when running water is used. In the

West Indian islands this drink is called _chica_, but the Peruvian name is

_azua_. It is either white or red, according to the kind of maize used for

its preparation, and inebriates even more readily than Spanish wine; yet

the Indians prefer the latter when it can be procured. They make another

kind of liquor from the fruit of certain trees, which they call _molles_;

but it is by no means so well liked as _azua_ from maize.

The first city of the Christians in the mountain of Peru is _Quito_, which

is about four degrees to the south of the equator[22]. This city is

situated in an agreeable and fertile district; and particularly since 1544

and 1545, when rich mines of gold were discovered in its neighbourhood, it

has become populous, and continued to increase fast in the number of its

inhabitants; till in the destructive civil wars its people were almost

entirely cut off by Gonzalo Pizarro and his adherents, as they favoured

the party of the viceroy Blasco Nugnez Vela, who made this place his

ordinary residence. The Spaniards had no other establishment in the

mountain till the discovery of the province of _Bracamoras_[23], by the

captains, Juan Porcel and Vergara, who established some small colonies in

these parts, on purpose to continue the discovery and conquest of the

interior country; but these establishments have been since entirely ruined,

as Gonzalo Pizarro recalled these two captains and their men to assist him

in his war. This discovery was made under the orders of the licentiate

Vaca de Castro, who was then governor of Peru. The Captain Porcel was sent

by him from S. Miguel de Piura, and Vergara into the province of

_Chachapoyas_ farther to the south; but they unexpectedly met each other

in the course of their exploration of the country, and quarrelled about

the boundaries of their discoveries, in consequence of which they were

recalled by Vaco de Castro, and were at Lima at the commencement of the

civil war in the service of the viceroy; and when he was made prisoner

they entered into the party of Gonzalo Pizarro. The place which they

discovered, called Bracamoras, is a hundred and sixty leagues from Quito

by way of the mountain; and eighty leagues farther south they discovered a

province named Chacaapoyas, where there is a small Christian town named

_Levanto_[24]. This province abounds in provisions, and has mines of some

value. Its situation is peculiarly strong against an enemy, as it is

surrounded on all sides by a deep valley, in which runs a considerable

river; so that by breaking down the bridges, it may be made very difficult

of access. The Maestre de Campo Alfonzo de Alvarado, who held the command

of this province, established a colony of Christians at this place.

Sixty leagues farther to the south, in the district of _Guanuco_, Vaco de

Castro established a colony which he ordered to be called _Leon_, as he

came from the city of that name in Spain. The country of Guanuco is

fertile and abounds in provisions; and valuable mines are believed to

exist on that side which is occupied by a warlike and powerful inca in a

province of the Andes, as shall be mentioned hereafter[25]. There is no

other place in the mountains farther south which has been as yet settled

by the Christians, till we come to the province of _Guamanga_, in which is

a small town named San Juan de la Vittoria[26], which is sixty leagues

from Leon. In San Juan there are very few Spaniards, but their number is

expected to increase, if the neighbouring inca can be induced to submit to

peace; as he at present occupies the best lands belonging to that city, in

which there are many mines, and which produces the herb called _coca_ in

great abundance, formerly mentioned as of great value. The town of

Guamanga is about eighty leagues from the city of Cuzco; the road between

being exceedingly difficult, as it goes over high and precipitous

mountains, and through very dangerous passes.

Before the arrival of the Spaniards, the kings of Peru resided in the city

of Cuzco, whence they governed the whole of this great country of which I

have endeavoured to give some account, and which will be more particularly

treated of in the sequel of this history. This city served as the common

centre for all the chiefs or caciques of this vast kingdom, to which they

resorted from all quarters, to pay their tributes to the king, and to

obtain justice in case of disputes among each other. At that time Cuzco

was the only place in all Peru that had the least resemblance to a city.

It had even a strong fortress, built of such enormous dressed stones, that

it was very wonderful to conceive in what manner the Indians had been able

to transport such vast masses of stone without the aid of any animals of

draught. In fact some of these are so large that they would have required

ten yokes of oxen to have dragged them along on a fit carriage. The houses

which are now inhabited by the Spaniards are the same which were formerly

occupied by the Indians; some of which houses have been merely repaired

and others enlarged by their present possessors. This city was formerly

divided into four quarters, corresponding to the four cardinal points; and

by orders of the _Incas_, or sovereigns of Peru, all those natives who

came to the capital were obliged to lodge in the particular quarter which

was towards the direction of the province from whence they came, under

severe penalties. The south quarter of the city was named _Colla-sugo_,

from the province of _Collao_ which lay to the south. The northern quarter

was named _Chinca-sugo_, from the large and renowned province of

_Chinca_[27] in that direction. The eastern and western quarters were

respectively named _Ande-sugo_ and _Conde-sugo_. The country about Cuzco

is extremely fertile, and abounds in all kinds of provisions, and the

climate is so healthy that the inhabitants are seldom if ever sick.

Around the city there are many rich mines, whence all the gold which has

been hitherto sent into Spain was procured. These indeed have been nearly

abandoned since the discovery of the rich silver mines of Potosi; both

because much greater profit may be made from these other mines of silver,

and because the working of these are far less dangerous both to the

Indians and Spaniards who are there employed.

From the city of Cuzco to that of La Plata in the province of Charcas, the

distance is more than a hundred and fifty leagues, between which two

places there is a large flat province named _Collao_, above fifty leagues

long; the principal part of which, named _Chiquito_, belongs to his

majesty. Seeing so large an extent of country unoccupied by the Spaniards,

the licentiate De la Gasca sent some people there in 1545 to commence an

establishment. The city of La Plata is situated in the coldest part of all

the mountainous region of Peru, and has very few inhabitants, but these

are extremely rich, and spend the greatest part of the year in the mines

of _Porco_, and in those of _Potosi_ since their discovery. Towards the

left hand or the east from La Plata, a new province was explored by Diego

de Rojas and Philip Gutierez, by the order of Vaca de Castro, which was

named _Rojas_[28] from one of these captains. It is said to be fertile and

abounding in provisions, but they have not found so much riches there as

was expected. Captain Domingo de Ytala and his companions came by that way

into Peru in 1549, having remounted the Rio Plata from the Atlantic Ocean.

Such is the state and situation of all that has been hitherto discovered

of this vast country of Peru, which is chiefly known along the coast of

the South Sea, and has not been much explored in its inland parts, on

account of the vast quantity of lofty and rude mountains, by which it is

everywhere pervaded, and which are extremely difficult to pass; because of

their height and precipitous nature, the excessive cold which prevails

among them, and the scarcity of food. Yet the industry and courage of the

Spaniards would have overcome all these obstacles, if there were any hope

of finding a rich country beyond.

As the Peruvians were ignorant of writing they knew nothing respecting the

history of the creation and deluge or of their own origin. They had

however some tradition among them, which had been altered from age to age

according to the fancies of the reciters. They said that there came

anciently from the north, a man who had no bones or joints, and who was

able to shorten or lengthen the way before him as he thought fit, and to

elevate or depress the mountains at his pleasure. By this man the ancient

Indians were created; and as those of the plain had given him some cause

of displeasure, he rendered their country sterile and sandy as it now is,

and commanded that it should never rain in that district; yet sent them

the rivers and torrents which run through it, that they might have

wherewithal to quench their thirst. This person, named _Con_, who they

allege was son of the sun and moon, they esteemed and adored as a god,

pretending that he had given the herbs and wild fruits as food for the

people whom he had created. After him came another man from the south,

named _Pachacamac_, or the creator, who was likewise the son of the sun

and moon, but more powerful than _Con_, who disappeared on his arrival,

leaving the men whom he had created without chiefs or laws, and Pachacamac

transformed them all into various animals, as birds, cats, bears, lions,

and the like, giving origin in this manner to all the beasts and birds

which are now found in the country. After this Pachacamac created the

present race of Indians, teaching them the art of labouring the ground for

the cultivation of plants of various kinds for food. Pachacamac is

considered as a god, and all the principal persons among the Peruvians are

desirous of being buried in the province named from him Pachacamac, as he

resided there, which is about four leagues from the city of Lima[29].

They pretended that their god Pachacamac continued several ages among them,

even to the time of the arrival of the Spaniards, since when he has

disappeared. Hence we may presume that he was some demon by whom they were

miserably abused and misled, and who filled their minds with so many

extravagant absurd fables.

The Indians believe likewise, that even before Con and Pachacamac, there

was a great deluge, during which mankind saved themselves in great caves

in the high mountains, into which they carried a store of food, shutting

up the entries, and carefully filling up all the crevices, to keep out the

water. After a long while, they sent out some dogs, who returned to them

all wet but not dirtied with mud, from which circumstance they concluded

that the waters still remained very high, and they did not venture to

leave their caverns till the dogs came back a second time all covered with

mud. They allege that great numbers of serpents were engendered by the

moisture left in the earth by this deluge, by which their ancestors were

much distressed for a long time, till they at length succeeded to

extirpate them. From this tradition they appear to have retained some

confused notion of the deluge, although they were ignorant of the way in

which Noah and seven other persons were saved in the ark to repeople the

whole earth. Perhaps their tradition may refer to some partial deluge,

like that of Deucalion.

The have a notion that the world is to come to an end; before which there

is to be a great drought, when no rain is to fall for several years. On

this account, in former times, the caciques used to lay up large magazines

of maize to serve them during the long drought. Even yet, the more timid

among the Peruvians make a great lamentation when the sun or moon are

eclipsed, believing the end of the world to be at hand; as they allege

that these luminaries are to be extinguished at the destruction of the

world.

The Peruvians worship the Sun and Moon as deities, and swear by these

luminaries and by the earth, which they consider as their mother. In their

temples they adore certain stones, as representatives of the sun, which

they name _guacas_, a word signifying to weep, which they do on entering

into their temples. No person is permitted to approach these guacas except

the priests who sacrifice to these idols, who are all clothed in white.

When they go up to their idols, they carry certain white cloths in their

hands, prostrating themselves and crawling on the earth, and addressing

their idols in a language which is not understood by any of the natives.

By these priests all the offerings for the idols are received and buried

in the temples, as the Indian votaries make gifts of figures in gold or

silver of those things for which they address their prayers to the guaca.

These priests likewise offer sacrifices of animals and even of men to

their gods, searching the hearts and intrails of the victims for certain

signs which they wish to find, and repeating their abominable sacrifices

until they meet with those signs which they desire; pretending that the

idols are not satisfied by the sacrifices till these appear. During all

the time that the priests are engaged in sacrificing, they never appear in

public, neither have they any intercourse with women, and employ

themselves all night in loud cries, invoking the demons near to the places

in which the guacas are kept, which are extremely numerous, as most houses

have each their own guaca. The priests prepare themselves for having

intercourse with the demons by long fasts, after which they tie up their

eyes and some even carry their superstition to such excess as to put out

their own eyes. The caciques and other great men among the Peruvians never

undertake any affair of importance without having first consulted the

idols, or demons rather, by means of the priests.

In the temples of the sun the Spaniards found several large earthen jars

containing the dried bodies of children which had been sacrificed. Among

the figures of gold and silver which were used as ornaments to the guacas,

there were several which had a strong resemblance to the mitres and

crosiers of our bishops, and some of these idols were found having mitres

on their heads. When Thomas de Verlanga, bishop of Tierra Firma travelled

through Peru, with his mitre, in which he was seen by the Indians

celebrating the mass, they asked if he was the guaca of the Christians.

When asked the reason of these mitres, they could only say that they had

been handed down from their ancestors. In every part of Peru there were

certain houses or monasteries, which were inhabited by women who were

consecrated to the sun. These women never went out, but were perpetually

employed in spinning cotton and wool, which they wove into cloth, and then

burned along with the bones of white sheep, throwing the ashes into the

air in honour of the sun. These women were consecrated to perpetual

celibacy, and were put to death if found to be with child, unless they

could swear that their child was begotten by the sun.

Every year, at the season of the maize harvest, the mountaineer Peruvians

had a solemn festival; on which occasion they set up two tall straight

trees like masts, on the top of which was placed the figure of a man

surrounded by other figures and adorned with flowers. The inhabitants went

in procession armed with bows and arrows and regularly marshalled into

companies, beating their drums and with great outcries and rejoicings,

each company in succession discharging their arrows at the dressed up

figure. After which the priests set up an idol at the bottom of the masts,

before which they sacrificed a man or a sheep, sprinkling the idol with

the blood of the victim; and having inspected the heart and entrails of

the sacrifice, they reported the signs they had discovered to the people,

who were sad or rejoiced according as these were good or bad. The whole of

this festival was usually spent in dancing and drinking, and in various

games and sports, some of which were warlike exercises, with maces, clubs,

axes and other arms.

All the caciques and other principal inhabitants of Peru are reposited

after their death in a kind of vaults, clothed in all their richest

dresses, and seated in a kind of chairs which they name _duos_. It was

customary also to bury along with them one or two of their best beloved

wives, and on this occasion the honour was frequently contested among the

wives of the deceased, unless when the husband had previously settled who

were to be chosen to accompany him in the tomb. Two or three youths of

their train, and all their gold and silver-plate used also to be buried

along with them; all of which was done in the hope of one day rising again

from the dead, and that they might then appear in proper style,

accompanied by their wives and servants. When the Spaniards broke up these

sepulchres on purpose to take possession of their buried treasures, the

Peruvians requested of them not to disturb the bones of the dead, that

they might not be hindered in their resurrection. In the burial ceremony,

the relations of the deceased used to pour some of the liquor formerly

mentioned, named _Chica_, into the grave, of which a portion was conveyed

by some hollow canes into the mouth of the dead person. On the top of the

tomb or sepulchre, wooden images were placed, representing the appearance

of the deceased; but on the graves of the lower orders, they satisfied

themselves by some painted emblems of their profession or employment, more

especially if they happened to be warriors.

In all the provinces of Peru there were certain nobles or principal

persons, of whom the chiefs or rulers were named _curacas_, similar in

every respect to the caciques of the islands. As the Spaniards who

conquered Peru had been accustomed to name many things according to the

language of Hispaniola and Cuba, and were at first ignorant of the

Peruvian language, they continued to employ the terms to which they had

been accustomed; and the Peruvians have so far accommodated themselves to

this language, especially in speaking to the Spaniards, that they mostly

use these terms. Thus they call those chiefs _caciques_, who in their own

language are named _curacas_, their bread corn and drink, which in the

Peruvian are _zara_ and _azua_, they denominate _maize_ and _chica_, which

names were brought from the islands by the Spaniards. These curacas or

caciques were the judges and protectors of their subjects in peace, and

their leaders in war against the neighbouring tribes. The whole people of

Peru lived in that manner for many years under a multiplicity of

independent chiefs, having no king or supreme chief; until at length a

warlike nation came from the environs of the great lake Titicaca named the

Incas in the language of Peru. These men had their heads close shaven, and

their ears pierced, in which they wore large round pendents of gold, by

which their ears were dragged down upon their shoulders, in consequence of

which they were called _ringrim_, or the large ears. Their chief was

called _Zapalla Inca_[30], or the only king; though others say that he was

named _Inca Vira cocha_, or the king from the scum of the lake, because

the astonished natives, not knowing the origin of their invaders, believed

that they had started into existence from the scum or mud of the great

lake. This great lake of Titicaca is about eighty leagues in circumference,

from which a large river runs to the southwards, which in some places is

half a league in breadth, and which discharges its waters into a small

lake about forty leagues from the great lake, which has no outlet. This

circumstance gives great astonishment to many, who are unable to

comprehend how so vast a body of water should disappear in so small a

reservoir. As this smaller lake appears to have no bottom, some conceive

that it discharges itself into the sea by some subterranean communication,

like the river Alphaeus in Greece.

These Incas established themselves in the first place at Cuzco, from

whence they gradually extended their sway over the whole of Peru, which

became tributary to them. The empire of the Incas descended in successive

order, but not by immediate hereditary rules. On the death of a king, he

was succeeded by his immediately younger brother; and on his demise the

eldest son of the preceding king was called to the throne; so as always to

have on the throne a prince of full age. The royal ornament worn by the

supreme Inca in place of a crown or diadem, consisted in a fringe of

coloured worsted from one temple to the other, reaching almost to the eyes.

He governed their extensive empire with much grandeur and absolute power;

and perhaps there never was a country in the world where the subjects were

so submissive and obedient. They had only to place a single thread drawn

from their diadem in the hands of one of the _ringrim_ or great ears, by

which he communicated to this deputy the most absolute delegation of power,

which was respected and obeyed over the whole empire. Alone, and without

troops or attendants, the message or order which he carried was instantly

obeyed, were it even to lay waste a whole province, and to exterminate

every one of its inhabitants; as on the sight of this thread from the

royal fillet, every one offered themselves voluntarily to death, without a

single murmur or the slightest resistance.

In the before mentioned order of succession, the empire of the Incas fell

in process of time to a sovereign named _Huana Capac_[31], which signifies

the young rich man. This prince made great conquests, and augmented the

empire more considerably than had been done by any one of his predecessors,

and ruled over the whole more reasonably and with greater justice and

equity than had ever been done by the former sovereigns. He established

everywhere the most perfect police, and exact rules for cultivating the

earth; ruling and governing among a barbarous and ignorant nation with the

most surprising order and justice; and the love and obedience of his

subjects was equally wonderful and perfect. They gave him a signal proof

of this, worthy of being mentioned, in the construction of two roads

through the whole extent of Peru for his more convenient travelling; of

which the difficulty labour and expence equal or even surpass all that the

ancients have written of the seven wonders of the world. Huana Capac, in

marching from Cuzco to conquer the kingdom of Quito, had to march five

hundred leagues by the mountains, where he had everywhere to encounter

excessive difficulties, from bad roads, rocks, precipices and ravines,

almost impracticable in many places. After he had successfully executed

this great enterprize, by the conquest and submission of Quito and its

dependencies, his subjects conceived that it was incumbent on them to do

honour to his victorious career, by preparing a commodious road for his

triumphant return to Cuzco. They accordingly undertook, and executed by

prodigious labour, a broad and easy road through the mountains of five

hundred leagues in length, in the course of which they had often to dig

away vast rocks, and to fill up valleys and precipices of thirty to forty

yards in depth. It is said that this road, when first made, was so smooth

and level that it would have admitted a coach with the utmost ease through

its whole length; but since that time it has suffered great injuries,

especially during the wars between the Spaniards and the Peruvians, having

been broken up in many places, on purpose to obstruct the invasion of the

enemy. The grandeur and difficulty of this vast undertaking may be readily

conceived, by considering the labour and cost which has been expended in

Spain to level only two leagues of a mountain road between Segovia and

Guadarrama, and which after all has never been brought to any degree of

perfection, although the usual passage of the king and court on travelling

to or from Andalusia or the kingdom of Toledo. Not satisfied with this

first astonishing labour, the Peruvians soon afterwards undertook another

of a similar and no less grand and difficult kind. Huana Capac was fond of

visiting the kingdom of Quito which he had conquered, and proposed to

travel thither from Cuzco by way of the plain, so as to visit the whole

of his extensive dominions. For his accommodation likewise, his subjects

undertook to make a road also in the plain; and for this purpose they

constructed high mounds of earth across all the small vallies formed by

the various rivers and torrents which descend from the mountain, that the

road might be everywhere smooth and level This road was near forty feet

wide, and where it crossed the sandy heights which intervene betwixt the

verdant vallies of the torrents, it was marked on each side by stakes,

forming palings in straight lines to prevent any one losing the way. This

road was five hundred leagues in length like that of the mountain; but the

palings are now wanting in many places, the wood of which they were

constructed having been used by the Spaniards for fuel during the war; but

the mounds still exist across the vallies, and most of them are yet

tolerably entire, by which the grandeur of the entire work may be judged

of. In his journeys to and from Quito, Huana Capac used to go by one of

these roads and return by the other; and during his whole journey his

subjects used to strew the way with branches and flowers of the richest

perfume.

Besides the two great roads already mentioned, Huana Capac ordered to be

built on the mountain road a number of large palaces, at the distance of a

days journey from each other, having a prodigious number of apartments,

sufficient to lodge his own personal suite and all his army. Such were

likewise built along the road in the plain, but not so numerous or so near

each other as on the mountain road, as these palaces of the plain had all

to be placed on the sides of the rivers for convenience and the

procurement of provisions and other necessaries; so that they were in some

places eight or ten leagues distant from each other, and in other places

fifteen or twenty leagues. These buildings were named _tambos_, and the

neighbouring Indians were bound to furnish each of these with provisions

and every thing else that might be wanted for the royal armies; insomuch

that in each of these _tambos_, in case of necessity, clothing and arms

could be had for twenty or thirty thousand men. Huana Capac was always

escorted by a considerable body of soldiers, armed with lances, halberts,

maces, and battle axes, made of silver or copper, and some of them even of

gold.

In their armies, besides these arms, the Peruvians used slings, and

javelins having their points hardened in the fire. On such parts of their

rivers as furnished materials for the purpose, they built wooden bridges;

and where timber could not be had, they stretched across the stream two

large cables made of a plant named _maguey_, forming a kind of net work

between these of smaller ropes and masts, strong enough to answer the

purpose of a bridge. In this manner they constructed bridges of a

surprizing magnitude; some of them being thirty yards broad and four

hundred yards long[32]. In such places as did not admit of the

construction of bridges, they passed over rivers by means of a cable or

thick rope extended from side to side, on which they hung a large basket,

which was drawn over by means of a smaller rope. All these bridges were

kept in repair by the inhabitants of the districts in which they stood.

The king of Peru was always carried in a species of litter covered over

with plates of gold, and was attended by more than a thousand of the

principal native nobles, who relieved each other in carrying the royal

litter on their shoulders. All these men were counsellors, principal

officers of the household, or favourites of the prince. The caciques or

curacas of the different provinces were likewise carried in litters on the

shoulders of their vassals. The Peruvians were exceedingly submissive to

their sovereigns, insomuch that even the most powerful lord always entered

the presence barefooted, and carrying some present wrapped up in a cloth,

as a mark of homage; and even if one person had occasion to go an hundred

times in one day to speak to the king, the present had to be repeated

every time he went. To look the king in the face was considered as a

criminal disrespect; and if any one should happen to stumble while

carrying the royal litter, so as to make it fall, his head was immediately

cut off. At every half league on the public roads throughout the whole

empire, there were Indians in constant attendance to relieve each other in

carrying dispatches, which they did swifter than our post horses. When any

province or district was subdued, the natives of the place, or at least

all their chiefs and principal people, were immediately removed to other

parts of the empire, and natives from other places which had been long

subjected were sent to occupy the new conquest, by which means the

fidelity and submission of the whole were secured. From every province of

the empire, yearly tributes of the several productions of their respective

countries were sent to the king; and even some sterile districts above

three hundred leagues distant from Cuzco, had to send yearly a number of

lizards as a mark of their submission, having nothing of any value to send.

Huana Capac rebuilt the temple of the sun at Cuzco, and covered over all

the walls and the roof of that structure with plates of gold and silver.

During his reign, one Chimocappa, who was curaca or prince of a large

district in the plain, above a hundred leagues in length, chose to erect

the standard of rebellion; but Huana Capac marched against him in person,

defeated him in battle, and put him to death; after which he commanded

that the Indians of the plain should not be permitted to carry arms. Yet

he allowed the son and successor of Chimocappa to remain in the province

of _Chimo_, in which the city of Truzillo has been since built.

Peru was astonishingly full of those animals called sheep; as Huana Capac

and his predecessors had established laws for their multiplication and

preservation. Every year a certain proportion of these animals belonging

to individuals were set apart as a kind of tythe or offering to the sun,

and these consecrated animals multiplied greatly, no person being allowed

to injure them under pain of sacrilege, except the prince only for his own

use or that of his army. On such occasions, he gave orders for one of

these hunts called _chacos_, formerly mentioned, at some of which twenty

or thirty thousand sheep have been taken at one time. Gold was in great

request among the Peruvians, as the king and all the principal persons of

the empire used it for the construction of vessels for all uses, as

ornaments for their persons, and as offerings to their gods. The king had

everywhere carried along with him a kind of couch or table of gold, of

sixteen carats fine, on which he used to sit, and which was worth 25,000

ducats of standard gold. This was chosen by Don Francisco Pizarro, at the

time of the conquest, in consequence of an agreement, by which he was

authorized to appropriate some single jewel or valuable article to his own

use, besides his regular share of the plunder. When the eldest son of

Huana Capac was born, he ordered a prodigious chain or cable of gold to be

made, so large and heavy that two hundred men were hardly able to lift it.

In remembrance of this circumstance, the infant was named _Huascar_, which

signifies a cable or large rope, as the Peruvians have no word in their

language signifying a chain. To this name of Huascar was added the surname

Inca, belonging to all their kings, just as Augustus was given to all the

Roman emperors. Huana Capac had several large magazines full of gold in

various shapes, such as the figures of men and women, of sheep and animals

of all kinds, and of all the kinds of plants which are found in the

country, all accurately represented. He had also great quantities of

vestments of various kinds, and many slings, in which the fabric was mixed

with gold threads; and many bars of gold and silver made like billets of

fire wood.

Although the main object of this history is to relate the Spanish

Discovery and Conquest of Peru, it seems proper to explain the

circumstances under which they found the affairs of that empire at their

arrival; by which we shall have occasion to admire the wisdom of

Providence, in permitting that enterprize to take place at a time when

that vast country was divided into two hostile parties, which greatly

facilitated the conquest. After Huana Capac had reduced many provinces to

submission, to the extent of five hundred leagues from Cuzco, he undertook

in person to make the conquest of the kingdom of Quito, which bounded with

his empire in the north-west. Having successfully accomplished that great

enterprise, finding the country exceedingly pleasant, he continued to

reside there for a long while, leaving at Cuzco several of his children,

both sons and daughters, among whom were his eldest son Huascar Inca,

Manco Inca, Paul Inca, and several others. While at Quito, he took to wife

the daughter of the former lord of that country, by whom he had a son

named Atahualpa or Atabalipa, of whom he was very fond, and whom he left

to be educated in Quito when he returned to Cuzco. After residing for some

years in Cuzco, he made a journey back to Quito, partly because he

delighted in that country which he had subdued, and partly from affection

for his son Atahualpa, whom he loved more than all the rest of his

children. He continued to reside in Quito all the rest of his life; and at

his death, he bequeathed the kingdom of Quito to Atahualpa[33], which had

belonged to his maternal ancestors. On his death, Atahualpa secured the

affection of the army, and got possession of all the treasure which his

father had in Quito, but the far greater proportion of the treasure

remained in Cuzco, as too heavy for transportation, and accordingly fell

to Huascar, the eldest son.

Atahualpa sent ambassadors to his eldest brother Huascar, informing him of

the death of their father, and assuring him of his loyalty and obedience;

yet requesting that he might be permitted to retain the command of the

kingdom of Quito, the conquest of his father; which he alleged was beyond

the limits of the Peruvian empire, and ought not therefore to follow the

ordinary rules of primogeniture, more especially as Atahualpa was the

legitimate heir of that country in right of his mother and grandfather.

Huascar sent back for answer, that if Atahualpa would come to Cuzco and

give up the army, he should receive lands and possessions sufficient to

enable him to live according to his rank; but that he would on no account

give up Quito, a frontier province of the empire, where of course he must

keep up a body of troops for the defence of the whole. Huascar added, that

if Atahualpa refused submission to these conditions, he would march in

person against him as a declared enemy. On receiving this message,

Atahualpa consulted two of his fathers principal officers, Quiz-quiz and

Cilicuchima, brave and experienced warriors, who advised him not to wait

the invasion of his brother, but to take the field without delay and march

against him; as the army which was under his orders was sufficient to

enable him to acquire the whole provinces of the empire, and would

increase on the march by means of the provinces which intervened between

Quito and Cusco. Atahualpa followed this advice and gradually made himself

master of the country through which he marched. Huascar, on hearing of the

hostile proceedings of his brother, sent some light-armed troops against

him. The commander of these troops advanced to the province of Tumibamba

about a hundred leagues from Quito; and learning that Atahualpa had taken

the field, he sent a courier to Cuzco with notice of the state of the

affairs, and to request that he might be furnished with two thousand

officers of experience; by means of whom he could arm thirty thousand men

of the warlike province called _Cagnares_ which remained in allegiance to

Huascar. These two thousand experienced warriors were immediately sent, by

whose means, and with assistance of the curacas of Tumibamba, Chaparras,

Paltas, and Cagnares[34], in that neighbourhood, Huascars general was

enabled to collect a formidable army. Atahualpa marched against this army,

with whom he fought a battle which lasted three days, in which he was at

last defeated and made prisoner, in attempting to escape by the bridge of

Tumibamba.

While the army of Huascar was celebrating their victory with great feasts

and rejoicings, Atahualpa contrived to escape from the _tambos_ or palace

of Tumibamba in which he was confined, by digging through a very thick

wall with a bar of copper, which he procured from a woman. He returned

immediately to Quito, where he collected the remains of his defeated army,

to whom he represented that his father had changed him into a serpent, by

which means he had been enabled to escape from his prison through a small

hole; and that his father had assured him of certain victory, if they

would return along with him against the enemy. His troops were so much

encouraged by this stratagem, that they followed him with great courage,

believing themselves invincible under the protection of Huana Capac. He

again attacked the army of Huascar, which in this second battle was

entirely defeated. Such numbers were slain on both sides in these two

battles, that even to this day large quantities of human bones remain in

the places where they were fought. In pursuit of his victory, Atahualpa

marched into the provinces which adhered to his brother, which he

destroyed with fire and sword. He entirely destroyed the great city of

Tumibamba, which stood on a plain watered by three great rivers. In his

pursuing his conquests, he gave no quarter wherever he met with resistance

but granted mercy and peace to all such districts as submitted quietly to

his authority, obliging all the warriors to join his army, which by these

means, increased continually as he advanced. On arriving at Tumbez he was

desirous to take possession of the island of Puna, but as the _curaca_ of

that island defended himself courageously, Atahualpa did not think it

prudent to waste much time in the attempt, more especially as he had

intelligence of the approach of Huascar with a numerous army; for which

reason he continued his march towards Cuzco, and arrived at Caxamarca,

where he established his head-quarters. From this place he detached two of

his principal officers at the head of two or three thousand light armed

troops, with orders to reconnoitre the army of the enemy, and to bring him

word of their numbers and situation. When this party had arrived at no

great distance from the camp of the enemy, they quitted the direct road

and made a circuit among the woods and mountains, to prevent the enemy

from discovering them. Procuring intelligence that Huascar had retired to

a place at some distance from his camp, attended by seven hundred of his

principal officers and nobles, on purpose to avoid the noise and confusion

of his great army, they attacked his quarters by surprise, easily defeated

his small escort, and made him prisoner. While endeavouring to make good

their retreat to the camp of Atahualpa with their great prize, they were

surrounded on every side by the vast army of the enemy, which could easily

have exterminated them, being at least thirty to one. But the commanders

of this fortunate detachment, immediately told Huascar that they would put

him to death, if he did not instantly give orders to his army to retire:

and at the same time assured him that his brother Atahualpa had no farther

desire than to be permitted to enjoy the kingdom of Quito in peace, for

which he would do homage to him as his king and lord. Huascar, terrified

by the prospect of death, and believing their promise of restoration to

liberty and dominion, issued peremptory orders to his army to desist from

their intended attack and to return to Cuzco, which they did accordingly;

and the Atahualpan officers carried Huascar a prisoner to Caxamarca, where

they delivered him up to their master. Thus were the affairs of Peru

situated when Don Francisco Pizarro arrived in that country with the

Spaniards; which conjuncture was exceedingly favourable to his views of

conquest, of which we shall give an account in the next section, as the

great army of Huascar was entirely dispersed, and Atahualpa had dismissed

a great proportion of his troops, after this fortunate event, which had

placed his enemy in his hands.

* * * * *

_Of the Peruvian History before the arrival of the Spaniards_[35].