_Narrative of Occurrences, from the Departure of Cortes to Europe till his
Death_.
About this time likewise, Cortes received letters from the president of
the council of the Indies, the Duke of Bejar, and several others of his
friends in Spain; strongly urging the necessity of his appearance at court
to counteract the malignant accusations of his numerous enemies[1]. By the
same conveyance, he received notice of the death of his father. Having
performed funeral obsequies in memory of his father, he ordered two ships
to be purchased, which he stored so abundantly with provisions of all
kinds, that after his arrival in Spain the overplus might have served for
a voyage of two years. I am uncertain whether Cortes returned to Mexico in
order to arrange his private affairs; but he appointed several agents for
that purpose, the principal of whom was the licentiate Altamirano. His
major-domo, Esquival, was employed in making preparations for the voyage;
who, in crossing the lake to Ajotzinco in a large canoe with six Indians
and a negro, having some ingots of gold in his possession, was waylaid and
murdered; but the manner of his death could never be ascertained, as
neither canoe, Indians, nor negro could ever be traced. The body of
Esquival was found four days afterwards on a small island, half eaten by
the birds of prey. There were many suspicions about this affair, some of
such a nature as I cannot relate; but no great inquiry was made as to his
death. Cortes appointed other persons to complete the preparations for his
voyage; and offered by proclamation a free passage for all Spaniards who
had license from the government to go to Spain, with a supply of
provisions during the voyage. He took home with him from Mexico a great
number of the curiosities of the country to present to his majesty, among
which were various unknown birds, two tigers[2], many barrels of ambergris
and indurated balsam, and of a kind resembling oil[3]: Four Indians who
were remarkably expert in playing the stick with their feet: Some of those
Indian jugglers who had a manner of appearing to fly in the air: Three
hunchbacked dwarfs of extraordinary deformity: Some male and female
Indians whose skins were remarkable for an extraordinary whiteness, and
who had a natural defect of vision[4]. Cortes was likewise attended by
several young chiefs of the Mexican and Tlascalan nations, who went over
along with him into Spain at their own request[5].
Every thing being in readiness for the voyage, Cortes confessed and
received the sacrament, after which he embarked along with Sandoval, de
Tapia, and other gentlemen; and in forty-one days arrived in Spain, where
he disembarked near the town of Palos, in the month of December 1527. As
soon as he set his foot on shore, he knelt down and returned thanks to God
for the safety of his voyage. This fortunate voyage was soon succeeded by
severe grief, in consequence of the death of the valiant Sandoval, who
expired after a lingering illness in the house of a rope-maker in Palos,
who robbed him in his presence of thirteen bars of gold, in the following
manner: Perceiving the extreme weakness of Sandoval, he sent away all his
servants on a pretended message to Cortes; and then went into Sandovals
room, where he broke open his chest and took out the gold, our poor friend
being too ill in bed to hinder him, and even apprehensive if he made any
outcry, that the robber might take his life. As soon as he got the gold,
he made his escape into Portugal, where he could not be pursued. Sandoval
grew worse hourly, and as the physicians pronounced his end approaching,
he prepared himself for death like a good Christian, and made his will, by
which he left all his property to a sister, who afterwards married a
natural son of the Conde de Medelin. Sandoval died universally regretted,
and was followed to the grave by Cortes and a great train of mourners. May
God pardon his sins! _Amen_.
Cortes transmitted by express, an account of his arrival and of the death
of his friend Sandoval to his majesty and to his patrons at court; and
when the Duke of Bejar and the Conde de Aguilar waited on his majesty on
the occasion, they found him already acquainted by means of letters from
Cortes, and that he had been pleased to issue orders for his being
received in the most honourable manner in all the towns and cities where
he might have occasion to pass. On his arrival at Seville, Cortes was
entertained by the Duke of Medina Sidonia, who presented him with several
beautiful horses. He proceeded from thence to attend the _nine days
devotion_ at the shrine of our lady of Guadaloupe, where Donna Maria, the
lady of the commendador Don Francisco de los Cobos, and many other ladies
of high rank arrived at the same time. After Cortes had performed his
devotions, and given charity to the poor, he went in grand style to pay
his respects to Donna Maria, her beautiful sister, and the many other
ladies of distinguished rank who were along with her, where he exhibited
that politeness, gallantry, and generosity, in which he surpassed all men.
He presented various golden ornaments of great value to all the ladies,
giving a plume of green feathers richly ornamented with gold to every one
of the ladies, but his presents to Donna Maria and her sister were
particularly rich and valuable. He then produced his Indian dancers and
players with the stick, who astonished all the spectators. And learning
that one of the mules belonging to Donna Marias sister had fallen lame, he
presented her with two of the finest which could be procured. Waiting the
departure of these ladies, he attended them during their journey to the
court, entertaining them magnificently on all occasions, doing the honours
with a grace peculiar to himself, insomuch that Donna Maria de Mendoza
began to have thoughts of a marriage between her sister and Cortes, and
wrote in such strains of the politeness and generosity of Cortes, that she
brought over the commendador her husband entirely to his interest.
On his arrival at court, his majesty was pleased to order apartments for
him, and all his friends came out to meet him on the road. Next day he
went by permission to throw himself at his majestys feet, accompanied by
the Duke of Bejar, the Admiral of the Indies, and the commendador of Leon.
His majesty commanded him to rise, on which Cortes, after a short
enumeration of his services and vindication of his conduct from the
aspersions of his enemies, presented a memorial in which the whole was
fully detailed. His majesty then honoured him with the title of Marquis
della Valle de Oaxaca and the order of St Jago, giving him an estate for
the support of his new dignity, and appointed him Captain-general of New
Spain and of the South Seas. Thus loaded with honours, Cortes retired from
the royal presence; and shortly afterwards falling dangerously ill, the
emperor did him the honour of paying him a visit in person. One Sunday
after his recovery, when the emperor was at mass in the cathedral of
Toledo, seated according to custom with all the nobility in their proper
stations, Cortes came there rather late, designedly as it was said, after
all were seated; and, passing before all the others, took his place next
the Conde de Nasao, who sat nearest the emperor. This gave great offence
to many, though some said it was done by desire of the emperor. Indeed
Cortes felt his elevation so much, that he ceased to hold some of his
patrons in the estimation they deserved, bestowing his whole attentions on
the Duke of Bejar, the Admiral, and the Conde de Nasao. He applied
likewise to the emperor to be reappointed to the government of New Spain;
but, though supported in this request by his noble patrons, his majesty
refused compliance, and from this time he did not seem so much in favour
as before.
The emperor now proceeded on a journey to Flanders; and shortly after his
departure, Cortes was married to Donna Juanna de Zuniga, on which occasion
he presented his lady with the most magnificent jewels that had ever been
seen in Spain. Queen Isabella, from the report of the lapidaries,
expressed a wish for some similar jewels, which Cortes accordingly
presented to her; but it was reported that these were not so fine or so
valuable as those he had given to his lady. At this time Cortes obtained
permission from the council of the Indies to fit out two ships on a voyage
of discovery to the south seas, with the condition of enjoying certain
privileges and revenues from all lands that were acquired through his
means to the crown of Spain. Don Pedro de la Cueva, who was to have gone
to Mexico with a commission to try Cortes and to put him to death if found
guilty, was now upon the most intimate footing with him, and told him that
even his innocence would have been sufficiently expensive, as the cost of
the expedition, which he was to have paid, would have exceeded 300,000
crowns.
Cortes sent Juan de Herrada, a brave soldier who had attended him in his
expedition to Honduras, to carry a rich present of gold, silver, and
jewels, to his holiness Pope Clement, with an ample memorial of all the
circumstances respecting the newly discovered countries; and on this
occasion solicited some abatement of the tithes of New Spain. Herrada was
accompanied to Rome by several of the Indians who shewed feats of agility,
and with whose performances the pope and cardinals were highly diverted.
His holiness, on the receipt of the letters and memorial, gave thanks to
God for the opportunity of making so many thousands converts to the holy
catholic faith, praising the services which Cortes and we had rendered to
the church and our sovereign, and sent us bulls of indulgence, freeing us
from the penalties of our sins, and others for the erection of churches
and hospitals; but I know not what was done in regard to the tithes. When
Herrada had concluded his business at Rome, he returned to Spain with a
liberal reward from the pope, who gave him the rank of Count Palatine, and
strongly recommended that he should have the grant of a considerable
plantation in New Spain, which he never got. After his return to America,
he went to Peru, where Diego de Almagro left him in the office of governor
to his son. He was high in the favour and confidence of the family and
party of Almagro, with whom he served as _maestre de campo_ under young
Almagro, and headed the party which put to death the elder Don Francisco
Pizarro.
While Cortes remained in Spain, the members of the court of royal audience
arrived in Mexico. Of this court, Nuno de Guzman, who had been governor of
Panuco, was president; the four _oydors_ or judges being the licentiates,
Matienzo, Delgadillo, Parada, and Maldonado; not the good Alonzo Maldonado
who was afterwards governor of Guatimala. These magistrates had greater
powers than had hitherto been confided to any officers in New Spain, being
entrusted with the final distribution of landed property, in which his
majesty had particularly charged them to take care of the interests of the
conquerors, and they evinced from the very first a determination to do
justice. Immediately after their arrival, they issued a proclamation,
requiring the attendance of an agent from each settlement, and to be
furnished with memorials and returns of the several districts; and the
agents accordingly arrived as soon as possible. Being then in Mexico in
the execution of my office of procurator-syndic of the town of
Coatzacualco, I posted to that place in order to be present at the
election of agents, and after a violent contest, Captain Marin and I were
elected by the majority. On our arrival in Mexico, we found that two of
the oydors had died of pleurisies, and that the factor Salazar had
acquired so complete an ascendancy over the others that they followed his
advice in every thing. The agents pressed a final distribution of lands;
but Salazar persuaded the president and the two remaining oydors not
hastily to part with that source of patronage, which would necessarily
diminish their influence. Salazar even set out for Spain, to solicit the
government for the president, Nuno de Guzman; but was shipwrecked on the
coast near Coatzacualco, and had to return to Mexico. Estrada died soon
after being superseded, which he owed more to his own tameness than to any
right the members of the court could found on his majestys orders, which
left the government entirely with him, without saying any thing of the
association of Guzman; who yet usurped the sole government to himself as
president. Estrada was universally regretted, as he conducted himself with
perfect impartiality, and would assuredly have been supported, if he had
insisted on retaining his office of governor.
A commission was appointed at Guatimala, where Jorge de Alvarado commanded,
of which I never learnt the result. In Mexico the most severe proceedings
were adopted against the Marquis della Valle, during which the factor
Salazar reviled and slandered him in the grossest manner. The licentiate
Altamirano, his friend and manager of his affairs, remonstrated with the
court against these indecent proceedings, but to no purpose, as Guzman and
the surviving judges gave their countenance to Salazar, who became more
abusive than ever; insomuch that on one of these occasions Altamirano drew
his poniard, and would have stabbed the factor, throwing the court into
confusion and uproar, if he had not been prevented. Altamirano was sent
prisoner to the citadel, and Salazar was ordered into arrest in his own
house, and the city was thrown into an universal ferment. At the end of
three days, the licentiate was liberated from confinement at our earnest
desire, and the dispute was quieted for the present; but a more serious
disscution succeeded. One Zavalos, a relation of Narvaez, had been sent by
his wife in quest of him, as he had gone as governor to the Rio Palmas,
and had not been heard of for a long while. On coming to Mexico, Zavalos,
as is supposed by instigation of the members of the royal court of
audience, lodged criminal information against all the soldiers of Cortes
who had been concerned in the attack upon Narvaez; so that about two
hundred and fifty of us, then in the city, myself among the rest, were
apprehended, brought to trial, convicted, and sentenced to a fine of a
certain quantity of gold, and banishment to the distance of five leagues
from Mexico: But the banishment was remitted and very few paid the fine.
The enemies of the marquis took a new ground of attack, alleging that he
had embezzled the treasure of Montezuma and Guatimotzin, and was
answerable to the soldiers both for what he had appropriated to his own
use, and for that which had been sent to Spain as a present to his majesty
and had been captured by Florin the French corsair. A long list of other
demands followed, on every one of which he was found liable, and his
property was sold under executions for the payment. At this time likewise,
Juan Suarez the brother of Donna Catalina, the first wife of Cortes,
charged him with her murder, offering to produce witnesses of the manner
of her death. Many of us the veteran conquerors, who were the friends of
Cortes, seeing the harsh manner in which he was treated, met by
appointment at the house of Garcia Holguin, under the license of an
alcalde or judge of police, where we entered into a resolution to renounce
all our claims to the treasure: But when the judges of the royal tribunal
heard of our proceedings, they ordered us all to be arrested for an
illegal meeting; and though we produced the license under which our
meeting was held, they again banished us five leagues from Mexico; but we
were allowed to return. A proclamation was issued about this time, that
all persons of Moorish descent, or from those who had been burned or
_sanbenited_[6] by the holy tribunal, as far as the fourth generation,
should quit New Spain within four months, under the penalty of losing half
their property. Vast numbers of informers and accusers started up on this
occasion, by which an infinite number of most infamous slanders were
propagated; and yet after all only two individuals were expelled.
The court was generous in fulfilling the royal commands respecting the
veteran conquerors, who were all amply provided for; but they granted an
excessive license in regard to the branding of slaves, in consequence of
which so many were made in the province of Panuco that it became almost
depopulated. Guzman made a new-years-gift to Albornos, who was newly
returned to Spain, of the whole district of Guazpaltepec. Albornos brought
with him a royal patent for erecting some sugar-works at Chempoalla, which
soon went to ruin. The oydor Delgadillo was much censured for his _free
gifts_, as it was observed he always reserved some rents to himself, and
the consequent extortions and oppressions of those he patronized were
excessive. The other oydor Matienzo was superannuated. The abuses of the
members of this supreme court became at length so notorious, that other
members of more discretion were sent out to supersede them. Old Matienzo,
who was the least exceptionable, was sent to Panuco to inquire into and
remedy the abuses committed in that province; where he revoked the grants
made by the president and Delgadillo to their friends and clients,
bestowing the plantations on those who were pointed out by the royal
instructions; but all those who were desired to deliver up their
plantations endeavoured to bring proof that they had been granted in
reward of former services, disclaiming all favour or patronage from Guzman
or Delgadillo, and most of them succeeded in keeping what they had got,
the only persons deprived being Albornos of his new-years-gift, Villareal,
and Villegas.
When the members of the royal tribunal understood that they were to be
superseded, they resolved to send agents to Spain, provided with witnesses
and documents to vouch for the propriety of their conduct; and for this
purpose all the veteran conquerors and other persons of distinction were
convened in the great church, to choose an agent for our interest. The
president and judges of the royal tribunal recommended Salazar the factor;
and though they had committed some improprieties, as they had in the main
done us justice in the _repartimientos_, or distribution of property and
vassals, we were all disposed to vote for the person they recommended; but
when we had assembled in the church, so many persons had crowded in who
had no right, making a prodigious noise and confusion, that we could not
proceed to business; and though all who had not been summoned were ordered
to withdraw, they refused and insisted to vote as well as the others. We
therefore adjourned to the next day, at the house of the president; and
none being admitted but those summoned, the business was soon amicably
adjusted by agreement with the members of the royal audience, and two
agents were chosen. One, named Antonio de Carvajal, for the court; and
Bernardino Vasquez de Tapia, for Cortes and the conquerors. In my opinion,
both of these were equally devoted to the views of the president; but this
was natural on our part, as Guzman had done much more for us during his
short administration, than Cortes during all the period of his power. Yet
we were always more attached to Cortes, who had been our commander, than
he was to our interest, notwithstanding that he had his majestys orders to
provide for us; of which the following is a striking proof. The president
and judges used their influence with us to petition his majesty that
Cortes might never be permitted to return to New Spain, under pretence
that his presence might occasion factions and disturbances, tending to the
loss of the country. We opposed this to the utmost of our power; and as
Alvarado arrived at this time from Spain with the commission of governor
and lieutenant-general of Guatimala, and decorated with a commandery of St
Jago, he and the friends of Cortes agreed to lay a statement of every
thing before his majesty, giving a clear developement of the views and
conduct of the members of the royal audience. From this it appeared to the
royal council of the Indies, that all the measures they had taken against
Cortes were dictated by passion and interest, and the determination of
recalling the present members of the audience was thereby confirmed. The
presence of Cortes in Spain at this time was also highly favourable to his
interests, and he was now rapidly advancing to the pinnacle of his fortune.
As Guzman was now quite certain of being superseded, he determined upon an
expedition into the province of Xalisco, now called New Gallicia[7]. For
this purpose he collected a large military force, partly of volunteers,
and partly by the influence of his supreme authority, obliging those who
did not serve personally to find substitutes, and those who had horses to
sell them for half value. He took with him likewise a considerable number
of Mexicans, partly as soldiers, and others to carry the baggage. In this
expedition, he cruelly oppressed the provinces through which he passed,
that he might amass riches. From Mechoacan[8] he obtained a large quantity
of gold much alloyed with silver, which the inhabitants had been
collecting for ages; and as the unfortunate prince or cacique of that
country was unable to gratify his avarice sufficiently, he had him
tortured in the first place, and afterwards hanged on some false or
trifling allegations, to the great displeasure of all the Spaniards in his
army, who considered it as the cruellest and most unjust action ever
committed in New Spain. All the booty which he had made in this expedition
was collected at the town of Compostello, which he founded at a heavy
expence to the crown and to the inhabitants of Mexico, and he remained in
this place until his arrest.
In consequence of the injustice of the former court of audience, his
majesty was pleased to suppress it, and to cancel all its grants, and to
appoint a new one consisting of wise and upright men. Of this new tribunal,
Don Sebastian Ramirez, bishop of St Domingo was president, and the oydors
or judges were the licentiates Maldonado de Salamanca, Vaco de Quiroga y
Madrigal, afterwards bishop of Mechoacan, Zaynos de Toro, and Solomon de
Madrid. On commencing their sittings, such crowds of complainants of all
descriptions, settlers, agents, and native chiefs from every city, town,
and district of New Spain made application for redress against the
partiality and oppression of the former court, that the members were quite
astonished. The demands made by the agents of Cortes for what had been
unjustly taken from him, amounted to above 200,000 crowns. As Nuno de
Guzman was absent, the whole blame was laid upon him by the other members
of the former tribunal, who alleged that they were compelled to act
according to his orders. He was accordingly summoned to appear, which he
did not think proper to do, and it was judged proper to refer the whole
affair for the present to the supreme court in Spain. Accordingly, one
Torre, a licentiate, was sent with full powers from Spain to Xalisco,
having orders to transmit Guzman to Mexico, and to commit him to prison.
Torre was also commissioned to indemnify us for the fines which had been
imposed on us respecting the affair of Narvaez.
The properties of Delgadillo and Martienzo, were sold to pay the damages
of those who had gained causes against them, and their persons imprisoned
for the deficiency. A brother of Delgadillo, who was alcalde-major in
Oaxaca, and another who was alcalde among the Zapotecas, were fined and
imprisoned for the same reason, and died in jail. Delgadillo and Martienzo
returned afterwards to Spain in poverty, where they soon died. The new
judges were wise and just, regulating their conduct entirely according to
the will of God and the king, and shewing a laudable zeal for the
protection and conversion of the Indians. They prohibited all branding of
the natives for slaves, and made many other excellent regulations. In
about four years, Solomon and Zaynos, two of the judges, being old and
wealthy, petitioned for leave to retire. The president also was ordered to
repair to Europe, to give an account of the affairs of New Spain. He was
then bishop of St Domingo, having been formerly inquisitor in Seville.
After his return to Spain, he was advanced successively to the bishopricks
of Toro, Leon, and Cuença, with astonishing rapidity, and was also made
president of the royal chancery in Valladolid. The good conduct of the
_oydor_ Maldonado was rewarded by the government of Guatimala, Honduras,
and Veragua, and the title of _adelantado_ or lieutenant governor of
Yucutan. The other judge, Quiroga de Madrigal, obtained the bishoprick of
Mechoacan. Such were the rewards of these just judges!
His majesty was pleased to appoint Don Antonio de Mendoza viceroy of New
Spain. This most illustrious nobleman, worthy of all praise, was brother
to the Marquis of Montejar. Along with him there came out as oydors or
judges of the court of audience, the doctor Quesada, and the licentiates
Tejada de Logrono and Loaysa. The latter was an old man who staid only
three or four years in Mexico, where he collected a good deal of money,
and then returned home to Spain. Santilana, another licentiate came out at
the same time, appointed to succeed Maldonado as oydor when he might
vacate his office. All were excellent magistrates. On opening their court,
they gave leave to every one to make objections against the conduct of
their predecessors; but which was found on inquiry to have been perfectly
right. When the viceroy Mendoza arrived, as he knew that the licentiate
Torre had orders to arrest Nuno de Guzman, he invited him to Mexico,
meaning to save him from insult, and gave him apartments in the palace,
where he was treated with all respect. But Torre, who had orders to
communicate his commission to the viceroy, not finding himself
countenanced in the strong measures he was inclined to pursue, and being
naturally violent, arrested Guzman in the palace and carried him to the
common prison, saying that he acted by royal authority. Guzman remained
several days in custody, but was at length released at the intercession of
the viceroy. The licentiate was much addicted to cards, particularly at
the games of _triumpho_ and primero, on which circumstance one of Guzmans
friends played him the following trick to hold him up to ridicule. The
civilians at that time wore gowns with loose hanging sleeves, into one of
which some wag contrived to convey a pack of cards, so that when Torre was
walking across the great square of Mexico in company with several persons
of quality, the cards began to drop from his sleeve, leaving a long trail
behind him as he walked along. On discovering the trick, which was
heartily laughed at, he became very much enraged; and either from vexation
or the influence of the climate, he died soon after of a _calenture_ or
burning fever, by which the affair of Guzman was respited.
Cortes having now been long in Spain, advanced to the dignity of marquis,
captain-general of New Spain, and admiral of the south sea, being anxious
to revisit his estates in New Spain, embarked with his family and twelve
fathers of the order of mercy. On his arrival at Vera Cruz, he was by no
means so honourably received as formerly, and went from thence to Mexico,
to present his patents to the viceroy and to take possession of his
offices. Considerable difficulty occurred in regard to the interpretation
of the royal grant of towns and lands to the marquis, which I do not
pretend to understand. The grant, in mentioning the districts which were
granted to him, enumerated the _vicinos_ or neighbours who were considered
as belonging to it and as constituting his vassals. Cortes insisted that
the head person only of each family was to be considered as the _vicino_
or vassal; but the Doctor Quesada, who was deputed to allot his districts,
contended that every adult male in a family, master, son, servant, or
slave, was to be reckoned in the number of the _vicinos_. The marquis was
much disappointed by this interpretation, as there were often twelve or
fifteen of these in one household or family, which would have prodigiously
reduced his revenue, and several law-suits ensued in consequence. This
matter was reported for his majesties determination, and continued for
several years in suspence, during which the marquis received his full
rents without hindrance: But finding the great diminution of his
importance in the country which he had subdued, by the appointment of a
viceroy, he retired to Quernavaca, where he established his residence,
being on his own estate, never returning to Mexico. While Marcos de
Aguilar held the government of New Spain, Cortes caused four ships to be
fitted out at Zacatula on the south sea, under the command of Alvarado de
Saavedra, and provided with various articles of merchandize, for a voyage
to China and the Molucca or spice islands. He was likewise directed to
look out for a squadron which had sailed from Spain for China, commanded
by Don Garcia de Loaysa, a commander of the order of St John at Rhodes[9].
While Saavedra was preparing for his expedition, a vessel belonging to the
squadron of Loaysa arrived at Zacatula, from the pilot and crew of which
he acquired all the information he wished. Taking with him the pilot and
two sailors of this ship, Saavedra proceeded on his voyage in December
1527 or 1528, and sustained many misfortunes and hardships on the way to
the Moluccas. I do not know the particulars of this voyage: But, about
three years afterwards, I met a sailor who had sailed in this expedition,
who told me many strange things respecting the cities and nations he had
seen. I also heard that the Portugueze had captured Saavedra and several
of his people, whom they had sent prisoners to Europe. After his return to
New Spain the marquis sent two ships, in May 1532, from Acapulco,
commanded by Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, to make discoveries in the south
sea. One of his ships mutinied and returned to New Spain, to the great
mortification of Cortes, and Hurtado was never heard of afterwards. After
this, Cortes sent out two other vessels, one commanded by Diego Bezerra de
Mendoza, and the other by Hernando de Grijalva. The first night after
their departure from Tehuantepec, they were separated in a gale of wind
and never joined again, Grijalva being well pleased to escape from under
the command of Bezerra, who was of a haughty temper; and besides, Grijalva
was desirous to take the merit of any discoveries he might make to himself.
After sailing 200 leagues, he came to an uninhabited island, which he
named St Thomas. Bezerra made himself so odious by his domineering
disposition, that his pilot Ximenes entered into a plot for his
assassination, which he carried into effect, and took the command of the
vessel. Continuing the voyage, he discovered an island which he named
Santa Cruz, which was inhabited by savages, and where he set on shore two
Franciscan friars and several persons who had refused to join in the
mutiny. Being in want of water, he went at the same time on shore for that
purpose; but he and all who landed were put to death by the savages within
view of the ship. After this misfortune the survivors returned to New
Spain.
The Marquis del Valle was so much vexed by these disappointments that he
resolved to go in person upon discovery, with three ships which he had
ready for launching at Teguantepec. When the Spaniards learnt that he
meant to embark on a voyage of discovery, they thought that success was
quite certain, and great numbers resolved to accompany him. Above 320
persons, including women, offered their services, as there were above 130
of them married men, who brought their wives along with them. Leaving
Teguantepec in May 1536 or 1537, accompanied by Andres de Tapia and
several other officers, with some ecclesiastics, physicians and surgeons,
and as many colonists as the vessels could contain, he sailed for the
island of Santa Cruz, where he arrived after a prosperous voyage, and sent
back the ships to bring over the remainder of the people[10]. The second
voyage was not so fortunate, as they separated in a gale of wind near the
river of St Peter and St Paul, one only of the ships arriving at the
island of Santa Cruz, where the marquis anxiously expected them, as
provisions were growing scarce. One of the other vessels, which contained
the provisions, was stranded on the coast of Xalisco, whence most of the
people returned to New Spain. The other vessel came to a bay which the
people named Guayaval, from the quantity of _guayavas_ which they found
there. During this time, the marquis and his people were experiencing
extreme distress on the uncultivated island of Santa Cruz, twenty-three of
the soldiers dying of famine, and the rest sinking daily, and cursing his
expeditions and discoveries. Taking fifty soldiers with him in the ship
which had arrived, he went in search of the other two; and after some
considerable search he found one stranded, as already mentioned, on the
coast of Xalisco, and abandoned by the people, and met the other among
some rocks. Having repaired these vessels, he brought them with a quantity
of provisions to Santa Cruz, where his famished colonists eat so
voraciously that half of them died. Anxious to quit this scene of misery,
the marquis embarked from Santa Cruz, and, continuing his project of
discoveries, fell in with the land of California, heartily tired of his
fruitless pursuit, yet unwilling to return to New Spain without effecting
some important discovery. When the Marchioness del Valle had notice of the
loss of one of the vessels, she became very apprehensive of her husbands
safety, and fitted out two ships to go in search of the marquis and his
unfortunate colonists. These sailed under the command of Francisco de
Ulloa, who carried letters from the marchioness and the viceroy,
requesting the return of Cortes to New Spain. Ulloa had the good fortune
to fall in with Cortes, who suffered himself to be prevailed on, and
returned to New Spain by way of Acapulco, leaving Ulloa to command the
squadron. His return rejoiced the Spaniards, who were always afraid the
natives chiefs might revolt, when not awed by his presence. The people
whom he left in California returned soon afterwards; but whether they were
so ordered by the government I know not.
After a few months, the Marquis fitted out other two ships, which he sent
upon discovery under the command of Ulloa, who sailed from the port of
Navidad in the month of June, but I forget the year. Ulloa had orders to
explore the coast of California, and to search for Hurtado, who had never
been heard of. After an absence of seven months, Ulloa returned to Xalisco,
without having effected any discovery of importance; and was assassinated
a few days afterwards on shore by a soldier who bore him a grudge. Thus
ended the projected discoveries of the Marquis del Valle, in which I have
heard him say that he expended above 300,000 crowns. He never prospered
after his first conquest of New Spain; and his bad fortune was ascribed to
the curses of his companions, for having treated them so ill in the
distribution of the property acquired by their bravery. He now determined
on going to Spain, in order to solicit an allowance from his majesty for
the expences he had been at in these voyages, as also to endeavour to end
the dispute concerning the vassals of his estates in New Spain, and to
procure restitution of the property which had been seized from him by Nuno
de Guzman, who was now a prisoner in Castille.
After the departure of the Marquis, the viceroy and court of audience sent
a military force from Xalisco by land to the north west, under the command
of Francisco Vasquez Coronado, who married the beautiful and virtuous
daughter of the treasurer Estrada. Coronado left his government of Xalisco,
under the charge of an officer named Onate, and marched into the country
named _Celibola_[11] or the Seven Cities; whence he sent a Franciscan
friar, named Marcos de Nica, to Mexico, to give the viceroy an account of
the country. He described it as consisting of fine plains, with great
herds of cattle quite different from those of Europe; having populous
towns, in which the houses were of two stories with stairs. He also
represented that it lay on the coast of the south sea, by means of which
necessaries and reinforcements could be easily sent to the Spanish force.
Accordingly, three ships were sent for that purpose, under the command of
Hernando de Alarco, an officer belonging to the household of the viceroy.
In the year 1537, Don Pedro de Alvarado fitted out a great armament of
thirteen vessels from the port of _Acaxatla_[12] on the south sea, in
consequence of a license from his majesty, in which he had a grant of
certain rents and advantages in such countries as he might discover; that
is to say, in China and the Moluccas or Spice Islands. As the port where
this armament was fitted out was above 200 leagues from Vera Cruz, whence
all the iron and most other articles had to be carried by land, its cost
might easily have fitted out eighty such vessels from Old Spain. All the
wealth which Alvarado brought from Peru[13], together with what he had got
from the mines in Guatimala, with the rents of his estates, and rich
presents from his friends and relations, were insufficient for his
preparations on this occasion, although all the merchandize was procured
on credit. Great as was the expence of the ships, it was far exceeded by
that of his army, consisting of 650 soldiers with their officers, and a
number of horses, as a good horse at that time cost 300 crowns. Alvarado
sailed some time in the year 1538 for the harbour of _Navidad_ near the
city of _Purification_, in the province of Xalisco, or New Galicia, where
he meant to take in water, and to embark more soldiers. When the viceroy
heard of this great armament, he became desirous to have a share in it,
and went to Navidad to view the fleet, whence he and Alvarado returned to
Mexico. Alvarado wished to have a relation of his own named Juan appointed
to have the command of this expedition, while the viceroy was desirous to
have another officer, named Villalobos, joined in command with Juan
Alvarado. On his return to the port of Navidad, and when just ready to
sail, Alvarado received a letter from Onate, who had been left in the
command of the province of Xalisco, earnestly entreating his immediate
assistance, as he and the settlement were threatened with destruction by
the Indians of Cochitlan. Alvarado, who was always zealous in his majestys
service, marched immediately with his troops to their relief, and found
them in a most desperate situation. The insurgents rather diminished in
the violence of their attacks on the arrival of Alvarado, but hostilities
were still continued; and one day, as Alvarado was following the enemy
among some rocky mountains, a soldier on horseback, who was at a
considerable height above him on the steep side of a mountain, came
rolling down above him, horse and all, by which he was so much bruised,
that soon after his removal to the town of the Purification, he was seized
with fainting-fits, and expired in a few days. On the news of Alvarados
death being known to his fleet and army, many of the people returned to
their homes with what they had received. The viceroy sent off the
licentiate Maldonado to prevent confusion as much as possible, whom he
followed soon after to take the charge of the remaining soldiers, with
whom he marched against the insurgents, and after a tedious and difficult
warfare of some continuance, reduced them to submission.
The loss of Alvarado was severely felt in his family, and his memory was
long held in high esteem through all New Spain. On receiving the fatal
intelligence in Guatimala, the worthy bishop Maroguin and all his clergy
celebrated his obsequies with much honour, and his major-domo caused the
walls of his house to be painted black, which colour has remained ever
since. Many gentlemen waited on Donna Beatrix de la Cueva, his lady, to
console her for her loss. They advised her to give God thanks, since it
was his will to take her husband to himself. Like a good Christian, she
assented to this sentiment, yet said that she now wished to leave this
melancholy world and all its misfortunes. The historian Gomara has falsely
said that she spoke blasphemously on this occasion, saying that God could
now do her no more injury; and injuriously ascribes the subsequent
misfortune which befel her to these words which she did not utter. A
deluge of mud and water burst forth from the volcano near Guatimala, which
overwhelmed the house in which she was praying along with her women.
Although Alvarado and his four brothers had served his majesty with much
zeal, no part of his property descended to his children, and the whole
family was peculiarly unfortunate. Don Pedro died, as I have already
related, by an uncommon accident in Cochitlan, or Culiacan. His brother
Jorge died in Madrid in 1540, while soliciting his majesty for a
recompence of his services. Gomes de Alvarado died in Peru. Gonzalo in
Mexico or Oaxaca, I am uncertain which. Juan on his voyage to Cuba. The
eldest son of Don Pedro, while on a voyage along with his relation the
younger Juan, to solicit a recompence for his fathers services, was lost
at sea. Don Diego, the younger son, seeing the fortunes of the family
desperate, returned to Peru, where he died in battle. Donna Beatrix[14],
the lady of Don Pedro, with the female part of the family, were destroyed,
as before related, by a torrent from a volcano, one of his daughters only
excepted, Donna Leonora, who was saved from the torrent, and has caused
two sepulchres to be built in the great church of Guatimala, to receive
the bones of her relations. May our Lord Jesus take them all with him into
glory! _Amen_.
About a year after the death of Don Pedro Alvarado, the viceroy sent the
best of his ships under Villalobos to make discoveries to the westwards of
the Pacific Ocean; but with what success I never learnt. No part of the
expences of this armament were ever recovered by any of the descendants of
Alvarado.
As the Marquis del Valle was in Spain at the time of the expedition
against Algiers, he attended his majesty on that occasion, along with his
legitimate son Don Martinez, and Don Martin the son he had by Donna Marina.
The fleet was dispersed in a storm, and the ship on board of which the
marquis had embarked was stranded, on which occasion he, his sons, and his
suite, got on shore with much difficulty. On this occasion he tied a
quantity of rich jewels, which he used to wear like other great lords _for
no use_, in a handkerchief round his arm, but they were all lost. On
account of this disaster to the fleet, the council of war was of opinion
that the siege ought to be immediately raised. The marquis was not called
to this council; but it has been said that, if present, he would have
declared for continuing the siege, and if he had been so fortunate as to
command there such brave soldiers as those who accompanied him to Mexico,
he would have entertained no doubt of success.
The marquis was now grown old and worn out by long and severe fatigue, and
was anxious to have returned to New Spain, to settle his affairs: But he
waited the celebration of a marriage, between his eldest daughter Donna
Maria and Don Alvaro Pinez Osorio, son and heir to the Marquis of Astorga,
and had agreed to give his daughter a fortune of 100,000 ducats. He had
sent to bring over his daughter from Mexico, and had even gone himself to
Seville to meet her; but the match was broke off, as is said by the fault
of Don Alvaro. Cortes was much disappointed at this, and as his health was
already in a bad state, he declined so rapidly, that he retired to
Castileja de la Cuesta, to attend to the concerns of his soul, and to make
his testament. Having arranged all his affairs, both for this and the next
world, he departed this life on the 2d of December 1547. He was buried
with great pomp in the chapel of the dukes of Medina Sidonia; but,
according to his will, his remains were afterwards, removed to Cojohuacan
or Tezcuco in New Spain, I am uncertain which. By his latter will, he left
funds for the endowment of an hospital in Mexico, and a nunnery in his own
town of Cojohuacan. In 1519, when we went along with him from Cuba against
Mexico, he used to tell us that he was then thirty-four years old; and as
he died 28 years afterwards, he must have been exactly 62 at his death.
The arms granted to him by his majesty, when he was created a marquis,
were the heads of seven kings surrounded by a chain, implying Montezuma,
Cacamatzin, Guatimotzin, Tulapa, Coadlavaca, and the princes of Tacuba and
Cojohuacan. The motto, as I have been told, was well adapted to a valiant
warrior; but being in Latin, which I do not understand, I say nothing on
that subject.
The Marquis del Valle de Oaxaca, was strong built, and of a good stature,
with a rather pale complexion and serious countenance. His features were
rather small, with mild and grave eyes. His hair and beard were black and
thin. His breast and shoulders were broad, and his body thin. He was
well-limbed, his legs being somewhat bent. He was an excellent horseman,
and very dexterous in the use of arms; and he also had the heart and mind
of valour, which is the principal part of that business. I have heard that,
when young, he was very wild about women, and had several duels in
Hispaniola on that account with able swordsmen, in all of which he came
off victorious: But he received a wound near his under lip on one of these
occasions, the scar of which could be seen through his beard when closely
examined. In his appearance, manners, behaviour, conversation, table, and
dress, every thing corresponded to a man of high rank; and, although his
clothes always corresponded to the fashion of the times, he was not fond
of silks, damasks, or velvets; but wore every thing plain and handsome.
Instead of large chains of gold in which some delighted, he was satisfied
with a small chain of exquisite workmanship, to which was appended a gold
medal of the Virgin and child Jesus, with a Latin motto, and on the
reverse St John the Baptist and another motto. On his finger he wore a
very fine diamond ring; and in his cap, which was of velvet, he bore a
gold medal, the head and motto of which I have forgot: But, in his latter
days, he wore a plain cloth cap without ornament.
His table was always magnificently served and attended, having four
major-domos or principal officers, with many pages, and a great quantity
of massy plate both of gold and silver. He dined heartily about mid-day,
drinking only about half a pint of wine mixed with water. He was not nice
or expensive in his food, except on particular occasions, where he saw it
to be proper. He was exceedingly affable with all his captains and
soldiers, especially those who accompanied him at first from Cuba; yet
practised the strictest attention to military discipline, constantly going
the rounds himself in the night, and visiting the quarters of the soldiers,
severely reprehending all whom he found without their armour or
appointments, and not ready to turn out at a moments warning, saying, "It
is a bad sheep that cannot carry its own wool." He was a Latin scholar,
and as I have been told, a bachelor of laws, a good rhetorician, and
something even of a poet. He was very devote to the Holy Virgin, and to St
Peter, St James, and St John the Baptist. His oath was, "By my conscience."
When angry with any of his friends, he used to say, "may you repent it;"
and when in great warmth, the veins of his throat and forehead used to
swell much, but he then never spoke. He was very patient under insults or
injuries, as the soldiers were sometimes very rude and abusive; yet he
never resented their conduct, only saying, "Be silent," or, "Go in Gods
name, and do not repeat this or I shall have you punished." In all matters
of war, he was exceedingly headstrong and determined, never attending to
remonstrances on account of danger; one instance of which was in the
attack of the fortresses called the _Rocks of the Marquis_, which he
forced us to climb, contrary to all our opinions, where courage, counsel,
or wisdom, could give no rational hope of success. Another instance was in
his obstinacy respecting the expedition against De Oli; in which I
repeatedly urged him to go by way of the mountains, whereas he obstinately
persisted in going by the coast. Had he taken my advice, he would have
found towns the whole way. Where we had to erect any fortress or
entrenchment, he was always the hardest labourer; when we advanced to
battle, he was always in the front.
Cortes was fond of play, both at cards and dice, at which he was always
good-humoured and affable, often using the cant terms customary on these
occasions. During our expedition to Higueras, I observed that he had
acquired a habit of taking a short sleep or _siesta_ after eating; and if
he could not get this he was apt to become sick. On this account, let the
rain be ever so heavy, or the sun ever so hot, he always reposed a short
while on a cloak or carpet under a tree; and after a short sleep, mounted
his horse and proceeded on his march. When engaged in the conquest of New
Spain, he was very thin and slender; but after his return from Higueras,
he became fat and corpulent. His beard began at that time to grow grey,
after which he trimmed it in the short fashion. In his early life, he was
very liberal, but grew close afterwards, insomuch that some of his
servants complained that he did not pay them properly. I have already
observed that he never succeeded in his latter undertakings: Perhaps such
was the will of Heaven, which reserved his reward for a better world; for
he was a good gentleman and very devout. God pardon him his sins, and me
mine, and give me a good end, which is better than all conquests or
victories over Indians! Amen.
* * * * *
_Descendants of Hernando Cortes[15]_.
The legitimate children of Cortes were, Don Martin, who succeeded him as
marquis; Donna Maria, who married the Conde de Luna of Leon; Donna Juanna,
who married Don Hernando Enriquez, heir to the Marquis of Tarriffa; Donna
Catalina, who died in Seville; and Donna Leonora, who married, in Mexico,
Juanez de Tolosa, a rich Biscayan, which alliance gave great offence to
the young marquis. He left also two natural sons: Don Martin by Donna
Marina; and Don Luis by a lady named De Hermosilla; both of whom were
commanders of the order of St Jago. Besides these, he had three natural
daughters; one by an Indian woman of Cuba, and two others by a Mexican
woman: He left great fortunes to all these ladies.
Don Hernando Cortes, conqueror, governor, and captain-general of New Spain,
admiral of the South Seas, _first_ Marquis of the Valley of Oaxaca, had in
second marriage, Donna Jeroma Ramirez de Arellano y Zuniga, daughter of
Don Carlos Ramirez de Arellano, _second_ Conde de Aguilar, and of Donna
Jeroma de Zuniga, daughter of the _first_ Duke of Bejar. Their son was,
I. Don Martinez Cortes de Ramirez y Arellano, _second_ Marquis of the
Valley, married his cousin, Donna Anna Ramirez de Arellano. Their issue
was,
II. Don Hernando Cortes de Ramirez ye Arellano, _third_ Marquis of the
Valley; married Donna Murcia Hernandez de Cabrera y Mendoza, daughter of
Don Pedro Hernandez de Cabrera y Bovadilla, _second_ Conde de Chinchon,
and Donna Maria de Mendoza y Cerda, sister to the Prince of Melito. Don
Hernando had but one son, who died in childhood, and was therefore
succeeded by his brother,
2. Don Pedro Cortes, &c. _fourth_ Marquis of the Valley, who married Donna
Anna Pacheco de la Cerda, sister of the second Conde de Montalban: But
leaving no issue was succeeded by his sister,
3. Donna Jeroma Cortes, &c. _fifth_ Marchioness of the Valley, who married
Don Pedro Carillo de Mendoza, _ninth_ Conde de Priego, captain-general of
Seville, and grand major-domo to Queen Margaret of Austria. Their only
daughter, who carried on the line of the family, was,
III. Donna Stephania Carillo de Mendoza y Cortes, _sixth_ Marchioness of
the Valley, who married Don Diego de Arragon, _fourth_ Duke of Terra Nova,
prince of Castel Vetrano, and of the holy Roman empire, Marquis of Avola
and Favora, constable and admiral of Sicily, commander of Villa Franca,
viceroy of Sardinia, knight of the golden fleece. Their only daughter was,
IV. Donna Juana de Arragon, &c. _fifth_ Duchess of Terra Nova, _seventh_
Marchioness of the Valley, &c. who married Don Hector Pignatelli, Duke of
Montelione, prince of Noja, &c. Their only son was,
V. Don Andrea Fabrizio Pignatelli, &c. duke of Montelione and Terra Nova,
&c. _eighth_ Marquis of the Valley; who married Donna Teresa Pimentel y
Benavides, &c. Their daughter was,
VI. Donna J. Pignatelli, &c. Duchess of Montelione and Terra Nova,
_ninth_ Marchioness of the Valley, &c. who married Don Nicolas Pignatelli,
viceroy of Sardinia and Sicily, &c. Their son was,
VII. Don Diego Pignatelli, &c. duke of Montelione and Terra Nova, _tenth_
Marquis of the Valley, &c. His son was,
VIII. Don Fabrizio Pignatelli, &c. Duke of Montelione and Terra Nova,
_eleventh_ Marquis of the Valley, &c. His son was,
IX. Don Hector Pignatelli, &c. Duke of Montelione and Terra Nova,
_twelfth_ Marquis of the Valley, grandee of Spain, prince of the holy
Roman empire, _at present living in Naples_[16], and married to Donna N.
Piccolomini, of the family of the Dukes of Amalfi.
From the noble couple mentioned in the VI. step of the foregoing deduction,
besides Don Diego, who carried on their line, there were three other sons
and three daughters: 1. Don Diego, as above. 2. Don Ferdinand. 3. Don
Antonio. 4. Don Fabrizio. 5. Donna Rosa. 6. Donna Maria Teresa. 7. Donna
Stephania[17].
[1] According to Robertson, II. 266. Cortes took the resolution of
returning into Spain to avoid exposing himself to the ignominy of a
trial in Mexico, the scene of his triumphs, on hearing that a
commission of inquiry into his conduct was on the point of coming out
to New Spain for that purpose. Diaz almost perpetually neglects dates,
in the latter part of his work especially: but we learn from Robertson
that it was now the year 1528.--E.
[2] The Mexican Tiger, or Jaguar, called Tlatlauhqui ocelotl by the
Mexicans, the _felis onca_ of naturalists, is of a yellowish colour
with cornered annular spots, which are yellow in the middle. It grows
to the size of a wolf or large dog, and resembles the Bengal tiger,
_felis tigris_, in craft and cruelty, but not in size or courage.--E.
[3] Perhaps the Balsam of Capivi, which is of that consistence. The
indurated balsam may be that of Tolu.--E.
[4] These were _albinos_, an accidental or diseased rariety of the human
species, having chalky white skins, pure white hair, and a want of the
pigmentum nigrum of the eye. The white rabbit is a plentiful example
of animal albinos, which variety continues to propagate its kind.--E.
[5] According to Herrera, Dec. iv. lib. iij. c. 8. and lib. iv. c. 1. as
quoted by Robertson, _note_ cxxiv. the treasure which Cortes took over
with him consisted of 1500 marks of wrought plate, 200,000 pesos of
fine gold, and 10,000 of inferior standard; besides many rich jewels,
one in particular being worth 40,000 pesos. The value of this
enumerated treasure amounts to L.104,250 Sterling numerical value;
but estimating its efficient value in those days, with Robertson, as
equal to six times the present amount, it exceeds L.600,000.--E.
[6] Those who had worn the _san benito_, or penal dress, in _an auto de
fe_. In the original translation the _descendants of Indians_ are
included in this proscription, which certainly must be an error.--E.
[7] New Gallicia, to the north-west of Mexico and upon the Pacific Ocean,
is now included in the _Intendencia_ of Guadalaxara, and appears to
have been named Colima by the Mexicans.--E.
[8] Mechoacan, to the west of Mexico and reaching to the south sea forms
now the Intendency of Valladolid.--E.
[9] For the information of some readers, it may be proper to observe, that
the order of St John of Jerusalem, lately known by the name of the
order of Malta, then resided at Rhodes.--E.
[10] Santa Cruz is a small island in the Vermilion sea, on the eastern
coast of California, in lat. 25º 23' N. lon. 110º 47' W. from
Greenwich.--.E
[11] This appears to be the country now called Cinaloa, or Culiacan. The
strange appellation of the _seven cities_ seems to have reference to
that fancied ancient Spanish colony which has been formerly spoken of
in the introduction to the discovery of Columbus.--E.
[12] This name, which is not to be found in any map, is probably a mistake
for Zacatula, in lat. 18º N. on the coast of the Pacific Ocean, W.S.W.
from Mexico.--E.
[13] The expedition of Alvarado to Peru will be related in the subsequent
chapter. Diaz merely gives this slight hint on the subject.--E.
[14] In the _sixth_ section of this chapter, it has been already mentioned
that Don Pedro Alvarado was married to _Donna Luisa_ the daughter of
Xicotencatl, one of the princes or chiefs of Tlascala, through whom he
acquired a great inheritance, and by whom he had a son Don Pedro, and
a daughter Donna Leonora, married to Don Francisco de la Cueva, cousin
to the Duke of Albuquerque, by whom she had four or five sons. The
widow of Don Pedro destroyed in Guatimala, seems to have been a second
wife--E.
[15] This extended account of the descendants of Cortes, is adopted from
Clavigero, I. 442. The first paragraph, which enumerates the younger
children of the marquis, and his natural children, are from Diaz.
There is a difference between these authors in the name of the
marchioness, whom Diaz names Donna _Juanna_, and Clavigero _Jeroma_:
The former likewise names the eldest son of Cortes _Martin_, and the
latter _Martinez_.--E.
[16] This refers to the period when Clavigero composed his History of
Mexico, about the year 1780; according to Humboldt, the dukes of
Montelione retained the vast estates of Cortes in Mexico within the
present century.--E.
[17] This genealogical deduction has been somewhat abridged, as to the
multiplicity of high sounding titles, and minute particulars of
marriages and noble connections, altogether uninteresting to the
English reader.--E.