_Return of Cortes to Mexico, and occurrences there previous to his
departure for Europe; together with an account of the return of the Author
to Mexico_.
Cortes remained five days at the Havanna for refreshment, after which he
reimbarked, and in twelve days arrived at the port of Medelin, opposite
the _Isla de los Sacrificios_, where he disembarked with twenty soldiers;
and while proceeding to the town of San Juan de Ulua, about half a league
from Medelin, he had the good fortune to fall in with a string of horses
and mules which had been employed in conveying travellers to the coast,
which he immediately engaged to carry him and his suit to Vera Cruz[1]. He
gave strict orders to all who accompanied him to give no hint to any
person of his name and quality; and on his arrival at the town before
day-break, he went directly to the church, the doors of which were just
opened. The sacristan was alarmed at seeing so great a number of strangers
going into the church, and immediately ran into the streets to call the
civil power to his assistance. The alcaldes, with the alguazils, and some
of the inhabitants repaired immediately to the church with their arms; and
Cortes was so squalid from long illness, that no one knew him till he
began to speak. The moment he was known, they all fell on their knees and
kissed his hands, welcoming him back to New Spain; and his old
fellow-soldiers escorted him after mass to the quarters of Pedro Moreno,
where he remained eight days, during which he was feasted by the
inhabitants. Intelligence was immediately conveyed of the joyful news to
Mexico and all the surrounding country, and Cortes wrote to all his
friends giving them notice of his arrival. The neighbouring Indians
flocked to wait upon him with presents and congratulations; and when he
set out on his journey to Mexico, every preparation was made for his
accommodation and honourable entertainment. The inhabitants of Mexico, and
all the places round the lake, and those of Tlascala and all the other
Indian towns, celebrated his return with festivals. On his arrival at
Tescuco, the contador came to wait upon him, and on entering the capital,
he was received in great state by all the civil and military officers, and
all the inhabitants. The natives in their gayest attire, and armed as
warriors, filled the lake in their canoes; dancing and festivity prevailed
in every corner of the city during the whole day; and at night every house
was illuminated. Immediately on his arrival, he went to the monastery of
St Francis, to give thanks to God for his preservation and safe return;
and from thence went to his magnificent palace, where he was esteemed,
served, and feared like a sovereign prince, all the provinces sending
messages of congratulation on his happy return, with considerable presents.
This return of Cortes to Mexico was in June[2], and he immediately ordered
the arrest of all who had been most eminent for sedition during his
absence, causing a judicial inquiry to be made into the conduct of the two
principal culprits, Salazar and Chirinos, whom he intended to have brought
immediately to justice for their crimes; and, if he had done so, no one
would have found fault, but in this instance he certainly acted with too
much lenity, or rather want of firmness. I remember to have heard from
some of the members of the royal council of the Indies in 1540, that the
capital punishment of these men would have been approved by his majesty.
One Ocampo, who had been guilty of defamatory libels, and an old scrivener
named Ocana, who used to be called the soul of Chirinos, was arrested on
this occasion.
Shortly after the arrival of Cortes in Mexico, the licentiate Luis Ponce
de Leon arrived unexpectedly at Medelin, and Cortes was surprised with
this intelligence while performing his devotions in the church of St
Francis. He prayed earnestly for direction from God, that he might so
conduct himself on this critical emergency, as seemed best fitting to his
holy will, and the good service of his sovereign; and immediately sent a
confidential person to bring him information of the particular object and
tendency of the coming of De Leon. In two days after, he received a copy
of the royal orders to receive the licentiate as resident judge of Mexico:
In consequence of which, he dispatched a person with a complimentary
message, desiring to know which of the two roads to the city De Leon
intended to take, that he might give orders for every proper accommodation
to be prepared suitable to his rank. De Leon sent back an answer, thanking
him for his polite attention, but that he proposed to repose for some time
where he then was, to recover from the fatigues of his voyage. This
interval was busily employed by the enemies of Cortes, in misrepresenting
all the transactions in which Cortes had been concerned. They asserted
that Cortes intended to put the factor and veedor to death before the
arrival of De Leon at Mexico, and even warned him to take great care of
his own personal safety, alleging that the civility of Cortes in desiring
to know the road he meant to take, were to enable him to prepare for his
assassination, under pretence of doing him honour. The persons with whom
the licentiate principally consulted were, Proano, the alcalde-major, and
his brother, who was alcalde of the citadel, named Salazar de la Pedrada,
who soon afterwards died of a pleurisy; Marcos de Aguilar, a licentiate or
bachelor; a soldier named Bocanegra de Cordova, and certain friars of the
Dominican order, of whom Fra Thomas Ortiz was provincial. This man had
been a prior somewhere, and was said to be much better fitted for worldly
affairs, than for the concerns of his holy office. By these men De Leon
was advised to proceed to Mexico without delay, and accordingly the last
messengers sent to him by Cortes met him on the road at Iztapalapa. A
sumptuous banquet was prepared at this place for De Leon and his suit, in
which, after several abundant and magnificent courses, some cheese-cakes
and custards were served up as great delicacies, which were much relished,
and some of the company eat of them so heartily that they became sick.
Ortiz asserted that they had been mixed up with arsenic, and that he had
refrained from eating them from suspicion; but some who were present
declared that he partook of them heartily, and declared they were the best
he had ever tasted. This ridiculous story was eagerly circulated by the
enemies of Cortes. While De Leon was at Iztapalapa, Cortes remained in
Mexico; and report said that he sent at this time a good sum in gold as a
present to the licentiate. When De Leon set out from Iztapalapa, Cortes
having notice of his approach, went immediately to meet him, with a grand
and numerous retinue of all the officers and gentlemen of the city. At
meeting, many civilities passed between the two great men, and Cortes
prevailed with some difficulty on De Leon to take the right hand. De Leon
proceeded immediately to the monastery of St Francis, to offer up his
thanks to the Almighty for his safe arrival, whence he was conducted by
Cortes to a palace prepared for him, where he was most sumptuously
entertained, all business being deferred for that day. On this occasion
the grandeur and politeness of Cortes were so conspicuous, that De Leon is
said to have observed privately among his friends, that Cortes must have
been long practising the manners of a great man.
Next day, the _cabildo_ or council of Mexico, all the civil and military
officers, and all the veterans who were present in the capital, were
ordered to assemble; and in the presence of all these, the licentiate
Ponce de Leon produced his commission from his majesty. Cortes kissed it,
and placed it on his head as a mark of respectful submission, and all
present declared their ready obedience. The licentiate then received from
Cortes the rod of justice, in token of surrendering the government into
his hands, saying: "General, I receive this government from you by the
orders of his majesty; although it is by no means implied that you are not
most worthy both of this and of a higher trust." The general answered,
"That he was always happy in obeying the commands of his majesty, and was
the more satisfied on the present occasion, because he would have an
opportunity to prove the malice and falsehood of his enemies." De Leon
replied, "That in all societies there were good and bad men, for such was
the way of the world; and he trusted that both would be repaid in kind."
This was all the material business of the first day. On the next, the new
governor sent a respectful summons to Cortes, who accordingly waited upon
him, and they had a long private conference, at which no one was present
except the prior Ortiz: Yet it was believed that the conversation was to
the following effect. De Leon observed, that it was the wish of his
majesty that those who had most merit in the conquest of the country
should be well provided for in the distribution of plantations, those
soldiers who had first come from Cuba being more especially considered:
Whereas it was understood that they had been neglected, while others who
had newly arrived had been gratified with unmerited wealth. To this Cortes
answered, that all had got shares in the division of the country; and that
it could not be imputed to him that some of these had turned out of less
value than others: But it was now in the power of the new governor to
remedy this inequality. The governor then asked why Luis de Godoy had been
left to perish in a distant settlement, when the veterans ought to have
been allowed to enjoy the comforts of established possessions in Mexico,
and the new settlements assigned to new colonists: And why Captain Luis
Marin, Bernal Diaz, and other approved veterans had been neglected. Cortes
answered, That for business of difficulty and danger, none but the
veterans could be depended on: But that all these were soon expected to
return to Mexico, when the new governor would have it in his power to
provide for them. De Leon next questioned him rather sharply about his
imprudent march against Christoval de Oli, which he had undertaken without
permission from his majesty. Cortes said, That he looked upon that measure
as necessary for his majestys service, as such an example might have
dangerous effects on officers entrusted with subordinate commands; and
that he had reported his intentions to his majesty before he set out on
this expedition. De Leon questioned him likewise on the affairs of Narvaez,
Garay, and Tapia; on all of which subjects Cortes gave such answers that
the governor seemed perfectly satisfied.
Soon after this conference, Ortiz called on three very intimate friends of
the general, and pretending to be actuated only by the most friendly
desire to serve him, assured them that the governor had secret orders from
the emperor to behead Cortes immediately; and that he, from private regard,
and in conformity with the duties of his holy functions, had considered it
to be his duty to give him this intelligence. He even desired an interview
with Cortes next morning, and communicated the same information to him,
accompanied with many protestations of regard and friendship. This
assuredly gave Cortes a very serious subject of meditation: But he had
already been informed of the intriguing character of the prior, and
suspected all this proceeded from a wish to be bribed for his good offices
with the governor; though some alleged that Ortiz acted by the secret
directions of De Leon on this occasion. Cortes received this pretended
friendly information with many thanks; but declared his belief that his
majesty had a better opinion of his services, than to proceed against him
in this clandestine manner; and that he had too high an opinion of the
governor, than to believe he could proceed to such extremities without the
royal warrant. When the prior found that his sly conduct did not produce
the effect which he had expected, he remained so confused that he knew not
what farther to say on the occasion. The new governor gave public notice,
for all who had complaints to make against the former administration, to
bring their charges, whether against Cortes, or any others of the civil or
military officers. In consequence of this, a vast number of accusers,
litigants, and claimants started up; among whom many private enemies of
the general preferred unjust accusations against him, while others made
just claims for what was really due to them. Some alleged that they had
not received their just shares of the gold; others that they had not been
sufficiently rewarded in the distribution of settlements; some demanded
remuneration for their horses which had been killed in the wars, though
they had already been paid ten times their value; and others demanded
satisfaction for personal injuries. Just as the governor had opened his
court to give a hearing to all parties, it pleased God, for our sins, and
to our great misfortune, that he was suddenly taken ill of a fever. He
remained four days in a lethargic state; after which, by the advice of his
physicians, he confessed and received the sacrament with great devotion,
and appointed Marcos de Aguilar, who had come with him from Spain, to
succeed him in the government. On the ninth day from the commencement of
his illness, he departed from this life, to the great grief of all the
colonists, particularly the military, as he certainly intended to have
redressed all abuses, and to have rewarded us according to our merits. He
was of a gay disposition, and fond of music; and it is said that his
attendants, while his illness was at the height, brought a lute player
into his apartment, in hopes of soothing his distress. While a favourite
air was playing, he was said to have beat time with perfect accuracy, and
expired just when the tune was finished.
Immediately on his death, the enemies of Cortes in Mexico circulated the
most malignant slanders against him, even going the length of asserting
that he said Sandoval had poisoned the governor as he had before done with
Garay. The most busy in propagating this malicious report was the Prior
Ortiz. But the truth was, that the vessel which brought the governor and
his suite from Spain was infected with the disease of which he died; above
a hundred of the crew and passengers having died at sea or soon after
landing; among whom, almost all the friars who came out at that time were
carried off, and the contagion spread through the city of Mexico. Some of
the principal people in Mexico objected against the appointment which the
late governor had made of a successor; alleging that Marcos de Aguilar was
only a bachelor and not a licentiate, and therefore incapable of acting in
that capacity. The cabildo of Mexico insisted that Aguilar was incapable
of executing the high office to which De Leon had appointed him, on
account of his age and infirmities; as he was a diseased hectic old man,
who was obliged to drink goats milk, and to be suckled by a woman to keep
him alive; they recommended therefore that Cortes should be associated
with him in the government: But Aguilar insisted on adhering strictly to
the testament of his predecessor; and Cortes, for substantial private
reasons, was entirely averse from taking any share in the authority. The
enemies of Cortes insisted on the inquiry proceeding in the manner
intended by the late governor; and Cortes readily assented to this,
providing the new governor would take the responsibility on himself for
acting contrary to the testament of his predecessor, who had left orders
for him not to proceed with the business before the court, but that the
whole should be laid before his majesty.
It is now proper to revert to our situation who had been left at Naco,
when Cortes set sail from Truxillo for the Havanna and Mexico. We remained
for some time at Naco, waiting intelligence for the sailing of Cortes,
which Sandoval was to have sent us; but Saavedra maliciously suppressed
the letters. Becoming impatient after a considerable delay, our captain,
Luis Marin, sent ten of the cavalry, among whom I was, to Truxillo to
learn the truth. On our arrival at a place named Olancho, we learned from
some Spaniards that Cortes was sailed; which information was soon
afterwards confirmed by a message from Saavedra. We returned therefore
joyfully to Marin, and set out for Mexico, throwing stones at the country
we were quitting, as a mark of our dislike. At a place called Maniani,
we met five soldiers commanded by Diego de Villaneuva, one of our brave
veterans, who were sent in search of us by Alvarado, who was at a place
not far distant, named _Chohilteca Malalaca_, where we joined him in two
days, and where we were likewise joined by a party belonging to Pedro
Arias de Avilla, who had sent some of his captains to adjust some disputed
boundaries with Alvarado. From this place, where we remained three days,
Alvarado sent one Gaspar Arias de Avilla to treat on some confidential
business with Pedro Arias, I believe relative to a marriage; for Pedro
Arias seemed much devoted henceforwards to Alvarado. Continuing our march
through a hostile country, the natives killed one of our soldiers, and
wounded three; but we were too much in haste to punish them as they
deserved. Farther on in Guatimala, the natives manned the passes against
us, and we were detained three days in forcing our way through, on which
occasion I received a slight wound. While in the valley where the city of
Guatimala has been since built, and all the people of which were hostile,
we had a number of shocks of an earthquake, all of which continued a long
while, and were so violent that several of our soldiers were thrown down.
On passing old Guatimala, the natives assembled against us in hostile
array, but we drove them before us, and took possession of their
magnificent dwellings and quadrangles for the night, and hutted ourselves
next day on the plain, where we remained ten days. During this time
Alvarado summoned the neighbouring Indians to submit, but they neglected
to appear. We then proceeded by long marches to Olintepec, where Alvarados
main force was stationed, whence we proceeded by Soconuzco and Teguantepec
towards Mexico, losing two soldiers on our march, and the Mexican lord
named Juan Velasquez, who had been a chief under Guatimotzin.
On our arrival at Oaxaca, we learned the news of the death of Ponce de
Leon the governor. We pressed forward to Mexico, and on our arrival at
Chalco sent messengers to inform Cortes of our approach, and to request he
would provide us with good quarters, having been two years and three
months absent on our expedition. Cortes, attended by many gentlemen on
horseback, met us on the causeway and accompanied us into the city, where
we immediately went to the great church to return thanks to God for our
arrival, after which we went to the generals palace, where a sumptuous
entertainment was provided for us. Alvarado went to reside at the fortress,
of which he had been appointed alcalde. Luis Marin went to lodge with
Sandoval; and Captain Luis Sanchez and I, were taken by Andres de Tapia to
his house. Cortes and Sandoval and all our other friends sent us presents
of gold and cacao to bear our expences[3]. Next day, my friend Sanchez and
I went to wait upon the new governor Aguilar, accompanied by Sandoval and
De Tapia. We were received with much politeness, saying he would have done
every thing in his power for us, if so authorised, but every thing having
been referred by De Leon to his majesty, he was unable to make any new
arrangements.
At this time Diego de Ordas arrived from Cuba, who was said to have
circulated the report of our deaths; but he declared that he had only sent
an account of the unfortunate catastrophe of Xicalonga as it really
happened, and that the misrepresentation proceeded entirely from the
factor Salazar. Cortes had so much business on his hands that he thought
proper to drop this affair, and endeavoured to recover his property which
had been disposed of under the supposition of his death. A great part of
it had been expended in celebrating his funeral obsequies, and in the
purchase of perpetual masses for his soul; but, on his being discovered to
be alive, had been repurchased by one Juan Caceres for his own benefit
when he might happen to die, so that Cortes could not recover his property.
Ordas, who was a man of much experience, seeing that Cortes was fallen
much into neglect since he was superseded from the government, advised him
to assume more state and consequence to maintain the respect due to him:
But such was his native plainness of manners, that he never wished to be
called otherwise than simply _Cortes_; a truly noble name, as glorious as
those of Cesar, Pompey, or Hanibal among the ancients. Ordas likewise
informed Cortes of a current report in Mexico, that he intended to put
Salazar privately to death in prison, and warned him that he was
powerfully patronized. About this time, the treasurer Estrada married one
of his daughters to Jorge de Alvarado, and another to Don Luis de Guzman,
son to the Conde de Castellar. Pedro de Alvarado went over to Spain to
solicit the government of Guatimala, sending in the meantime his brother
Jorge to reduce that province, with a force chiefly composed of the
warriors of the different nations that were in our alliance. The governor
also sent a force against the province of Chiapa, under the command of Don
Juan Enriquez de Guzman, a near relation to the Duke of Medina Sidonia:
And an expedition was sent against the Zapotecan mountaineers, under
Alonzo de Herrera, one of our veteran soldiers.
Having lingered about eight months, Marcos de Aguilar died, and appointed
by his testament Alonzo de Estrada the treasurer to succeed him in the
government: But the Cabildo of Mexico and many of the principal Spaniards
were very solicitous that Cortes should be associated in the government;
and on his peremptory refusal, they recommended that Sandoval, who was
then alguazil-major, should act in conjunction with Estrada, which
accordingly was the case. The incompetence of Estrada for conducting the
government in the present conjuncture, particularly appeared from the
following circumstance. Nuno de Guzman, who had held the government of
Panuco for two years, conducted himself in a furious and tyrannical manner,
arbitrarily extending the bounds of his jurisdiction on the most frivolous
pretences, and putting to death all who dared to oppose his commands.
Among these, Pedro Gonzalez de Truxillo, having asserted truly that his
district was dependent on Mexico, Guzman immediately ordered him to be
hanged. He put many other Spaniards to death, merely to make himself
feared; and set the authority of the governor of Mexico at defiance. Some
of the enemies of Cortes persuaded Estrada to represent to the court of
Spain, that he had been compelled by the influence of Cortes to associate
Sandoval with himself in the government, contrary to his inclination, and
to the detriment of his majesties service. By the same conveyance, a
string of malevolent falsehoods were transmitted against the general; as
that he had poisoned Garay, De Leon, and Aguilar; that he had endeavoured
to administer arsenic in cheese-cakes to a great number of people at a
feast; that he was plotting the deaths of the veedor and factor Chirinos
and Salazar, then in jail; and that he had procured the death of his wife,
Donna Catalina. All these lies were supported by the industry of the
contador Albornos, then in Spain: And, in consequence of these gross
falsehoods, Cortes was partly judged unheard; as orders were sent to
release Salazar and Chirinos; and Pedro de la Cueva, commendator-major of
Alcantara, was ordered to go out to Mexico with an escort of three hundred
soldiers at the expence of Cortes, with authority to put Cortes to death
if his guilt were proved, and to distribute his property among the veteran
conquerors of Mexico. This was to have been done, however, under the
authority of a court of royal audience, which was to be sent out to Mexico;
but all ended in nothing; as neither De la Cueva nor the court of royal
audience made their appearance.
Estrada was greatly elated by the countenance he received at court, which
he attributed to his being considered as a natural son of the Catholic
king. He disposed of governments at his pleasure, and carried every thing
with a high hand. At this time he sent his relation Mazoriejos to inquire
into the conduct of Don Juan Enriquez de Guzman in Chiapa, who is said to
have made more plunder there than was proper. He sent also a force against
the Zapotecas and Mixtecas, under the command of one De Barrios, said to
be a brave soldier who had served in Italy. I do not mean De Barrios of
Seville, the brother-in-law of Cortes. This officer marched with a hundred
men against the Zapotecas; but they surprised him, one night, and slew
himself and seven of his soldiers. Such was the difference between these
raw half formed soldiers, who were ignorant of the stratagems of the enemy,
and us the veteran conquerors. One Figuero, a particular friend of Estrada,
was sent with a hundred new soldiers to the province of Oaxaca. On passing
through the country of the Zapotecas, Figuero fell into a dispute with one
Alonzo de Herrera, who had been sent to command there by the late governor
Aguilar, in which Figuero and three soldiers were wounded. Finding himself
unable for the field, and that his soldiers were unfit for expeditions
among the mountains, Figuero thought proper to search for the sepulchres
of the ancient chiefs, on purpose to appropriate the gold which used to be
buried along with them; by which means he collected above an hundred
thousand crowns, and returned with this wealth to Mexico, leaving the
province in a worse state than before. From Mexico he went to Vera Cruz,
where he embarked for Spain; but he and all his wealth went to the bottom,
as the vessel in which he sailed was lost in a storm. The business of
subjecting these Indians was finally left for us, the veterans of
Coatzacualco, who at length reduced them to submission. They used to
submit during the summer, and to rebel when the torrents rendered their
country inaccessible. I was on three expeditions against them; and at last
the town of St Alfonso was built to keep them under subjection.
When the governor heard how his friend Figuero had been maltreated by
Herrera, he sent the officers of justice to apprehend him, but he made his
escape to the rocks and woods. They took a soldier named Cortejo who used
to accompany him, whom they brought prisoner to Mexico, where the governor
ordered his right hand to be cut off, without hearing him in his defence,
although he was a gentleman. About this time also, a servant belonging to
Sandoval wounded one of Estradas servants in a quarrel. The governor had
him arrested, and sentenced him to have his right hand cut off, Cortes and
Sandoval resided at this time in Quernavaca, partly on prudential
considerations; and immediately posted off to Mexico, where he is said to
have used such severe expressions to the governor as to put him in fear of
his life. He called his friends about him to form a guard for his person,
and immediately released Salazar and Chirinos from prison, by whose advice
he issued an order for the expulsion of Cortes from Mexico. When this was
represented to Cortes, he declared his readiness to obey; and since it was
the will of God, that he who had gained that city at the expence of his
best blood, should be banished from it by base and unworthy men, he was
resolved to go immediately to Spain and demand justice from his majesty.
He quitted the city instantly, and went to one of his country residences
at Cojohuacan, from whence in a few days he proceeded towards the coast.
Estradas lady, a person worthy of memory for her many virtues, seeing the
dangerous consequences which were likely to result from this absurd and
arbitrary conduct, remonstrated with her husband on the subject, reminding
him of the many favours he had received from Cortes, the ingratitude with
which he now repaid him, and the many powerful friends of the general.
These representations are said to have induced the treasurer to repent
sincerely of the violent steps he had taken. Just at this time, Fra Julian
Garrios, the first bishop of Tlascala arrived in New Spain, who was much
displeased on hearing the proceedings of the governor; and two days after
his arrival in Mexico, where he was received with great pomp, he undertook
to mediate a reconciliation between the governor and Cortes. Many
seditious persons, knowing the dissatisfaction of Cortes, offered him
their services if he would set himself up as an independant monarch in New
Spain, and he even received similar offers from many persons in Mexico. He
immediately arrested all of these men who were in his reach, threatening
to put them to death, and wrote to inform the bishop of Tlascala of their
treasonable offers. The bishop waited on Cortes, and found his conduct in
every respect satisfactory, of which he sent word to Mexico; and finding
that Cortes was positively determined upon going to Spain, the prelate
added to his letter a severe censure from himself upon the misconduct of
those who had driven him from thence.
[1] The harbour of Medelin is fifteen or twenty miles south from Vera Cruz;
but I suspect the place named St Juan de Ulua in the text is the
modern town of Vera Cruz, the harbour of which is protected by the
island and castle of St Juan de Ulua. The ancient town of Villa Rica
de la Vera Cruz, now called Antigua, is about twenty-five miles north
from modern Vera Cruz.--E.
[2] Diaz is frequently inattentive to dates, and does not on this occasion
inform us of the year: By reference to Robertsons History of America,
II. 266, 12mo. ed Lond. 1800, it certainly apoears to have been in the
year 1524.--E.
[3] It may be proper to remark in this place, that the cacao nuts were
used by the Mexicans before the conquest as a medium for purchases of
small value instead of money, and the practice was continued under the
Spanish dominion, as the markets were supplied by the original natives.
Clavigero, I. 366. says that the Mexicans used five substitutes for
money. 1. Cacao, which they counted by _xiquipils_, or in sacks
containing each three xiquipils, or 24,000 nuts. 2. Small cotton
cloths, called _patolquachtli_. 3. Gold dust in goose quills. 4.
Pieces of copper in the form of the letter T. 5. Thin pieces of
tin.--E.