It is agreed, that all the citizens of the United States of America

shall be permitted to import into, and export from, any part of his

Britannic Majesty’s dominions in American ships, any goods, wares

and merchandise, which have been so imported, or exported, by the

inhabitants of the British American Colonies, before the commencement

of the war, upon payment of the same duties and charges, as the like

sort of goods or merchandise are now, or may be subject and liable

to, if imported by British subjects in British ships, from any

British island or plantation in America, and that all the subjects

of his Britannic Majesty shall be permitted to import and export

from any part of the territories of the United States of America,

in British ships, any goods, wares and merchandise, which might

have been so imported, or exported by the subjects of his Britannic

Majesty before the commencement of the war, upon payment of the same

duties and charges, as the like sort of goods, wares and merchandise

are now, or may be subject and liable to, if imported in American

ships by any of the citizens of the United States of America.

This agreement to continue in force until _______. Provided always,

that nothing contained in this agreement shall at any time hereafter

be argued on either side, in support of any future demand or claim.

_Observations and Propositions of Mr Hartley, left with the

American Ministers, May 21st_, 1783.

A proposition having been offered by the American ministers for

the consideration of his Britannic Majesty’s ministers, and of the

British nation, for an entire and reciprocal freedom of intercourse

and commerce between Great Britain and the American United States, in

the following words, viz.

“That all rivers, harbors, lakes, ports and places, belonging to the

United States or any of them, shall be open and free to the merchants

and other subjects of the Crown of Great Britain and their trading

vessels, who shall be received, treated and protected like the

merchants and trading vessels of the State in which they may be, and

may be liable to no other charges or duties.

“And reciprocally, that all rivers, harbors, lakes, ports and places,

under the dominion of his Britannic Majesty, shall be open and free

to the merchants and trading vessels of the said United States,

and of each and every of them, who shall be received, treated, and

protected like the merchants and trading vessels of Great Britain,

and to be liable to no other charges and duties, saving always to the

chartered trading companies of Great Britain, such exclusive use and

trade of their respective ports and establishments, as neither the

other subjects of Great Britain, or any of the most favored nations

participate in.”

It is to be observed, that this proposition implies a more ample

participation of British commerce, than the American States possessed

even under their former connexion of dependence upon Great Britain,

so as to amount to an entire abolition of the British act of

navigation, in respect to the thirteen United States of America, and

although proceeding on their part from the most conciliatory and

liberal principles of amity and reciprocity, nevertheless it comes

from them, as newly established States, and who, in consequence

of their former condition of dependence, have never yet had any

established system of national commercial laws, or of commercial

connexions by treaties with other nations, free and unembarrassed

of many weighty considerations, which require the most scrupulous

attention and investigation on the part of Great Britain, whose

ancient system of national and commercial policy is thus suddenly

called upon to take a new principle for its foundation, and whose

commercial engagements with other ancient States may be most

materially affected thereby. For the purpose, therefore, of giving

sufficient time for the consideration and discussion of so important

a proposition, respecting the present established system of the

commercial laws and policy of Great Britain, and their subsisting

commercial engagements with foreign powers, it is proposed that a

temporary intercourse of commerce shall be established between Great

Britain and the American States, previously to the conclusion of

any final and perpetual compact. In this intervening period, as the

strict line and measure of reciprocity, from various circumstances,

cannot be absolutely and completely adhered to, it may be agreed that

the commerce between the two countries shall revive, as nearly as can

be, upon the same footing and terms as formerly subsisted between

them, provided always, that no concession on either side, in the

proposed temporary convention, shall be argued hereafter in support

of any future demand or claim. In the mean time, the proposition

above stated may be transmitted to London, requesting (with his

Majesty’s consent) that it may be laid before Parliament for their

consideration.

It is proposed therefore, that the unmanufactured produce of the

United States should be admitted into Great Britain without any

other duties, (those imposed during the war excepted) than those to

which they were formerly liable. And it is expected in return, that

the produce and manufactures of Great Britain should be admitted

into the United States in like manner. If there should appear any

want of reciprocity in this proposal, upon the grounds of asking

admission for British manufactures into America, while no such

indulgence is given to American manufactures in Great Britain, the

answer is obvious, that the admission of British manufactures into

America is an object of great importance, and equally productive

of advantage to both countries, while, on the other hand, the

introduction of American manufactures into Great Britain can be of

no service to either, and may be productive of innumerable frauds,

by enabling persons, so disposed, to pass foreign European goods,

either prohibited or liable to great duties by the British laws, for

American manufactures.

With regard to the West Indies, there is no objection to the most

free intercourse between them and the United States. The only

restriction proposed to be laid upon that intercourse, is prohibiting

American ships carrying to those Colonies any other merchandise, than

the produce of their own country. The same observation may be made

upon this restriction as upon the former. It is not meant to affect

the interests of the United States, but it is highly necessary, lest

foreign ships should make use of the American flag, to carry on a

trade with the British West India Islands.

It is also proposed upon the same principle to restrain the ships,

that may trade to Great Britain from America, from bringing foreign

merchandise into Great Britain. The necessity of this restriction is

likewise evident, unless Great Britain meant to give up the whole

navigation act. There is no necessity for any similar restrictions on

the part of the American States, those States not having as yet any

acts of navigation.

TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Bath, June 27th, 1783.

Sir,

I beg leave to refer you to the contents of a letter, which I had

the honor of writing from London the 17th instant, by the hands of

Mr John Vaughan, and a copy by Mr Thomas Stoughton. Two days ago, I

had the pleasure of receiving your letter of the 8th of May, together

with an act of Congress of the 1st of April, giving leave for my

return to America, agreeably to my request, for which I make the most

sincere acknowledgments.

I am happy to find the provisional treaty had received the plaudit

and ratification of Congress, and should have been ready to have

given the best answers in my power to the inquiries which you allude

to, had you been pleased to extend them. I know not whether any

steps have been taken toward a definitive or other treaty since the

7th instant, when I left Paris, having received no letters from my

colleagues, but they no doubt will keep you regularly informed.

You will have seen, Sir, in several of my former letters, which

must have reached you before this day, that no exertions of mine

were wanting, for delivering you from those troublesome guests of

whom you complain. I foresaw the great uneasiness, which their long

continuance at New York would create. I regret exceedingly, that

so free a communication as “on the former footing” preceded the

accomplishment of that great and necessary work. I had entertained

ideas, that my country would have treated it with more solemnity.

I have no account to settle with Dr Franklin, having received no

money but from Mr Grand, viz. twenty thousand livres, and sixteen

thousand six hundred and sixtysix livres, thirteen sols, which I

believe are all the remittances you have made to me, and which I have

already formally acknowledged. The latter sum, indeed, I have not

actually received, but it stands to my credit with Mr Grand, and I

soon shall have occasion to draw for it. I am at present in a poor

state of health, but I hope Bath and sea bathing will be of service

to me. The summer season being so far advanced, I shall prepare for

embarkation early in October. No opportunity of serving my country in

the mean time shall be slighted or neglected.

I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.

HENRY LAURENS.

TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Bath, July 17th, 1783.

Sir,

My present address will be accompanied by a copy of my last of

the 27th of June, to which I beg leave to refer. The enclosed

proclamation of the 2d of July, in the London Gazette of the 12th,

seems to complete a commercial treaty with America on the part of

Great Britain, “until further order.” I am informed Mr David Hartley

is soon expected from Paris, without having made any treaty with the

American Ministers. I speak from report, but have received no advices

from my colleagues.

This will be delivered to you by Thomas Carpenter, who is going

with three other persons, under the auspices of Rev. Mr Wells of

Broomsgrove, to offer themselves as settlers and citizens in the

United States. Mr Wells and his concerns are strongly recommended to

me by Dr Price, and by the Rev. Mr Wrenn, of Portsmouth. Upon this

ground, permit me to crave your countenance and protection in favor

of Mr Carpenter and his associates. I was informed yesterday, and

though by pretty good authority I speak only as from report, that Mr

Silas Deane, who has been in London about four months, has been an

active hand in chalking out a treaty of commerce for us. I shall know

more of this when I get to London, some ten days hence. I have not

yet fully recovered my health, but am nevertheless taking measures

for embarking early in October.

I have the honor to be, &c.

HENRY LAURENS.

TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Bath, July 17th, 1783.

Sir,

A few hours after I had despatched an address to you of the present

date, by the hands of Mr Carpenter, who, I hope, will also be the

bearer of this, I received a letter from Doctor Franklin, in which he

writes, “I want you here on many accounts, and should be glad of your

assistance in considering and answering our public letters; there are

matters in them, of which I cannot conveniently give you an account

at present.” Although I had flattered myself with the hope of being

free, and however so long a journey at the present season may further

impair my health, and the delay derange my measures for embarkation,

I must not refuse to obey such a call. I shall begin my journey

tomorrow morning, and, barring accidents, be at Paris in seven days,

or sooner.

I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, &c.

HENRY LAURENS.

TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Washington, off Poole, August 2d, 1783.

Sir,

In pursuance of the determination signified in the preceding copy of

my last, of the 17th ult, I proceeded to Paris, and arrived there

on the 23d. The despatches being finished for captain Barney, by

advice of Dr Franklin and Mr Jay, I embarked in the Washington,

and am presently going on shore at Poole, from whence I shall

immediately proceed to London, and apply to the Ministers at that

Court for learning their resolutions, respecting the long pending

treaties, and particularly for information, whether a Minister from

the United States will be properly received there. Had the wind been

unfavorable, I should have detained Captain Barney for conveyance

of such answers as I may receive, but I have recommended to him to

profit by the present easterly gale, without losing a moment. I am

from sea sickness unable to add more, except that I shall advise by

the earliest opportunities, and that,

I have the honor to be, &c.

HENRY LAURENS.

TO L. R. MORRIS.

London, August 9th, 1783.

Sir,

On the 4th instant, I had the honor of receiving your very obliging

letter of April the 18th, accompanied by “a state of Mr Laurens’s

account with the United States,” &c. and a bill on Mr Grand for its

apparent balance 7083 livres, 7s. which is said to be for three

months’ salary from the 1st of January, to the 31st of March 1783.

For former quarter’s salary, about 16,666 livres, 13s. had been

remitted to me, wherefore I presume there is an error in the present

article. I have not learned of any alteration made by Congress in

the Ministers’ salaries, except in the mode of calculating the

exchange of dollars. If there is an error you will cause it to be

rectified. Be pleased, Sir, to accept this as an acknowledgment of

the receipt of the said bill for seven thousand and eighty-three

livres and seven sols, and also of my best thanks for your goodness

in forwarding the remittance. Besides the above mentioned error,

the account is partial, confined probably to the administration of

Mr Robert R. Livingston, or of Mr R. Morris, and an adjustment of

the whole therefore must be deferred to a future day. I would also

remark another omission, the commission for agency, due either to Mr

Livingston or yourself, which may be deducted from a future bill, and

will be admitted on my part with alacrity and thankfulness for your

trouble.

I have the honor to be, with great respect and esteem,

HENRY LAURENS.

TO THE MINISTERS OF THE UNITED STATES AT PARIS.

London, August 9th, 1783.

Gentlemen,

Availing myself of your consent and recommendation, I embarked at

Lettavre, on board the Washington, and sailed from thence the 1st

instant. On the 2d, 9 o’clock A.M. we were within six leagues of

Poole, in Dorsetshire. The wind being very favorable, I quitted the

ship, went on board a small hoy bound to Poole, and urged Captain

Barney to proceed on his voyage, leaving my excellent post carriage

to take its fate on the ship’s deck, in preference to the risk of

delaying him a single hour. Had the wind been westerly, I might have

detained him a few days, for despatching to Congress the result of my

application to the Ministers of this Court. I judge from the state of

the wind since I parted with Captain Barney, that he was clear of the

channel Sunday night the 3d, and that he is now 150 or 200 leagues

advanced on his voyage.

I arrived in London late in the night of the 3d, and on the 5th had

a conference with Mr Fox, which I committed to writing as soon as it

had ended. I shall give it in a short dialogue, as the best way, not

pretending to accuracy in every word, but fully preserving the sense

and substance.

_Mr Fox._ I suppose, Mr L. you wish to forward the ratification of

the provisional articles.

_L._ I could wish that was done, Sir, but it is not the particular

business I have in charge.

_F._ I understood from Mr Hartley’s letter, which you sent me, that

it was, but he does not speak positively.

_L._ No, Sir, the only business I have in charge, is to inquire,

whether a Minister from the United States of America would be

properly received at this Court.

_F._ Most undoubtedly, Sir; I could wish that there was one here at

present; I think we have lost much time from a want of a Minister

from your side.

_L._ Then, Sir, will you be so good as to ask his Majesty, and inform

me?

_F._ I will take the King’s pleasure tomorrow, and you shall hear

from me; I suppose there is already a conditional appointment of some

person now in Europe.

_L._ Not that I know of, though I do not know the contrary, but I

have an excellent opportunity of writing to Congress, and I have no

doubt an appointment will be made immediately.

_F._ That is unlucky; there must be two crossings of the ocean

then; if a Minister of Congress had been here, we might have done

our business in half the time we have already spent, but I shall

certainly inform you tomorrow; this is the very time a Minister from

your people is most necessary.

_L._ Though I have nothing particularly in charge except the business

already mentioned, I regret the delay of both the commercial and

definitive treaty. We had flattered ourselves with hopes in March and

April, that both would have been finished in a few days.

_F._ Why, as to a definitive treaty, I cannot see any necessity for

one, or not immediately. The provisional articles are to be inserted,

and to constitute a treaty; a ratification of those, I apprehend,

will answer all the purposes of a definitive treaty; they may be made

definitive. The case with respect to France and Spain differs widely;

several articles in our preliminaries with them refer to a definitive

treaty.

_L._ I agree with you, Sir, that the provisional articles, mutually

ratified, may, by the consent of the parties, be made definitive; but

there may be additional articles suggested and agreed to for mutual

benefit.

_F._ That is true; but I do not see any at present; I very much

regret the want of a Minister from America.

_L._ Permit me, Sir, to ask you, is it intended by the proclamation

of the 2d of July, to exclude American ships from the West India

trade, between the United States and the British islands?

_F._ Yes, certainly, it was so intended, in order that we might have

something to treat for, and this will be a subject for a commercial

treaty.

On the 6th, I waited upon his Grace, the Duke of Portland. His Grace

was equally clear and positive as Mr Fox had declared himself, that a

Minister from the United States of America would be well received at

this Court, and also regretted that an appointment had not earlier

taken place. I touched upon the commercial and definitive treaty,

referred to assurances in March and April, intimated my apprehensions

of pernicious effects, which might arise from excluding American

ships from a freedom between the United States and the British West

India Islands, adding what I had learnt from Doctor Franklin of the

commerce intended by the Court of France, between our America and

the French Islands. I can only say, the Duke seemed to wish that

everything had been settled to mutual satisfaction, and hoped that

everything would soon be settled.

Yesterday, by the desire of Mr Fox, I called upon him again; he said

he had not seen the King, but that he had transmitted an account to

his Majesty of my application; that we might be perfectly satisfied,

however, that a Minister from Congress would be well received; that

the appointment of one was much wished for here; that he must take

blame to himself in some degree for the long delay of a commercial

regulation, but that business would now soon be finished; he had no

objection himself to opening the West India trade to the Americans,

but there were many parties to please, and you know, added Mr Fox,

the people of this country very well. Yes, Sir, I know something

of them, and I find not only the West India planters, but some of

the most judicious merchants, anxious for opening the trade. I have

been told by some of them, that they should be ruined without it.

I believe all this, said Mr Fox, but there are other people of a

different opinion. As to the definitive treaty, there may be, as

you observed, new articles necessary for mutual advantage, and we

may either add such to the provisional articles and make the whole

definitive, or make a new treaty; but I understand it is expected

this should be done under the eye of, or in concert with the Court of

France, which for my own part I do not like, and cannot consent to.

I replied, in my opinion a new treaty definitive would be best, as

well for incorporating additional articles, as for clearing away some

of the rubbish in the provisional, which contained, if not nonsense,

more than a little ambiguity; that though I did not see the necessity

for it now, yet I had been told it was expected our definitive treaty

should be finished in communication with the French Court, but as I

had formerly observed, I had received no charge on this head, and

spoke only the sentiments of Mr Laurens to Mr Fox, and not to a

Minister of Great Britain.

I have detailed facts as fully and freely as memory has enabled me.

I leave them with you under this one remark, that we are cooler in

the dog days than we were at the vernal equinox. The philosophy of

Versailles and Passy may account for, and guard against the effect of

extreme changes. I have found my presence here at this juncture of

some use in explaining, or attempting to explain, the late mutiny at

Philadelphia. The enemies of this country, and of the United States

had exulted, the friends of both had too much abandoned themselves

to dread, that the soldiery had assumed the reins of government, and

that all the States of America were rushing into anarchy. Captain

Carberry and Lieutenant Sullivan, those rash young officers who led

on the mutineers to the State House, arrived a few days ago. The

former has been with me, expressing deep concern for his conduct,

desirous of returning, with an assurance of personal safety, and

wanting money for supporting daily expenses, alleging that the United

States are indebted to him at least “twelve hundred pounds currency

exclusive of land.” I have recommended to him to return immediately,

and demean himself to the laws of his country, and submit to the

magnanimity of Congress. He expresses a dread of undergoing a

trial. Could I afford it, and were to advance money for his living

in London, should I not incur censure at home? I beg you will

communicate such particulars of that disturbance and the event of it,

as you may have learned, and your opinion for my conduct respecting

these officers.

Mr Barclay will tell you of a display of the American standard under

a triumphant British pendant at a very capital inland fair. Trifling

as the insult may appear, it discovers a little leaven at the centre.

I have the honor to be, &c.

HENRY LAURENS.

TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

London, August 9th, 1783.

Sir,

The annexed is a duplicate of a few lines, which I had the honor of

addressing you, on the 2d instant, by Captain Barney, in the ship

Washington, and enclosed with this you will find an exact copy of my

letter of the present date, written to the Ministers of the United

States at Paris, which will show in brief, what I have been doing

since my return to London, and afford some information to Congress

for their government in the appointment of a Minister at this Court.

To both which I beg leave to refer.

I have received a letter of the 18th of April from Mr L. R. Morris,

enclosing what is called a state of my account with the United

States, and a bill on Mr Grand for its balance, 7083 livres, 7s.

which, as far as it goes, appears to be right, though I have not

yet had time for minute examination. I am much obliged for the

remittance, but the account must rest to a future day for final

settlement. I had formerly intimated my ignorance of the stipend

Congress had determined to allow me, and having no information on

that head it is not in my power to correct or confirm this, or to

frame a new account. It may appear that my services were as valuable

in the Tower of London, and after my release, antecedently to an

appointment in the commission for peace, as they could possibly have

been in any other station, notwithstanding the former might not have

been quite so pleasant a sphere to myself; but I am in the judgment

of Congress, and shall perfectly acquiesce in their will.

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