are not so eager for it; if the preliminary articles between this
kingdom and America shall terminate hostilities between us two, let
us shake hands, and be _reconciled_ with our American brethren, and
the nation _in general_ will prefer a war to a dishonorable peace
_with France_.” Who is to interpret?
I am directed to give intelligence, not advice and opinions, but I
trust Congress will not be offended with the few sentiments, which I
shall presume modestly to urge.
The people of England still retain the idea of “OUR _colonies_,” and
of “_reconciliation_.” Government gives all possible encouragement to
their humor; it has been their incessant endeavor to detach us from
our ally, and it is given out in London, that they have out-manœuvred
the Court of France. God forbid that any future act or future
supineness, on the part of the United States of America, should give
the smallest degree of countenance to so dishonorable an insinuation.
Every engine has been, every degree of craft under the mask of
returning affection will be practised, for creating jealousies
between the States and their good and great ally. The United States
of America are too wise to be duped, too honorable to commit any act,
be their distresses what they may, that shall sully their good faith.
Through their ally’s assistance and their own virtuous perseverance,
they attained to those preliminaries; they will virtuously persevere
until they shall have performed every tittle of their engagements
with that ally, against whom, I must declare for my own part, I see
no cause for entertaining more particular jealousy than ought to be
kept upon guard against every negotiating Court in the world, nor
half so much as should at this moment be upon the watch against every
motion arising from our new half friends. I had occasion to write to
the same Mr David Hartley, that I should suspect every superfluous
and every deficient word coming from that quarter. Nevertheless, I
earnestly wish, and shall continue my utmost endeavors, for obtaining
an honorable well founded peace with Great Britain. But I will not
consent to _receiving her wooden horses, nor will I listen to her
whispers_, or imbibe prejudices against a Court, which has been a
friend to my country in need. Congress will be pleased to pardon this
freedom, and accept the zeal of their faithful and most obedient
servant,
HENRY LAURENS.
TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, January 9th, 1783.
Sir,
I had the honor of addressing you on the 15th and 24th ultimo, by
Captain Barney, in the ship Washington. Duplicates by way of Nantes.
Shall I request you, Sir, with my humble respects, to inform Congress
that my health has ever since been declining; that I am at this
moment reduced to a deplorable state, scarcely able to walk across
my chamber; that I should nevertheless have continued here at all
hazards, had I not been strongly advised to visit Bath, the only
place where I can hope to recover part of a constitution, broken down
by sufferings and in the service of my country, and at the same time
assured from proper authority, that there is too great a probability
of an interval, before a definitive treaty will be seriously talked
of, for performing my intended journey. Should the contrary happen,
the earliest notice from hence, as well, as from London, will be
forwarded to me, and if possible I shall return without delay. This
interval strikes no alarm to me. I had, upon my first arrival here,
intimated my apprehensions to all my colleagues.
Wherever I am, the honor and interest of the United States shall be
my great and greatest concern.
I have the honor to be, &c.
HENRY LAURENS.
TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
London, March 15th, 1783.
Sir,
My last is dated Paris, 9th of January. The original and three copies
were, for conveyance, divided between Nantes and L’Orient. Five
weeks use of the waters at Bath had so far recovered my health, as
to induce me to come to London about eighteen days ago, in order to
avail myself of opportunities for urging a definitive treaty between
Great Britain and the United States, as well as the necessity for
removing the British troops from New York. I have signified my
opinion to the proper persons, that, until the latter is effected,
America will not deem herself at peace. Wise and good men feel the
impression, acknowledge the propriety of my observations, and while
there was a government by a ministry, that point was attended to. But
for some days past, the great struggle has been, who should be the
persons to form a new administration. In the mean time, the momentous
business in which we are concerned lies dormant, nor do I know where
to apply for putting it in motion. The House of Commons had indeed
introduced a bill for a “Provisional establishment, and regulation
of trade and intercourse between the subjects of Great Britain and
those of the United States of North America.” A printed copy was put
into my hands, and my opinion asked by many members of that House.
I objected generally to opening trade merely by act of Parliament,
and especially to certain parts of the bill, but above all to an
intercourse, until the citizens of New York shall be left in quiet
and complete possession of their whole country, and all hostile
troops withdrawn from the United States. That bill I am informed
is annihilated and another projected. A copy of the new bill I am
to receive tomorrow. I persevere in the same language; be the bill
what it may, however suitable to the services of Great Britain, or
speciously conducive to the mutual interests of Great Britain and
America, I think there cannot be, I hope there will not be permitted
on our part, any intercourse until the troops are effectually removed.
Why is not the definitive treaty concluded, and the important
“_Then_” established, or why are not measures adopted for withdrawing
the troops? Are the troops to be continued there _in terrorem_, to
force a trade, or to compel us to measures respecting the people
called loyalists? The late First Lord of the Treasury has not failed
to boast of his success, in obtaining the provisional treaty without
the participation or the concurrence of the Court of France, nor to
talk of the happy effects which he hoped to derive from so great an
advantage. I have endeavored to counteract his Lordship’s virtuous
designs, by observing that, admitting the fact, which I did not
admit, the consequence might be disgraceful, possibly fatal, to the
American ministers, but could work no injury to the United States.
This appears at present to have the effect I wished for. Had his
Lordship, who I believe is very angry with us, continued in office,
I know not what evils might have attended us. To his influence I
ascribe the delay of the definitive treaty, and consequently of the
removal of the troops.
I am not backward, upon every proper occasion, to signify my
apprehensions to active members of Parliament, and to every man
in government, with whom I converse upon these subjects. You will
perceive, Sir, that I find some employment here; were I in France, I
should be totally idle. I shall remain in London about a fortnight
longer. If at the end of that time, there shall be no better prospect
of a definitive treaty, I shall immediately take measures for
embarkation to America.
I am now to acknowledge the honor of your favor of the 8th of
November, No. 2, and to thank you for the remittance of £16,666.13s.
through your attention by Mr L. R. Morris.
I thank you, Sir, most sincerely for your kind condolence. I have not
yet had resolution enough to inquire into the “cause and manner,”
nor dare I indulge myself in speaking of a subject, which too much
occupies my thoughts and distresses my mind, in all the moments of
retirement.
This will be delivered by Mr John Deas, a young gentleman, native of
South Carolina, educated in Britain, who means to become a citizen in
his own country. I have every ground for hoping he will be a valuable
member of the community; hence I have encouraged him to expect a
cordial and hospitable reception. I should observe in Mr Deas’ favor,
that he has been long endeavoring to return to America; he once
embarked at Ostend, and suffered shipwreck on the coast of England,
to his great loss and disappointment.
I have the honor to be, &c.
HENRY LAURENS.
TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
London, April 5th, 1783.
Sir,
With this you will receive the triplicate of a letter, which I had
the honor of writing on the 15th of March. I beg leave to refer to
its contents. A third bill, called “an amendment for a provisional
establishment, and regulation of trade, &c.” had been brought into
the House of Commons. My opinion was again solicited by different
members, which, as usual, I thought it prudent to withhold; but being
pressed, I at length framed a supposed American bill, for regulating
commerce with Great Britain, and suggested that it had been received
by a courier. This I held up as a mirror to some of the most active
men in that House. From that time, the 22d of March, their own
bill, which was to have been finished on the 23d, has slept with
very little interruption, and is now, to all appearance, dead. I do
not ascribe its demise to a sight of the supposed bill, a copy of
which you will receive enclosed, although the gentlemen acknowledged
themselves affected by it.
A new ministry is at length arranged, the Duke of Portland at the
head, Mr Fox and Lord North, the latter of whom is universally
charged with being the author of the late cruel war, Secretaries of
State. The Duke of Richmond, who it is said detests the coalition,
has resigned. It becomes not me to interfere with or censure an
arrangement of servants in this kingdom. I am attentive to the honor
and interests of the United States.
I have had a conference with Mr Fox, who has the Foreign Department,
in which is included the United States as an Independent Power. It
was stipulated, that nothing I should say as a matter of opinion
or belief on my part, should either commit or pledge me. I judged
it necessary to establish this foundation. Mr Fox was desirous of
knowing, whether the American Ministers were authorised and disposed
to open an intercourse and commerce upon terms of reciprocity without
delay. I replied, I believed they were, although a late publication
by a suspected hand, of the revocation of Mr Adams’s commission,
left me not so clear on that point, adding, that I could soon be
informed from Paris. At the same time, I urged as necessary previous,
or accompanying steps, the conclusion of a definitive treaty, and
the withdrawing of all the British troops from the United States.
In answer to supposed difficulties in obtaining transport ships,
I proposed the removal of the troops to Long Island or Staten
Island, adding, that some powers might in a similar case insist upon
hostages for their peaceable behavior and final removal. I thought
it absolutely necessary, that the State of New York should be put in
immediate possession of the city and port. Mr Fox, as the Duke of
Portland had done before him, discovered a disposition to proceed to
business with us with liberality and effect, and I place all proper
confidence in their assurances. Upon the whole, Mr Fox asked if he
might report, that I believed there was a disposition and powers
on the part of the American Ministers to open an intercourse and
commerce upon terms of reciprocity without delay? I assented, as my
belief and opinion, under the reservations above mentioned. I shall
proceed immediately to Paris, as my colleagues are desirous of my
presence. David Hartley is, or it is said will be, appointed to join
us in finishing our negotiations of a perfect peace. While I regret
the loss of Mr Oswald on this occasion, the nomination of another
honest man affords me great satisfaction. From France, or before I
commence my journey, I shall transmit what may be further necessary.
I have the honor to be, &c.
HENRY LAURENS.
_P. S._ I take the liberty of enclosing letters for L. R. Morris,
for the delegates from the State of South Carolina, and one for his
Excellency General Washington.
TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
London, April 10th, 1783.
Sir,
I beg leave to refer you to the enclosed duplicate of my last, of the
5th instant. The “bill for a provisional establishment and regulation
of trade,” &c. seems to be dead indeed. Mr Fox yesterday moved for
reading the titles of the act, commonly called the prohibitory act,
and the act for granting Letters of Marque, which being read, he
moved for leave to bring in a bill for repealing so much of said
acts, as prohibit trade and intercourse with the United States of
America, which was ordered accordingly. My anxiety to see the final
turn of this business has detained me in London three or four days
longer than I had intended. I shall call upon Mr Fox presently,
and if anything new occurs it shall be noticed in a postscript.
Immediately after sealing this packet, I shall begin my journey to
Paris. Mr Hartley tells me he will follow upon the 15th instant. I
shall enclose a copy of the amendment, called the third bill, for
the information of Congress. Mr Darby, the gentleman who will be so
good as to deliver this, has promised me also to deliver a packet of
the latest newspapers.
I have the honor to be, &c.
HENRY LAURENS.
_P. S._ I have conversed with Mr Fox, from whom the body of merchants
by deputation had just retired. Their errand, as I learned, was on
the business of opening the communication between Great Britain and
the United States. There is a general and pressing eagerness to that
point. I repeated the propriety and necessity of withdrawing the
troops, and of restoring to New York their city and port. Mr Fox
in return gave the strongest assurances, that this should be done
with the utmost despatch, and promised to send to the Ministers at
Paris a copy of the orders to be given for that purpose; he further
informed me, that he intended to introduce into the new bill the
clause on page 4, in the bill No. 2, here enclosed, to which I made
only a general reply, that when their plan was completed the American
Ministers at Paris would give it due consideration, and that on our
part every facility would also be given to reasonable propositions,
consistent with our instructions. That in the present moment, I could
not speak in positive terms to particular points.
H. L.
_P. S. April 16th._ Just arrived at Paris. Mr Hartley is expected
the 19th. From the latest words with that gentleman, which happened
subsequently to closing the above, I entertain apprehensions that his
principal errand will be to open a trade between the two countries,
with assurances that the troops shall be removed “as speedily as
possible,” and to take up the definitive treaty at more leisure. I
afforded him no encouragement to hope for success in the former point
singly.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO HENRY LAURENS.
Philadelphia, May 8th, 1783.
Sir,
Congress have been pleased, in compliance with your request, to pass
the enclosed resolution, giving you permission to return to America.
I sincerely wish that your native air may confirm your health, which
I hope has by this time amended by your residence at Bath, where
I presume you have been, though I have had no advice of it. The
provisional treaty has been very well received, here, and has been
ratified. The ratifications are sent to you and our other Ministers
at Paris.
I presume you have by this time made some progress in, if not
entirely concluded the definitive treaty, in which I dare say you
have taken care to fix the day which is to deliver us from our
troublesome guests, who cause great uneasiness to the unhappy people
they keep out of their possessions. At present, we are quite at a
loss to determine when this will be. We have returned them their
prisoners, who amount to about six thousand effective men, so that
you see we are not disposed to discover any distrust of the sincerity
of our new friends, with whom we at present communicate on the former
footing.
As I am uncertain whether this letter will reach you before you sail
for America, I do not choose to enlarge or enter into any of those
particulars relative to your late negotiations, on which however I
have some inquiries to make, which I could wish to have answered
by you. I wish you before you leave France to settle with Doctor
Franklin, and to receive from him the amount of the bills remitted on
your account, so that I may close my accounts.
I am, Sir,
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
London, June 17th, 1783.
Sir,
My last address is dated London, 10th of April, forwarded by the
hands of Mr Darby, copy of the same with a postscript on the 16th,
conveyed from Paris by Doctor Franklin. Permit me to refer to the
several contents, and also to a despatch of the 6th of that month by
Mr Hodge. Duplicate by Mr Darby, triplicate from Paris.
In order to meet the question of Mr Secretary Fox, “Whether
the American Ministers were authorised and disposed to open an
intercourse and commerce upon terms of reciprocity without delay,”
the Ministers of the United States, on the 29th of April, proposed to
Mr Hartley the enclosed articles, marked A, which they were ready to
confirm. Mr Hartley signified his approbation, but could not agree
without consulting his Court. Indeed he had omitted to take with him
his commission and full powers. A messenger was despatched to London,
and upwards of three weeks were wasted in waiting for a return; the
articles were not acceptable.
On the 21st of May, Mr Hartley on his part laid before us the
enclosed article, marked B, and left it for our consideration. We
judged it necessary, without intimating our own sentiments, to
demand from him in writing, whether he was authorised to confirm his
proposition? To save writing, Mr Hartley returned a verbal answer
in the negative, and again despatched a messenger. In a word, it
appeared that his full powers, which he had then received, authorised
him to do nothing. I had in vain waited for the result of the
second consultation to the 7th instant, when, at the request of my
colleagues, founded upon a suggestion of my own, I proceeded to this
city on special business, for easing if practicable the weight of
public bills lately drawn upon Mr Grand, which probably the gentlemen
at Paris will more fully explain.
I can say nothing yet of my hopes of success. My apprehensions of
danger, in committing the United States in the present moment of
uncertainty, deters me from acting as I might have done, had our
treaties been concluded, or had I a prospect of their being soon
brought to good effect. Those assurances, which I had the honor
of communicating in my former letters, seem to have undergone a
wonderful refinement. Reciprocity appears now to mean enjoyment
on one side, and restrictions on the other. This change may have
been wrought by the sudden and unexpected arrival of divers ships
and cargoes from different ports in the United States. The British
Minister at Paris cordially assured me that he was of this opinion.
In a conference with Mr Secretary Fox on the 14th instant, he
informed me, that positive orders for the removal of the British
troops from New York were actually despatched, that he had
transmitted an answer to Mr Hartley’s last consultation, and at the
same time intimated upon a question from me, that in his opinion I
might have time enough for taking some days’ benefit of Bath, which
my enfeebled limbs call loudly for. Hence I infer, that the last
instructions to Mr Hartley are either calculated for gaining further
time, or are such as the American Ministers cannot accede to; and I
conclude that my absence from Paris, whether I make any attempts in
the particular business of my journey hither or not, will prove no
inconvenience to my colleagues. I intend therefore to go to Bath in
two or three days, and while I am endeavoring to recover my health,
the interests of my country shall be my principal study; at the same
time I flatter myself with hopes of receiving from Congress the
formal permission which I have solicited, to return to America.
I have the honor to be, &c.
HENRY LAURENS.
_P. S._ Besides the papers A and B, you will find enclosed a copy
of an Order in Council of the 14th of May, 1783, and Mr Hartley’s
observations on his propositions of the 21st of May.
_P. S. 18th._ I have just received an intimation of the tottering
state of the present Ministry from their own quarter. Should the late
premier recover the reins, which were plucked out of his hands, I
apprehend everything in his power will be attempted to embarrass our
proceeding.
A.
_Articles proposed by the American Commissioners to Mr Hartley._
ARTICLE I.
It is agreed, that as soon as his Britannic Majesty shall have
withdrawn all his armies, garrisons, and fleets from the United
States of America, and from every port, post, place, and harbor,
within the same, as stipulated by the seventh article of the
Provisional Treaty of the 30th of November, 1782, then, and from
thenceforth, for and during the term of _______ years, all rivers,
harbors, lakes, ports, and places, belonging to the United States,
or any of them, shall be open and free to the merchants, and other
subjects of the crown of Great Britain and their trading vessels,
who shall be received, treated, and protected like the merchants and
trading vessels of the States in which they may be, and be liable to
no other charges or duties.
And reciprocally, all rivers, harbors, lakes, ports, and places,
under the dominion of his Britannic Majesty, shall thenceforth be
open and free to the trading vessels of the said United States,
and of each and every of them, who shall be received, treated, and
protected like the merchants and trading vessels of Great Britain,
and be liable to no other charges and duties, saving always to the
chartered trading companies of Great Britain, such exclusive use and
trade of their respective ports and establishments, as neither the
other subjects of Great Britain nor any of the most favored nations
participate in.
ARTICLE II.
It is agreed, that such persons as may be in confinement in the
United States of America, for or by reason of the part which they may
have taken in the late war, shall be set at liberty immediately on
the evacuation of the said States, by the troops and fleets of his
Britannic Majesty.
And it is likewise agreed, that all such persons who may be in
confinement, in any parts under the dominion of his Britannic
Majesty, for, or by reason of the part which they may have taken in
the late war, shall, at the same time, be also immediately set at
liberty.
ARTICLE III.
The prisoners made respectively by the arms of his Britannic Majesty
and those of the United States of America, both by land and sea,
shall be immediately set at liberty without ransom, on paying the
debts they may have contracted during their captivity. And each
contracting party shall respectively reimburse the sums, which shall
have been advanced for the subsistence and maintenance of their
prisoners by the sovereign of the country where they shall have been
detained, according to the receipts and attested accounts, and other
authentic titles which shall be produced on each side.
B.
_Mr Hartley’s proposed Article of Agreement, delivered by him to
the American Commissioners for their Consideration, May 21st,
1783._
Whereas it is highly necessary that an intercourse of trade and
commerce should be opened between the people and territories
belonging to the Crown of Great Britain, and the people and
territories of the United States of America. And, whereas, it is
highly expedient that the intercourse between Great Britain and
the said United States, should be established on the most enlarged
principles of reciprocal benefit to both countries; but from the
distance between Great Britain and America, it must be a considerable
time before any convention or treaty for establishing and regulating
the trade and intercourse between Great Britain and the said United
States of America, upon a permanent foundation can be concluded; now
for the purpose of making a temporary regulation of the commerce and
intercourse between Great Britain and the United States of America,