recovered health, and shall be preparing for embarkation in October.
I am in treaty for one of the cabins of the packets at Falmouth, and
know but one circumstance that can detain me. My brother, who has
resided upwards of six years in the south of France, had been many
months past in a most deplorable state, every day expected to be his
last, yet he lives. The prospect of leaving a widowed sister and
my youngest daughter, who is with them, at such a distance without
a protector is exceedingly distressing to me. Should my brother’s
unhappy condition be extended a month or two, I may be compelled
to defer my voyage to the next spring; in such case, I shall hold
myself discharged from the service of Congress, I mean so far only as
respects salary. I shall miss no opportunity of serving my country
while I am in Europe. No doubt Congress will admit a reasonable time
for my return, and provide for the expense of my passage. Letters
under cover to Richard Oswald will find me here, or overtake me.
I am, with the highest esteem, &c.
HENRY LAURENS.
_P. S._ Reviewing the above mentioned “state of account,” I perceive
only 7083 livres, 7s. have been carried to my credit, for three
months from the 1st of January to the 30th of March, 1783, and only
that sum remitted, which I presume is an error.
TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
London, September 11th, 1783.
Sir,
Permit me to refer to copies of my letter to yourself, and to
the American Ministers at Paris, both of the 9th ult. which will
accompany this. I was on the point of agreeing for the cabin of
the packet, alluded to in my last letter, when I received a letter
from my sister Laurens in the south of France, informing me that my
brother, who has been long in a declining state, feeling himself
approaching fast to dissolution, earnestly wished to see me before
I should leave Europe. I cannot refuse to comply with the request
of a dying friend, and besides this, humanity and gratitude forbid
my leaving a widowed sister, who has been the foster mother of my
daughters, at such a distance from her home, and unacquainted with
the language of the country, without a friend and protector. I
intend, therefore, to proceed immediately, trusting in the goodness
of Congress for an exemption from censure in this singular case.
When it is considered how exceedingly detrimental to my own interest
the delay will be, it must appear that I submit to it from necessity.
The journey, going and coming, will probably take up two, perhaps
three months, allowing a reasonable time for detention at Vigan;
hence I have no prospect of embarking before the next Spring. I
should have been already advanced on my journey, but I wait the
arrival of Mr Jay and Mr Hartley, who are daily expected from Paris.
Yesterday I received from Dr Franklin a copy of a letter written the
31st of August to Congress, which shows that the definitive treaty
amounts to nothing more than a re-confirmation of the Provisional
Articles, which I much regret. As it is possible this may arrive
before the advices from France, I think it proper to enclose the
copy abovementioned.
A Mr Edmund Jennings has been long hovering over, and as often as
he could find opportunity, penetrating into American councils on
this side of the water, and there is good reason for believing,
notwithstanding all his pretensions to friendship, that his chief
business has been to create dissensions, and also that he has been
the principal contriver and manager of anonymous letters, calculated
for that purpose. As I had detected Mr Jennings in some very improper
conduct of this sort, and therefore refused him my countenance any
longer, he, knowing no medium between familiarity and enmity, pricked
by his own conscience, and enraged by my silence, took an opportunity
in my absence of printing about forty pages of misrepresentation
and falsehood, which he circulated in a private way, with a view,
I suppose, of injuring me, and I am informed he has sent a large
quantity of his paper to America, under the patronage, as I have
reason to believe, of Dr Bancroft. Congress, and my fellow citizens
in general, are too wise to condemn before they hear; therefore, I
have taken the liberty to send you for their information, forty two
copies of “a true state of the case,” packed in a box put under the
care of Captain Josiah, the bearer of this. I write this “state of
the case” in very great haste, and might have said much more to Mr
Jennings’s disgrace, but there is enough to show, that he is not
worthy of public trust, and that he is a dangerous confidant to a
Minister of State.
Readers of Mr Jennings’s paper, from the profusion of his charges
against me of animosity, enmity, uncalmness of temper, &c. &c. would
suppose there had been much altercation between us, either by letter
or verbally. On the contrary, I have neither corresponded with, or
seen him but twice passing in the streets, since the sixth of January
last, and nothing is more evident than my carefully avoiding to
relate to those whom he alludes to as his particular friends, the
discovery of his folly in asserting a lie upon his honor, unless
he means to include Mr Adams as one of them; a sense of duty to my
country, and a sincere regard for Mr Adams, led me to attempt to open
his eyes, and I judged it equally necessary to inform Dr Franklin and
Mr Jay. But I shall trouble you no longer on this subject. Congress
will be possessed of the two papers, and I shall submit to their
judgment. I do not esteem it a trifling affair, to remove a wicked
and mischievous favorite from his influence in our councils.
I have the honor to be, &c.
HENRY LAURENS.
_P. S._ You will receive with this two of the latest Gazettes, and
divers other newspapers to this day inclusive.
TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Dover, September 16th, 1783.
Sir,
In my way to France, I found here the sloop Olive Branch, on the
point of sailing to Philadelphia. By her I trouble you with the
preceding copy of my last address of the 11th instant, and also
a couple of newspapers. Mr George Taylor goes in this vessel,
recommended by that very worthy man, Granville Sharpe, than whom the
United States have not a warmer friend in Europe. Shall I therefore
request you, Sir, to countenance this young gentleman, and assist him
in his virtuous pursuits? I think he can have no other in view, going
from Mr Sharpe.
Mr Hartley was with me yesterday morning, and said he had hopes
“things would do yet,” alluding to the Commercial Treaty. I am sure
he means well, but I put “all proper confidence” in everything they
say. “Things will indeed do yet,” provided we take care of ourselves.
With the highest regard and respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
HENRY LAURENS.
TO CHARLES THOMPSON.
Bath, March 28th, 1784.
Sir,
Doctor Franklin lately conveyed to me a copy of your letter of
the 5th of January last, directed to the Ministers of the United
States for treating with Great Britain. It found me at this place
in a very ill state of health. Ill as I was, I should have repaired
immediately to Whitehall, had not Mr David Hartley, who still
retains his commission, happened to have been present, and just
going to London. I requested him to propose to Lord Carmaerthen,
a convention for extending the stipulated term for exchanging
ratifications of our definitive treaty of the 3d of September,
and for that purpose I would without delay repair to London, for
executing it on the part of the United States, if necessary; to add
that if the formality might be dispensed with, without prejudice
to either of the contracting parties, I desired the assent of the
minister should be signified to me in writing. This morning brought
me a letter from Mr Hartley, a copy of which will accompany this. I
flatter myself, that the contents will afford the same satisfaction
to Congress, as I feel upon the occasion.
Previous to the late dissolution of Parliament, a bill was passed,
extending what is called the Intercourse Bill to the 20th of
June, upon which probably will be grounded a new proclamation,
for regulating the commerce between this kingdom and the United
States. I have requested Major Jackson, who will do me the honor
to take charge of this letter, to watch the London Gazette, and
should a proclamation appear while he is in London, to enclose one
of those papers to you, for the information of Congress. The West
India merchants, and owners of estates in the British Islands,
held several meetings and consultations, while I was in London,
on the commerce in which they are particularly interested. I was
frequently applied to, and delivered such sentiments as appeared to
me to be necessary, particularly that I was firmly persuaded the
United States separately, or in Congress, would retaliate every
restriction, by which means we should have a treaty of commerce by
acts of Parliament on one part, and acts of Assembly or of Congress
on the other, and bring the great question to a test, which country
would sustain the most damage or inconveniency by partial or total
prohibitions.
I have just received a letter from a very eminent merchant in London,
in which he writes,
“I could have wished to have given better accounts of the
administration, touching the American Intercourse Bill, but there are
strong remains of the old leaven among us, and the same disposition
of monopolising the trade and navigation of the world to ourselves.”
That there is a continuance of the old leaven, on this side, may be
concluded from the following sentiments of a gentleman, who writes as
a professed friend to America, in opposition to Lord Sheffield.
“There is not yet that stock of good temper in either people, that
could be wished.”
“The English are yet sore from their disappointment, and though
they have lost a part of their dominions, they have not lost the
recollections of having been masters, and expect something like the
usual deference to be paid to them.” Hence I am not surprised at
anything published by an inveterate enemy, whose design seems to
be to declare commercial war in the first instance, possibly for
introducing his “chain of stout frigates from Halifax to Bermuda.”
I went from hence the middle of January, determined to prepare for
embarkation, and to be at sea about the 20th instant, but was taken
very ill upon the road, and have continued ever since incapable of
business. After being confined seven weeks in London, I returned to
Bath, in hopes of receiving benefit again from the waters, but if
I were perfectly in health, a recent circumstance would retard my
progress. My brother lately died in the South of France, and I am
constrained to wait the arrival of his widow. The affairs of two
distressed families demand my attention, and as neither expense, nor
as I apprehend other detriment, to the public will be sustained by
my absence, the delay of a month or six weeks longer I trust will
not give offence. Be pleased, Sir, to lay this before Congress, with
assurances of my utmost respect, and continued attention to the
interests of the United States.
I have the honor to be, &c.
HENRY LAURENS.
DAVID HARTLEY TO HENRY LAURENS.
Golden Square, March 26th, 1784.
Dear Sir,
It is with great satisfaction, that I am able to inform you, that
it is not thought necessary on the part of Great Britain, to enter
into any formal convention for the prolongation of the term, in which
the ratifications of the definitive treaty were to be exchanged, as
the delay in America appears to have arisen merely in consequence of
the inclemency of the season. I took care to express on your part,
the motives of candor and attention to this country, which were the
ground of your offer, and it gives me pleasure to assure you, that
they were received with equal candor and attention on the part of
the British Ministers. My compliments and best wishes always attend
yourself and family.
I am, dear Sir, with great respect and esteem, your most obedient,
humble servant,
DAVID HARTLEY.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
London, April 24th, 1784.
Sir,
I had the honor of addressing Congress, under directions to Mr
Secretary Thompson, the 28th ultimo, by Major Jackson, and a copy by
the packet from Falmouth, and the 8th instant by the same packet,
copy by Sir James Jay, to which I beg leave to refer. Mr Hartley went
off for Paris the 17th, preferring that spot to this for the exchange
of ratifications. I am told there is a pretty handsome stipend
annexed to each journey.
The London Gazette of the 17th instant, a copy of which will be
enclosed with this, contains a proclamation of the 16th, for
extending the American intercourse to the 20th of June next, in
terms, almost verbatim, a repetition of the antecedent. The friends
of administration say, that the present Ministers are afraid of
attempting enlargements before the meeting of the new Parliament. At
present, from the best information I can collect, their utmost view
is to a restricted trade in small vessels, of sixty or eighty tons,
of American property, between the United States and the British West
Indies. The tonnage on their part to be unlimited.
I have the pleasure of conversing often with men the most judicious
and experienced in commercial affairs; all agree with me, that
precise retaliation would produce good effects; possibly retaliation
may be the very wish of our implacable enemies; certainly there is a
majority still in council mumbling the Thistle,--of which wise men
think they have already had enough. What new maggot has bitten them?
“See,” say they, and reason upon the falsehood, “there is already a
secession of four States; only nine could be collected for ratifying
the treaty; New York we know is unrepresented, Connecticut is also
unrepresented, (then presume upon two other States) they are all
in confusion, weary of their independence, and will soon return to
Great Britain upon her own terms.” I allude to no person eastward of
Charing Cross. I cannot impute such conduct to ignorance; they will
not be convinced, although they have Moses and the Prophets; in my
mind, it proves a determination in that majority, not to _return_
to America with any degree of cordiality or generosity to urge a
commercial, hoping in time to provoke a more hostile war, and to
improve upon what they call the errors of the last. I am assured,
that the last commander in chief of the British troops in America is
a principal adviser. Mr Brooke Watson is added. To bring the King and
people in general to consent to war with the United States will be a
work, however, requiring no small exertion of skill. “His Majesty was
dragged into the late war, as reluctantly as ever a bull was dragged
to a baiting. I have seen the Queen shed floods of tears in the
cruel progress, and have heard her Majesty say, I do not interfere
in politics, but I think the Americans are an injured people. The
King has often expressed to me his regret at the shedding of so much
blood, but, said his Majesty, what can I do? They drew me in little
by little; I have been deceived, I have had more truth from you, W.
than from all of _them_ together. The King has been, and is willing
to send to, and receive from the United States Ambassadors, (this
part is undoubtedly a fact) and wishes for a liberal intercourse
and commerce with them. Those men, who were called the King’s
friends, for promoting the war, from the old Rubicon Peer, to the
one always supposed to have been the invisible counsellor, (naming
them specially) are now his enemies, because he has acknowledged the
independence of the States. Had a late violent measure succeeded, and
_that party_ gained the power aimed at, a voluntary abdication was
determined upon, arrangements were absolutely made for that purpose.
I can live, said the King, in an humbler state and be happy. The
heir apparent would have mounted the throne, a question on the right
of _alienating the Prince of Wales’s inheritance_ would have been
brought forward, a war as soon as possible commenced for recovery,
mistakes and errors of the last to be avoided.” I might add &c. &c.
but that must rest to a future day.
I think it my duty, Sir, to communicate these memorable circumstances
to Congress. If the intelligence merits attention, they will make
proper application, but for the sake of our friend who delivered it
to me, from no second hand report, upon whose honor and veracity all
America would place the highest confidence, who could have no motive
to a studied unprofitable falsehood, I humbly request it may not
become suddenly a subject of out door conversation.
Two of my friends, characters highly esteemed in the United States,
have been with me at several times within these three days past;
whether they are in the secret of the above written history I know
not, but rather believe the contrary, each confirmed that part
relative to an intended breach, trusting, however, in the resistance
of the people. If I trust at all, it is in their imbecility. The
people may, by “exertions of skill,” be taught to believe, that
going to war will mend their fortunes and recover national glory;
let us contrast some of the late addresses of thanks with the later
elections, and we shall see the inconsistency of conduct in the
“first city in Europe,” and many other instances will appear. It may
be asked how they can support a war under such a load of debt? It is
averred by competent judges, that ragged and deranged as the finances
of this country are, they are infinitely better than those of the
neighboring maritime powers. A determination may be founded upon the
comparative essay of resources; but I am under no apprehension from
all they can do, provided timely, wise precautions are taken on our
part. If all the people called loyalists were scattered in America,
they would not do so much mischief as they do here; we could manage
them best at home. I have employed a person to look out for a proper
ship for my passage to America, hoping to embark in the course of
next month.
With great respect and regard, I have the honor to be, &c.
HENRY LAURENS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
London, April 30th, 1784.
Sir,
Under cover of this will be found a copy of my last despatch,
dated the 24th. I have only to add, that the more I converse with
intelligent men, the more I am confirmed in believing, that there
is a core of bitterness and pride against the United States in this
kingdom, which cannot easily be dissipated; and which will break out
whenever the parties have, or shall fancy they have, power. It is
true, indeed, “Englishmen cannot lose the recollection of having been
masters, and expect something like the usual deference to be paid
to them, they are yet sore from their disappointment.” (Quoted in
a former letter to Mr Thompson.) I have asked when were Englishmen
masters of their brethren in America? When were the Americans subject
to Englishmen? We were once fellow subjects under one King, now
separated forever; willing, nevertheless, in peace to be friends,
ready at the same time to resent injuries of whatever kind or degree.
I do not presume to touch your navigation laws, but I maintain the
right of the United States to follow good examples; to speak of
retaliating any restrictions in commerce, is held to be the height of
arrogance. It is assured me, that Mr Deane is an active counsellor
against us, and Mr Galloway, no doubt all the old Governors, Mr
Smith of New York, and others have their influence. Mr Smith, I am
informed, has reported very extraordinary things, which I shall not
repeat without further confirmation.
I have the honor to be, with perfect esteem and respect, &c.
HENRY LAURENS.
END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.