me to address you with the confidence with which
your kindnesses to M. de Lafayette have inspired me,
and to speak to you of an affair, which interests me
deeply. The capture and detention of Mr Laurens in
England has sensibly afflicted me. He is the intimate
friend of M. de Lafayette, and took care of him during
the time of his wound in a manner truly touching.
His misfortune seems to me overwhelming, and when we
consider the high station he has held in America, it
is probable that it may become still more so. I know
not if any means can be found to prevent it, or even
to soften the actual rigors of his captivity; but I am
persuaded, Sir, if there are any such, that they will
be known to you. Should it be possible, let me entreat
you earnestly to put them in use.
“Permit me also to speak to you of an idea which
has occurred to me, and which is not perhaps
entirely unworthy of consideration. M. de Lafayette
has friends, that are on intimate terms with Mr
Fitzpatrick, who is himself well known. Among the
ladies of my acquaintance are some, who are the
confidential friends of Lady Stormont. May not
something be done through these parties in favor of
Mr Laurens? And what must be said to them? I beg you
a thousand times to pardon my importunities, and give
me in this affair your kind interest and counsels.
You will perhaps think me very ridiculous, and very
unreasonable, but the hope, however ill founded, of
rendering some good service to the unfortunate friend
of M. de Lafayette, has prompted me to run this risk,
and make this experiment upon your indulgence, which,
at least, I must desire you to accord to me. This will
add yet more to the lively and sincere acknowledgment,
with which I have the honor to be,
Sir, your very humble, and very obedient servant,
NOAILLES DE LAFAYETTE.”
[74] I have been often assured, that this declaration had a very great
effect upon the minds of the people in England in favor of American
independence.--_Note by Mr Laurens._
[75] I might assign various reasons, all valid, for this determination.
The following single consideration, I trust, will be satisfactory to
Congress. Five persons are nominated in the commission, not conjunctly,
but severally and respectively, fully empowered. Whence it evidently
appears, that Congress had not in view or expectation that the whole
would act; therefore, as there are three of those persons besides
myself, and all of superior abilities upon the spot, were I to thrust
myself in, merely to make a fourth figure, I should feel guilty of a
species of peculation by putting the public to unnecessary expense,
without any well grounded hope of rendering public service.--_Note by
Mr Laurens._
[76] I have replied to my friend, who wrote to me on this subject,
as follows; “As to the peace bill, let them shape it as they please,
Wisdom is justified of her children; if they will act foolishly, be
the consequences to themselves. I have said and done all that became
me.”--_Note by Mr Laurens._
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Nantes, September 5th, 1782.
Sir,
I had the honor of writing to Congress from Amsterdam on the 30th
of May, by Captain Bacon. Copies of that address were sent by the
vessels of Captain Briggs and Captain Smedly, and a third committed
to the care of Mr Moses Young, to be despatched by a cutter from
Ostend. At that time, I was in a deplorable state of health, and
am now (after the practice of every proper means of abstemious
regimen, bathing, medicine, and bleeding,) but beginning to recruit,
still extremely weak and feeble. Notwithstanding such ill health, I
hastened in the month of July from the south of France, even at the
hazard of my life, to this port with a view of embarking for America.
While I was employed seeking for a proper vessel, Mons. Labouchere
suggested the imminent danger of a second capture, and the train of
evil consequences, adding, that I was entitled to a safe conduct from
England to one of the United States, in return for the exchange of
Lord Cornwallis at his own door, and for that purpose, recommended a
demand upon the Court of London.
The propriety of this gentleman’s reasoning was apparent, the
danger of capture was marked in every newspaper, by accounts of the
havoc on both sides the Atlantic, by British cruisers upon American
vessels. I consulted other persons, who unanimously concurred in
Mons. Labouchere’s opinion and advice. Wherefore, I requested certain
friends in London to make the necessary application on my behalf,
for permission to re-enter Great Britain to embark at Falmouth for
New York, and for a passport to proceed thence to Philadelphia, not
in terms of prayer from me, but by a representation of right to
be submitted for consideration. This day I have received letters
from London, importing that an application had been made, that Lord
Cornwallis in particular had interested himself in the measure, and
that a proper passport would soon be transmitted to me.
Doctor Franklin writes to me under the 19th of August, “though we
are very sensible if you could get well to America, you might be of
great service to the public, yet we think the hazard is too great, as
it might be winter before you could come upon the coast, and perhaps
at this juncture you might be equally useful in England; on these
considerations, we agreed to advise your return thither.” This advice
I intend to pursue, and as I ardently wish to be in America, and
present myself to Congress, I shall, if my health will permit, embark
in the November packet; or otherwise defer the voyage to March or
April, persuaded that neither my passing through England, nor even a
few months necessary, perhaps unavoidable, residence in that kingdom,
can possibly work any detriment to my country; I am therefore
confident of the approbation of Congress.
Since my discharge from restraint in England, Doctor Franklin has
very cordially pressed me to take from him a supply of money for
my expenses,[77] but from my knowledge of the state of our public
finances, I have refused to lessen them, since from the fragments of
my own funds, I shall be able to support myself in a frugal style
while I am unfortunately detained on this side of the water.
I dare not presume, in my present private character, to give an
opinion on the present state and prospect of our public affairs, but
I entreat Congress to be assured, that my endeavors, even in this
contracted sphere, have been exerted on proper occasions, and I hope
with some good effect, for promoting the honor and interest of the
United States. I have enjoyed a happy correspondence with men of
liberal sentiments in England, as well as with the American Ministers
at Paris and at the Hague. As it is possible I may be detained in
Europe through the ensuing winter, should Congress have any commands
for me, letters via Nantes or Bordeaux, directed to the care of
Madame Babut Labouchere at this port, will obtain the quickest
conveyance by way of Holland, to the care of Mr Adams. Under cover
with this will be forwarded, at the request of Mr Adams, a copy of Mr
Fitzherbert’s full power to treat for peace.
With the highest respect and regard, I have the honor to be, &c.
HENRY LAURENS.
[77] In his letter of May 30th, (see above, p. 464) Mr Laurens
insinuates, that Dr Franklin had neglected him while he was in the
Tower. The following letter and extract, written by Dr Franklin, will
show that this suspicion was groundless.
“TO SIR GREY COOPER, BARONET,
SECRETARY TO THE TREASURY OF GREAT BRITAIN.
Passy, November 7th, 1780.
“Sir,
“I understand that Mr Laurens, an American gentleman,
for whom I have a great esteem, is a prisoner in the
Tower, and that his health suffers by the closeness
and rigor of his confinement. As I do not think
that your affairs receive any advantage from the
harshness of this proceeding, I take the freedom of
requesting your kind interposition, to obtain for
him such a degree of air and liberty, on his parole,
or otherwise, as may be necessary for his health and
comfort. The fortune of war, which is daily changing,
may possibly put it in my power to do the like good
office for some friend of yours, which I shall perform
with much pleasure, not only for the sake of humanity,
but in respect to the ashes of our former friendship.
“With great regard, I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.”
On the 14th of May, 1781, he writes to the President of
Congress.--“Agreeable to the vote of Congress, I have requested the
assistance of this (the French) Court, for obtaining the release
of Mr President Laurens. It does not yet appear that the thing is
practicable. What the present situation is of that unfortunate
gentleman, may be gathered from the enclosed letters.”
The letters here alluded to are, one from Sir Grey Cooper, dated
November 29th, 1780; and another from Charles Vernon, Lieutenant
Governor of the Tower of London, dated November 27th. They may be found
in Dr Franklin’s Correspondence under these dates.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO HENRY LAURENS.
Philadelphia, September 17th, 1782.
Sir,
Having learned by your letter to Congress, of your enlargement from
your long and severe confinement, it becomes my duty to inform
you, that Congress were pleased to appoint me their Secretary to
the United States for their Department of Foreign Affairs, and to
direct that all communications with them from their Ministers should
be through me. In this view, Sir, I have the honor to open this
correspondence, forwarding the annexed resolutions by the first of
them, marked No. 1. You will learn that they are unwilling to deprive
themselves of your assistance in the great business of negotiations
for a general peace, which, though languid at present, cannot fail
to be quickened by the first turn of fortune in favor of the allied
powers, since the King and Ministry of England are evidently trusting
to the weak hope, that some brilliant stroke will turn the popular
tide in favor of the prosecution of the war. Should she, as she
probably will, be disappointed in this, she will be compelled to fly
to peace for refuge against impending ruin. The second resolution
needs no comment. We have no intelligence here, but what I have
written to some of the gentlemen in commission with you, or what may
be found in the papers I do myself the honor to transmit to you.
I sent Doctor Franklin bills for two quarters’ salary, drawn under
your first commission. I shall, in future, in stating your account,
consider you as acting under your second. As our Ministers are
expressly prohibited by resolutions, transmitted by this conveyance,
from making any disposition of money in Europe, it becomes necessary
that they should have agents here to state their accounts, and vest
the amount of their salaries in bills and remit them. I have taken
this task upon me hitherto, and you will find by the bills drawn in
your favor since January, that your advantage in this mode, from the
low price of bills, will enable you without loss to pay an agent
here. You will be so obliging as to transmit to me your receipt,
and a state of your demands against the public, that I may get them
discharged for you.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO HENRY LAURENS.
Philadelphia, November 8th, 1782.
Sir,
Your letter of the 5th of September, directed to the President of
Congress, was received and referred in course to this office. If my
letter of the 17th of September last, containing their resolution not
to accept your resignation has reached you, I hope you will acquiesce
in their determination, and see the propriety of remaining in France
till their further order. In this expectation I have drawn for your
last quarter’s salary. The bills will be sent you, with a state of
your account, by Mr Lewis Morris. A duplicate of my last letter with
the resolution above referred to, will accompany this.
I send Mr Franklin such resolutions as refer to general objects,
which may be of use to you in conducting your negotiations,
presuming that he will communicate freely with you. There will be no
necessity while you are together of multiplying them with respect
to our affairs here; they have undergone no change. The number of
resolutions passed by Congress and the different States, (copies of
which have been transmitted to our Ministers) serve to show the fixed
and unalterable determination of the rulers and the people on this
side of the water, to adhere inviolably to their engagements. This
will, I hope, open the eyes of the British, and show them the vanity
of expecting to dissolve a confederacy, which is founded in mutual
interest and honor.
With respect to intelligence, we have little of importance. The
army is gone into winter quarters. The fleet, under the command of
the Marquis de Vaudreuil, still remains at Boston. Fourteen sail of
the line and eight frigates left New York the 26th ultimo. We have
yet no account of the evacuation of Charleston, though we have long
expected it. I cannot turn my eyes to that quarter, without offering
you my sincerest condolence on the untimely death of the gallant
Colonel Laurens. It is not easy for those who knew his value to
offer consolation. When time shall have turned the keen edge of your
afflictions, you may find some mitigation of it in the cause and
manner of his death, in the services he has rendered his country, and
in the honor which he reflects on all who were connected with him.
I am, Sir, with respect and esteem, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
TO LORD CORNWALLIS.
Paris, December 9th, 1782.
My Lord,
Often, since the 31st of May last, your Lordship must have charged
me with want of decency and good manners, for a seeming delinquency
to an address of that date, which your Lordship intended to honor
me with. The bare apprehension has added to my unhappiness,
notwithstanding my feelings of assurance that your Lordship will
acquit me upon the instant of being informed, that only a few minutes
have passed since Mr Oswald called upon me with the letter, and an
apology for having mislaid and detained it so long.
Believe me, my Lord, though I was at a distance from Passy, I was
not unmindful of accomplishing your Lordship’s release from parole,
in exchange for my discharge. My feelings on that occasion were
always alive. I was never satisfied with my own enlargement, till I
had written pressingly to Doctor Franklin, and had finally delivered
my opinion upon an appeal from the Doctor, intimating that he would
do “what I should think best.” Without a moment’s hesitation,
I signified my ideas, both of the expediency and necessity of
satisfying the well grounded expectations of the British Ministry.
Your Lordship will find that the release followed, or that it was
the consequence of previous applications on my part, and of Mr
Oswald’s assurance that an exchange was expected, that he himself
had treated with me while I was a prisoner in the Tower of London
for that purpose, by desire of the Administration, a fact, to which
many others might be added, confronting an assertion respecting
this affair, in a late letter from the British Commissioners at
New York to General Washington. The assertion in that letter did
great violence to candor, but as I am sure your Lordship could not
possibly have been privy to the ground of that transaction, I forbear
to enlarge upon the subject. Nor do I mean to touch the veracity of
the Commissioners, who no doubt wrote as they had been instructed.
Even the instruction, I charitably hope, was rather the effect of
inadvertency than of premeditated _detour_.
I have the honor to be, &c.
HENRY LAURENS.
TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, December 15th, 1782.
Sir,
I have had the honor of receiving at several times, your official
despatch No 1, of September 17th, its duplicate, and the
undermentioned acts of Congress.
_Of the 14th of September._ Public monies committed to the disposal
of the Superintendent of Finance.
_17th of September._ Enjoining the attendance of the Ministers
Plenipotentiary for treating with Great Britain.[78]
_3d of October._ On the communication from the Minister of France.
_17th._ Enjoining American Ministers to transmit intelligence.
An extract of a letter from Sir Guy Carleton, of the 12th of
September.
To which several acts, I shall observe the utmost respect and
obedience.
Upon receipt of that of the 17th of September, without questioning
the right of Congress to compel the service of a citizen of America,
who had neither solicited nor accepted a commission, I proceeded with
all the despatch which a very infirm state of health would admit of,
and by travelling night and day, arrived here not only time enough to
sign the preliminary articles, but in time to offer suggestions which
my colleagues were pleased to accept and adopt as necessary.
I had considered my residence in England, not only as proper for
recovering my health, but also as essential to the service of the
United States. I embraced various opportunities of informing the
people in general of the ground and nature of the dispute between
the two countries, of which they had been amazingly ignorant, of
contradicting false reports respecting America, and of convincing
some of the most intelligent, as well as some of the most adverse
to the doctrine, that a full acknowledgment of our independence was
consistent with, and would eventually contribute to promote, the
true interest of Great Britain, and I have some ground for believing
that my labors in some degree facilitated the great business, which
has been just completed, a formal acknowledgment from the King, and a
full renunciation of all claim upon the United States; and I humbly
think, if I were in England at this moment, I might be of more real
service to my country, than I can possibly perform in my present
situation.
I thank you, Sir, for the newspapers. The melancholy intelligence,
which they contained _for me_, must have reached me by some means.
Your mode of conveying it was delicate and obliging. I have received
value for the bills, which had been sent to Dr Franklin on my
account, more particularly acknowledged in my letter of yesterday
to Mr L. R. Morris. My thanks are also due for your trouble in
stating my account. A charge for commission shall be most cheerfully
admitted, but it is impracticable to comply with your recommendation
by sending a statement of my demand, because I am ignorant of
the vote of Congress for my salary, under both the old and new
commission; nor is it needful, as I mean not to take up a further sum
while I am in Europe. Indeed, if the late remittance had not been
made, I should have persevered in paying my expenses from my own
funds. I too well know the distresses of Congress, arising from a
want of money, and therefore most earnestly wish to avoid adding to
them. Enclosed you will find a loose receipt for the 20,000 livres,
but it is not in my power to be special in the discharge.
Casting my eye this moment over the joint letter of the American
Ministers, I perceive Congress are not there informed of a letter
we have despatched to Mr Dana, at the Court of St. Petersburg,
recommending to him to announce at that Court, and to foreign
Ministers resident there, the signing of the preliminary articles
between Great Britain and the United States; a copy of which, the
separate article excepted, has been transmitted to him for that
purpose. I could not refrain from giving this intimation, lest
it should have escaped us all. This is not to be doubted, that
recognitions by applications for commercial, and perhaps other
treaties, will speedily follow from almost all the courts of Europe.
There is already an instance in one of the principal trading kingdoms
in the Baltic.
Shall I request the favor of you, Sir, with this to lay before
Congress the enclosed copy of a letter, which I had occasion to
write to the Earl of Cornwallis, on the third instant. It may tend
to throw light upon the transaction in exchanging that officer,
which I perceive has been very unfairly represented by the British
Commissioners at New York. When Congress are informed of the
precarious state of my health, and shall be pleased to reflect upon
the long sufferings I have endured, that I have devoted almost the
whole of my time, for eight years past, to the service of my country,
detached from, and regardless of my domestic interests; and when they
consider the very severe stroke lately fallen upon me, by the death
of my eldest son, and the dispersion of the survivors in my family,
for whom it is necessary I should endeavor to reprovide a home; I am
confident my present determination to return to Bath, the only place
in which I can hope to recover a part of my broken constitution,
as soon as I can be spared from present duty, and from thence to
America in March or April next, will not give offence. I shall indeed
be much better pleased to receive in the mean time, and therefore
now earnestly solicit, a formal permission, than to hazard their
displeasure by an act, which, however necessary and unavoidable, may
possibly be construed into an abandonment of their service, or even a
slight of their orders.
I have the honor to be, &c.
HENRY LAURENS.
[78] “_In Congress, September 17th, 1782._--_Resolved_, That the
honorable Henry Laurens be informed, in answer to his letter of the
30th of May, 1782, that the reasons which induced the United States
in Congress assembled, to appoint him to be one of their Ministers
Plenipotentiary for negotiating a peace still existing, his services in
the execution of that trust cannot be dispensed with.
“_Resolved_, That the honorable John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John
Jay, and Henry Laurens, be respectively informed, that it is the
pleasure and express direction of Congress, that they punctually attend
and assist in the negotiations for peace; and that each of them be
instructed, upon receiving information of the time and place appointed
for opening the negotiations, immediately to give notice thereof to the
rest, that may be in Europe, in order that each may have a seasonable
opportunity to take part in the trust reposed by the said commission,
and earnestly enjoined by this act.”
TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, December 24th, 1782.
Sir,
Permit me to refer to what I had the honor of writing by the present
conveyance on the 15th instant.
Mr David Hartley, on the 19th, moved in the British House of Commons,
“That an humble address be presented to his Majesty,
stating that his faithful Commons think it their
indispensable duty, not only to return their grateful
thanks to his Majesty for having adopted the sense
of his Parliament and people, in having pointed all
his views and measures, as well in Europe as in North
America, to an entire and cordial reconciliation with
those Colonies, but likewise to express to his Majesty
that, whatever may be the result of the general
negotiation for peace now depending, our conciliatory
sentiments towards America remain unaltered, as
presented in their humble address to his Majesty on
that subject in the last session of Parliament, and
therefore that this House will consider as enemies
to his Majesty and this country, all those who shall
endeavor to frustrate such beneficent dispositions of
his Majesty, by advising or by any means attempting
the further prosecution of the war on the continent of
America.”
The motion was seconded by Colonel Hartley. Mr Secretary Townshend
objected, by calling for the Journals, and ordering the Resolutions
of February and March last to be read, which he alleged were to the
same effect as the motion, and were still in full force.
Some debate ensued, and upon a division, the ayes for the motion were
13, and the nays 51. Perhaps it would have been better if the motion
had never been forced to a vote, than being forced, to be lost. What
were the recent inroads up the Santa Cumbahee, and other rivers in
South Carolina? What is the retaining a garrison in Charleston and
another in New York, but offensive war?
In my own mind, I have no doubt but that the Court of London would
carry on an offensive or any other war, or make partial peace, or
pursue any means and measures, which might best gratify its desires,
and its apparent interests.
My letters from London of a late date speak the following language.