of the Prince de Montbaray’s zeal in procuring you the articles
you requested from him.[36] You will always find us disposed to do
everything, that may concern the welfare of the United States of
America.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
[36] This relates to military articles for the State of Virginia, which
Mr Lee was authorised to procure. The correspondence concerning this
subject will be found in the first volume of the _Life of Arthur Lee_.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, June 15th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
I find I was mistaken in saying in my last, of the 9th, that twenty
thousand fusils had been shipped from Nantes and Bordeaux; upwards
of ten thousand remain unshipped, at Nantes. Upon the strength of
the promised remittance from our friends in Spain, and near one
hundred thousand remaining in my hands, I have desired the Gardoquis
to continue shipping blankets and strong shoes from Bilboa; twenty
thousand livres worth of drugs, and salt to be shipped by Mr Cathatan
of Marseilles; a thousand suits of soldiers’ clothes from Bordeaux,
by Mr Bonfield; and six hundred fusils, of the Prussian make, from
Berlin, that you may judge on arming a corps with them whether they
are preferable to others.
My brother writes me from Vienna in a late letter, that Colonel
Faucit is using the utmost endeavors to raise German recruits; but
from the present state of things, I do not imagine he can succeed;
and the North, that is Russia and Denmark, are not likely to give our
enemies any assistance. As far as I can judge, their efforts against
us, except a sort of piratical war, are exhausted. The same ministry
continues. The House of Bourbon is certainly united against them.
They have the same imbecility of council. Their enemies increase
in proportion to the diminution of their means. The decay of their
commerce, the distress of their people, the rapacity of their public
officers, and the load of their debt and taxes, promise soon to bring
upon them the most deplorable distress, and prevent them from being
any longer a formidable enemy.
The flotilla is not yet arrived. The enclosed copies of Captain
Jones’ letters, and one[37] from the majority of his crew, make me
apprehend, that the Ranger will share the fate of the Revenge. We
have done all in our power to bring him and his officers into order,
but hitherto in vain.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
[37] Both missing.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, July 1st, 1778.
Gentlemen,
I enclose you some extracts, by which you will see, that war is not
yet declared, though on all hands it appears to be fast approaching.
The Spanish flotilla is not yet arrived, nor their fleet from South
America. Since my last, a French frigate of twentysix guns was
attacked by an English frigate of twentyeight, off Brest, and after
an obstinate engagement the latter made off, and soon after sunk!
This has given great spirits to the French marine and nation, and
is more especially fortunate, as the English were the aggressors.
Admiral Keppel is before Brest, with twentythree sail of the line,
where I believe he will not remain long unattacked. Permission is
given to French subjects to fit out privateers; and orders are sent
to all the ports to prepare our prizes to be sold. From London, the
Ministry have offered us an exchange of prisoners, which we are
taking the necessary measures to embrace.
By some unaccountable neglect the person, to whom Dr Franklin
committed the printing of the bills resolved on for the loan, has not
furnished them, so that nothing further is yet done in that business.
But I hope you will soon have news of its further progress, and that
some event will happen to furnish us with a very favorable moment for
its execution.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
Mr Lee presents his respects to his Excellency Count d’Aranda, and
begs he will have the goodness to forward the packet, addressed to
Count de Florida Blanca, which he has the honor of enclosing him, and
which is on business of the last importance, by the first opportunity
to his Court.
TO COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA.
Paris, July 18th, 1778.
Sir,
I have the honor of transmitting to your Excellency the enclosed
resolutions of Congress,[38] with my most earnest prayer, that
they may be laid immediately before the King. Nothing but the
uncommon exigency of the present war, attended with such peculiar
circumstances with regard to the United States, would prevail upon
them to press so much upon his Majesty’s goodness. That necessity
must also plead my pardon for entreating your Excellency to let
me have as early an answer as possible. As the United States have
the highest confidence in the friendship of the King, they promise
themselves that his goodness will afford this loan as a relief to
their most urgent distresses. With regard to the interest for the
quantum of that, they refer themselves to his Majesty’s justice. Five
per cent is the legal interest with them, but I am authorised to give
six, if his Majesty should desire it.
This interest will be most punctually paid; and they will neglect
no means of liquidating the principle, if desired, sooner than the
stipulated time, which will be easily accomplished, when peace or
some other employment of the enemy’s navy than that of preying upon
their trade will permit the export of their produce to European
markets.
Your Excellency will perceive, that this loan is appropriated to
sinking the paper money, which necessity obliged Congress to issue.
An infant and unprepared people, compelled to defend themselves
against an old, opulent, powerful, and well appointed nation, were
driven to this resource of issuing paper. They were to create armies
and navies, to fortify towns, erect forts, defend rivers, and
establish governments, besides the immense expense of maintaining a
war, that pressed them powerfully on all sides. For these purposes
they had neither funds established, taxes imposed, specie in their
country, nor commerce to introduce it. In this exigency paper money
was their only resource, and not having been able hitherto for the
same reasons to redeem it, the depreciation, which necessarily
followed, threatens the total destruction of their credit, and
consequently their only means of maintaining their independence.
In this distress their hope is fixed upon his Majesty, and I most
earnestly beseech your Excellency so to represent our situation to
the King, as may move his royal benevolence to furnish the relief,
which will raise an everlasting tribute of gratitude in the minds of
the people of the United States.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, your Excellency’s
most obedient, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
[38] “_In Congress, December 3d, 1777._ The great quantity of paper
money, issued to defray the necessary expenses of the war, having at
length become so considerable as to endanger its credit, and Congress
apprehending, that the slow operation of taxes may not be adequate to
the prevention of an evil so pernicious in its consequences, and as
experience proves, that the method of paying the interest by bills on
France does not fill the loan office so fast as the urgent calls of war
demand,
“_Resolved_, That the Commissioners at the Courts of France and Spain
be directed to exert their utmost endeavors to obtain a loan of two
millions sterling on the faith of the United States, for a term not
less than ten years, with permission if practicable to pay the same
sooner if it shall be agreeable to these States, giving twelve months’
previous notice to the lender, of such intention to return the money.
That the Commissioners be instructed to consider the money hereby
directed to be borrowed, as a fund to be applied, unless Congress
direct otherwise, solely to the purpose of answering such drafts as
Congress shall make for the purpose of lessening the sum of paper money
in circulation.
“That in order more effectually to answer the good purposes intended by
this plan, the Commissioners be also instructed to keep as secret as
the nature of the thing will admit, whatever loan they shall be able to
obtain for this purpose on account of the United States.”
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, July 29th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
I enclose you a duplicate of the news of an engagement between the
fleets of France and England. The particulars received since make
the loss on board the French fleet very inconsiderable, and paint
the behavior of the English to have been inexpert and dastardly. The
repulsing them in the first engagement will probably lead to the
defeating them in the next, for which purpose the fleet of our allies
will go out in a few days.
The Empress and Emperor seem at length sensible of the impropriety of
their conduct, and in consequence a truce for six weeks is agreed on,
to give time for negotiation to prevent the effusion of blood.
The quadruplicate of the ratification reached us on the 3d in
safety, as all the rest have done. The answer of Congress to the
Commissioners was immediately sent to the ministers, and will, I am
persuaded, give great satisfaction.
It has been forgotten, I believe, to mention both in our joint and
particular letters, that we have attended to the plan proposed by
the Committee of sending the frigates to cruise in the East Indies,
and upon considering all things it seemed to us impracticable at
present. Better order must be established in our marine, and the
ships’ companies better sorted, before it will be safe to attempt
enterprises at such a distance, and which require a certain extent of
ideas in the Captain, and entire obedience in the crew.
The authority of Congress for omitting the 11th and 12th articles of
the Commercial Treaty, which was omitted in the other despatches,
came safe in the last, and will be presented immediately to the
minister, who has already agreed to have them expunged.
I enclose you our letter, and Mr Hodge’s answer, concerning the money
expended at Dunkirk, together with a particular account of what he
has received from the public banker.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
JAMES GARDOQUI TO ARTHUR LEE.
Madrid, August 13th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
My last respects went to you under the 23d ult. and referring you
to my sequels with regard to your desires of me in money matters,
I must beg leave to inform you, that the proposal you have made
for borrowing money through the hands of a nobleman at your place
is received, and that your being served therewith would give your
friends on this side a real pleasure, but I am sorry to tell you,
that it is impossible for the present. You will please to observe
and consider upon the immense charges occasioned within these two or
three years, and that all is done merely on account of your present
quarrel, as likewise that such formidable preparations have been and
will still be of infinite service to the Americans; besides which, it
is well known to yourself, and more so to your worthy constituents,
that great succors have been sent forthwith through various channels,
and that the same is continued to this day, and will be so in future
as much as possible.
In short, it is not doubted but you will represent the whole to your
constituents, looking upon all in its true light, and observing that
if affairs should be accommodated to their satisfaction and that of
this side, the means of succoring you would be facilitated.
I am, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
JAMES GARDOQUI.
JAMES GARDOQUI TO ARTHUR LEE.
Madrid, August 20th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
I confirm my last compliments to you under the 13th inst, wherein
I observed how difficult it would be to borrow the two millions
sterling here, under the present circumstances, more especially
while the enormous charges and fitting out of vessels are carried
on merely to protect your colonies, which are besides assisted with
effective succors, and will be so in future as much as possible.
Since my letter, I have maturely considered upon the matter, and it
has occurred to me, that if your government means by it to take up
all the paper that has been laid out, perhaps the cession of Florida
to Spain, (in case you could reduce it,) might at the conclusion of
peace produce, if not the whole, at least a great part of the funds
required.
You will no doubt consider, that I cannot penetrate the way of
thinking of our Court in this and other entangled matters, but
judging like a merchant, I think a negotiation of this kind might
well take place, for I imagine it would be proper for both, that
the frontier in question should not remain in future in the hands
of enemies or suspicious powers. There is, besides, a further
negotiation which might be added to the great benefit of your States
and this Court, and that is, your providing this kingdom with good
timber for the Spanish navy at commodious prices.
I hope, Sir, you will excuse my liberty in pointing out these hints,
to which I am led by the honest principle of friendship, and by the
wished for view that the interest of both countries may be united
upon a sincere and lasting footing; therefore I hope you will weigh
the same as you may think more convenient, observing that I suppose
you will not propose it to our Court, before you know how the
honorable Congress thinks upon both objects.
I am with unfeigned esteem, &c.
JAMES GARDOQUI.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, August 21st, 1778.
Gentlemen,
I wrote you on the 28th ult. of my having pressed for the loan
directed by Congress. I have received an assurance through the
Ambassador, that an answer will be given to my memorial as soon as
possible.
I enclose you a memorial for the consideration of Congress, as we do
not think ourselves authorised to act upon it without express orders.
Could one be sure, that justice would be done to the public, it might
be of advantage to adopt this scheme, for Congress must not trust to
the success of a loan, which, for the following reasons, I apprehend
will be found impracticable.
The war in Germany supervening on that between us and Great Britain,
and the preparations for it by France and Spain, have raised and
multiplied the demand for money, so as to give the holders of it
their choice and their price. The Empress Queen has engrossed every
shilling in the Netherlands. England has drawn large sums from the
Hollanders, who cannot easily quit their former market. France is
negotiating a loan of one hundred million livres, which will exhaust
Geneva and Switzerland. The money holders regard the lending their
money at such a distance, as Jacob did the sending Benjamin into
Egypt, and it is time only will make them endure the thought of such
a separation.
These are the difficulties which the circumstances of things oppose
to our scheme of a loan, and render the aid of some other operation
necessary for sinking the superabundant paper.
The Minister’s answer relative to M. Holker was, that he had no
authority from this Court, but on this our joint letter I expect
will be more full. I have determined to write to you once a month or
oftener, as opportunity offers, and as we do not write so frequently,
I am tempted to mention things which should properly come from all
the Commissioners, as they relate to the joint commission.
From the necessity of the case we have ventured to administer the
oath of allegiance to those who desire passports of us, but I hope
Congress will authorise their Commissioners to do so where it is
necessary.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO JAMES GARDOQUI.
Paris, August 27th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
I received yesterday your favor of the 13th. If I remember rightly
what made me delay writing to you relative to the bills was my desire
of informing you, at the same time, of their being accepted; and it
was long before I could learn that myself, from the manner in which
they were drawn. I am very sorry it did you any disservice.
I am neither unmindful of, nor ungrateful for, the support we have
received from your quarter. The inevitable necessity, which compelled
an application for more, gave me great uneasiness. I was sensible
the sum desired was very considerable. But so are our wants. It is
our misfortune, not our fault, that we are obliged thus to trouble
and distress our friends. I trust they will consider it in that
light. There is nothing more precarious and immeasureable than
what influences public credit. The sum sought would have enabled
Congress to call in such a quantity of the paper emitted, as must
establish the credit and value of the rest in defiance of all the
efforts of our enemies. And I think that if our friends could lend
us even as much as would constitute a fund here, on which Congress
might draw, so as to call in at once one or two million dollars, it
would greatly raise the value of the rest. This would require about
eight or ten million livres. When it is seen that the redemption is
begun, hopes and expectations will be raised, and credit grow upon
them. But emitting more, without redeeming any, makes people think
that no redemption is intended, and consequently produces doubts and
discredit.
It is long ago that I foresaw, and I had the honor of stating it at
Burgos, the necessity of providing for the support of our funds,
or rather funds themselves, by the assistance of our friends in
Europe. I will venture to say, that one million sterling, furnished
in this manner, would have been a more effectual aid than all the
preparations that have or can be made, unless they go to actual
hostilities. Have these preparations prevented twelve ships of the
line from being sent on our coasts to augment enormously that naval
force, which was already sufficient to stop our commerce and prevent
us from sending our produce to procure funds in Europe? When we
argue against facts we deceive ourselves. The fact then is, that
these preparations, however formidable, have had so little effect,
that though our enemies were hardly a match for France alone at
sea, they ventured, in the face of those preparations, to despatch
a powerful fleet against us. Some how or other they did not believe
those preparations were meant against them. Have they been deceived
in the event? Has their temerity been chastised as it deserved? Has
the fleet of Spain joined that of France to crush at one blow their
divided naval power? I do not mean to question the goodness of the
reasons for this; I mean only to state the fact. I mean to show too
that it is not extraordinary, that we should desire other aid than
that which, however well intended, does not effectually operate to
the relief intended. It is our necessity, not our choice, that
speaks. To make a diversion in our favor was benevolent, to send us
clothing for troops and naval stores was generous and friendly, but
if that diversion has not hindered our commerce from being obstructed
by powerful fleets, if the utter discredit of our money for want
of funds prevents soldiers, sailors, and others from engaging in
our service, and exposes our country to the cruel depredations and
devastations of an enraged enemy, can our friends think hardly of
us, if we press them for that assistance which only can relieve our
distress?
There is a passage in your letter, which, as I suppose it was not
inadvertently inserted, I will give my opinion upon fully. It is
“that if affairs should be accommodated to your and our satisfaction,
the means of succoring us would be facilitated.” There is nothing we
wish more than such an accommodation, consistent with our engagements
and our future security. I can assure you, that no people are more
averse to war than those of the United States. Were peace once
established upon wise principles, leaving us such neighbors as the
Spaniards, whose fair and unencroaching dispositions would prevent
any attempts to disturb us, I do not see any reason to suppose we
should ever be engaged in a foreign war. A war of ambition I am sure
we shall never have. No people were ever more sensible of the value
of peace, or more disposed to enjoy themselves and let others enjoy
in tranquillity the fruits of their labor.
We are a young people, and have had fourteen civil governments to
settle during the heat and pressure of a violent war, accompanied
with every possible circumstance, that could augment the expense and
difficulty usually attending a state of warfare. It is in this moment
of distress, that our real friends will show themselves in enabling
us to prevent those calamities, which, though they cannot subdue,
will yet injure us infinitely. Our industry, were peace and commerce
once established, would soon enable us to repay them, and they would
be sure of a gratitude more lively and lasting.
Be so good as to assure our friends, that I have not omitted, nor
shall I omit the smallest circumstance of their friendship and
generosity, which has passed through me. I hope for a speedy and
favorable answer to transmit to my constituents.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, August 31st, 1778.
Gentlemen,
It has been hinted to me, that there will be two important subjects
of negotiation with the Spanish Court, upon which I beg to have the
orders of Congress.
1st. Providing the Spanish navy with masts at a stipulated and as
reasonable a price as possible.
2d. The cession of Florida, should it be conquered, to them.
For this they would stipulate, whenever peace is concluded, to
furnish the funds for redeeming all, or a great part of the paper.
I cannot presume to proceed at all on these propositions without
express instructions. In the meantime, whatever further lights I can
obtain shall be communicated immediately.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO JAMES GARDOQUI.
Paris, September 1st, 1778.
Dear Sir,
I received your favor of the 20th ult. last night, and will trouble
you in addition to what I wrote on the 27th. It depends on your side
to begin a treaty, of which, what you mention must be a part. I have
already signified my powers and my readiness to do my part, without
receiving any answer. My powers by commission are full, and the
ratification confirms them specially. Neither my constituents nor
myself will be found unwilling to make every reasonable return for
any aid given us. There are no neighbors we could prefer to you.
By the last accounts from America, the British army and fleet, after
a bloody battle in the Jerseys, were blocked up in New York by
General Washington and Count d’Estaing.
It is not improbable they may be forced to surrender before they are
released.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, September 9th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
I enclose you copies of the accounts, bills of lading, &c. of the
articles, which I before informed you I should direct to be shipped,
and which I pay for out of the funds intrusted to me alone. The only
error I find in them is the charge of five per cent commission, which
I shall endeavor to have rectified. It will be easy to compare
the uniforms at 32 livres, with those furnished by Mr Monthieu at
37 livres, according to Mr Deane’s contract, and which Mr Williams
reported to us ought to have been rejected; a report, which was
concealed from me, as well as the contract.
I have before informed you of my having received remittances in
bills, to the amount of 187,500 livres. As I knew it would not be
necessary to expend this sum sooner than three months, I thought it
better to get interest for it for that time, than let it lie idle.
The enclosed receipt will show you, that I have succeeded with the
first bill that was due, but I doubt if it will be practicable with
the rest.