It may be proper to inform you, that I have dismissed my former

secretary, Major Thornton, because it was verified to me, that he

had received from Mr Wharton a note of hand for five hundred pounds,

payable on war taking place in such a time. This afforded so strong

a suspicion, that they who are now his accusers had seduced him into

this gambling society, and probably for the purpose of betraying my

secrets in the Spanish negotiation, that I thought it prudent to

supply his place with another, and have chosen the Rev. Hezekiah

Ford, of the State of Virginia, and chaplain to the 3d and 5th

regiments of North Carolina troops, in the service of the United

States. We have administered to him an oath of secrecy and fidelity,

which from his character I have every reason to believe he will

religiously observe. The present moment is as totally barren of news,

as times of the most perfect tranquillity.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

JAMES GARDOQUI TO ARTHUR LEE.

Madrid, September 28th, 1778.

Sir,

A severe illness, which almost reduced me to the last, has prevented

my giving you punctual answers to your favors down to the 1st

instant; but embracing the first moments of my recovery, I have to

say, that I am afraid I did not explain my sentiments clearly in

my last. The hints given you were purely mine, and as a friend who

wishes the best to both, in order that you might make use of them as

you thought proper, and of course I cannot say anything about your

powers and treaties, being things out of my way, with which it would

be improper for me to meddle. I wish most heartily, that things may

be accommodated happily for both parties, so I pray consider this

as such, as I should be sorry, that hints given you without either

design or authority should be thought otherwise, or meet with results

of consequence.

In this same light, and as a sincere friend, who wishes the best

intelligence between your constituents and this side, I have now

to add, that the capture of the Swedish ship, the Henrica Sofia,

Captain P. Held, loaded with Spanish property, and bound from London

to Teneriffe, by Captain Cunningham of the Revenge privateer, has

occasioned the utmost disgust on this side. I would, therefore,

recommend to you not only the immediate release of said vessel, but

likewise to give the strictest orders to said Cunningham to pay more

regard to the territories of this Kingdom, and to the Spanish flag,

for there has been such complaints about his conduct, that I hear

orders have been sent to the several ports to prevent his entry;

besides which, there are rumors, that he is not properly an American

privateer, being manned by French adventurers, who, with their

commander, have acted contrary to the law of nations.

Some of my friends, with whom I tried to raise a sum for you, desire

to know the length of time you want it, the interest you will allow,

and whether you will pay said interest in tobacco, and at what price

it will be reckoned in Bilboa, with all other particulars that may

offer to you; so I wish you to let me know, if agreeable, that I may

let them see it, observing, that I judge we may raise a part, though

not the two million of livres, which you desired of me; I would also

know whether you will want the money in France or Spain.

I am with sincere esteem, your most obedient humble servant,

JAMES GARDOQUI.

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Chaillot, September 28th, 1778.

Sir,

I had the honor of your Excellency’s letter of the 23d. I should not

trouble you with an answer, did it not appear to me necessary to

show, that the blame it imputes to me is by no means merited. For

that purpose your Excellency will permit me to remind you of what is

the fact, that I was not present when the conversation relative to

M. Holker, to which your Excellency refers passed between you and my

colleagues. I imagine too it arose accidentally, as the intention of

conversing on that subject was not communicated to me.

With regard to the duties, my knowledge of them arose from a

transaction of my own as Commissioner for Spain, in which my

colleagues had no concern. I have always been so sensible of the

impropriety of one Commissioner acting, or being acted with, for

the whole, in what regards their deputation here, as scrupulously

to avoid setting the example. Therefore I entirely agree with your

Excellency, that such a precedent should never be permitted.

It was not my intention to make any complaint about the duties, which

were probably imposed for wise purposes, but to offer my opinion

to your Excellency of what I conceived might be beneficial to that

union, which my connexion and myself have always been most zealous in

advising, and for the permanency of which, it is therefore natural

that I should be particularly anxious.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, September 30th, 1778.

Gentlemen,

Since I wrote you the 9th of this month, no step has been taken either

by our enemies or allies of moment enough to advise you of; nor has

any material event happened in Europe, insomuch that times of the

profoundest peace could not possibly be more barren. This arises from

the general reluctance to war, which, though all are preparing for, no

one seems to desire. The fate of this campaign with you will determine

whether we shall have immediate offers of peace or continuance of

war. If their fleets and armies maintain their ground, or gain any

advantage, they will continue the war, and wait for something in the

chapter of accidents, which is the sole resource of the Ministers.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO JAMES GARDOQUI.

Paris, October 6th, 1778.

Sir,

I have not had the pleasure of any answer from you to mine of the

22d of August. I am afraid that the total silence of your friends

about taking an open part with us, when all the impediments, which

you know were stated, are removed, will make bad impressions on the

minds of my countrymen, and transfer all their gratitude to those

who have declared in their favor. And this more especially, as one

of the English Commissioners, Governor Johnstone, had pledged his

honor publicly to prove, that Spain disapproved of, and endeavored to

prevent, the declaration of France in our favor.

If to stop the effusion of human blood, and all the shocking

calamities attending a war like this, be worthy of a pious prince; if

to prevent the chances of war from having any influence in preventing

the dismemberment of the British Empire, and the humiliation of

their pride be an object worthy of a political prince; if to drive

the English immediately from America, and receive a portion of her

independent commerce, be an advantage to the crown and people of

Spain, this is the moment for its monarch to decide and enforce those

events by an immediate declaration of our independency, and an union

of force, which must be irresistible.

The last certain accounts from America announce preparations for an

assault upon Rhode Island, on the 16th of August. It was already

invested both by sea and land, and the enemy had been obliged to burn

several of their vessels, and among the rest one of twentysix guns.

The report is, that the Island is taken, for a confirmation of which

we wait with much anxiety. The loss of it would deprive the enemy of

their port for wintering their navy, and oblige them to abandon New

York.

I hope to receive good tidings from you soon, and have the honor to

be, with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient servant,

ARTHUR LEE.

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Paris, October 12th, 1778.

Sir,

Your Excellency has seen in the separate and secret act, signed the

6th of February, 1778, that I am charged with full powers to conclude

a treaty with Spain. You are also acquainted with my having been in

Spain, and having had conferences with the Marquis de Grimaldi on

this subject.

All the objections, which were then alleged against an immediate

declaration, are now removed. The consistency of our cause is

unquestionable. France is ready, and has actually declared. Their

treasure is safe, and the fleet from Buenos Ayres is in their

harbors, yet we do not see the least movement on their part towards

realising the hopes they gave us; but on the contrary such ostensible

measures as they have taken must certainly give encouragement to

our enemies. That Court has not thought proper to take the least

notice of the ratification of the separate and secret article, which

I announced to them. While we are therefore bound, they remain at

liberty.

All this, Sir, gives me much uneasiness. I am apprehensive, that

Congress will not think this mode of acting very satisfactory; and

that the encouragement, that it must hold out to the Court of London,

will prolong this pernicious war, and make it cost us much more blood

and treasure than is necessary to tie the hands of our common enemy,

and establish effectually the liberty, sovereignty, and independence,

absolute and unlimited, of the United States.

In these very critical circumstances I must have recourse to the King

and to your Excellency. Our cause is common, and it is my wish to

conduct it by your experience, your lights, and your counsel, as to

the measure I am to take, whether it be to act or to wait. This would

always be my desire; but I consider it now as my duty; for it appears

to be the mutual sentiment of your Court and of Congress, that the

eventual treaty signed at Paris, the 6th of February, is now become

actual, permanent, and indissoluble. The first article of that treaty

says, “That if war should break out between France and Great Britain,

during the continuance of the present war between the United States

and Great Britain, his Majesty and the United States will make it a

common cause, and will aid each other with their mutual good offices,

counsels, and forces, according to the exigency of things, and as

becomes good and faithful allies.”

It is upon these principles, that I think it my duty to endeavor to

place upon an equal footing the interests of France, and those of the

United States; and therefore not to commence anything without the

concurrence of your Court. Upon the same principles, I flatter myself

with obtaining the aid and assistance of your wisdom and information,

as to the moment of commencing the measures to be taken, and the

means to be employed, with the Court of Spain.

I am persuaded, and always was so, that Great Britain cannot make

head for a year against the united counsels and force of the House of

Bourbon and the United States of America.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO ARTHUR LEE.

Translation.

Versailles, October 17th, 1778.

Sir,

I have received the letter you did me the honor to write to me the

12th instant. I have examined its contents with that attention,

which is due to the interest I take in every thing that respects the

prosperity of the United States, and it is my opinion, that you will

act prudently in suspending the measures you wish to take at the

Court of Madrid, with the view of ascertaining its principles and

resolutions with regard to America.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DE VERGENNES.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, October 19th, 1778.

Gentlemen,

Our affairs in Holland, both as to the treaty and loan, are in a

promising state. The King of Naples and of Sicily has declared to

us in form, by his Ambassador here, that his ports are open to all

vessels belonging to the United States. As the success of our cause

gains ground daily in the opinion of mankind, I imagine this winter

will produce us some more declared friends among the European powers.

The enemy appears to have no system about continuing the war, or

ending it on the terms which Congress has marked out to them.

A little success in privateering, since the commencement of

hostilities, has given a momentary exhilaration to their depressed

spirits; and the expectation of a speedy peace, which is artfully

circulated by Ministerial agents, keeps them from entirely sinking.

I find by a specimen, which did not reach me until the goods were

shipped, that I have been most egregiously imposed upon in the fusils

sent from Berlin. I mean to complain of it to the king of Prussia’s

Minister, as it was the king’s contractor that furnished them by his

order. The impositions, that we daily meet with, are in consequence

of an opinion prevailing among individuals, that as we are not

acknowledged they may do it with impunity.

No movements yet on the part of Spain. I have consulted Count de

Vergennes on the propriety of my taking any measures to bring that

Court to a decision; his advice is in these words. “My opinion is,

that you will act prudently to suspend the advances, which you desire

to make to that Court, with the view of ascertaining its principles

and resolutions with regard to America.”

Agreeably to this advice, I shall wait the positive orders of

Congress, unless some change of circumstances should make it

evidently prudent and necessary for me to act before they arrive.

I beg my humble duty may be recommended to Congress, and have the

honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO BARON DE SCHULENBURG.

Chaillot, October 21st, 1778.

Sir,

Your Excellency had the goodness to write me on the 16th of January

last, in the following words. “As to the fusils and other arms of our

manufacture, you will have liberty to purchase them, and the bankers

Splittgerber, who have charge of the fabrication of arms, will be

instructed to deliver to you whatsoever may be demanded on your part.

I subjoin a note of the prices, which are the same as the king pays,

and add, that the fusils for the infantry may be had at a little

lower price, if regard is only had to the solidity of the work,

without insisting on that exact uniformity which the king requires.”

In consequence of this, I ordered eight hundred fusils for infantry,

of the best kind, from the Messrs Splittgerber, and paid them their

own price immediately. My intention was to arm a regiment, that the

whole army might judge of the superiority of the Prussian model.

The fusils were sent by Hamburgh to Bordeaux, and were shipped

from thence to America, a case having previously been opened, and

a fusil taken out and sent to me. By this specimen, I find that

the fusils, so far from being of the sort at present used in his

Prussian Majesty’s army, are directly the reverse, and of the worst

and most ordinary workmanship that can be imagined. I do assure your

Excellency, that they are such as our militia would reject, and

appear to me and others, who are competent judges, to be old rejected

muskets. The ramrod is not a quarter of an inch in diameter, and the

lock holes that receive it narrow and of the same diameter above and

below; so that the Prussian manner of charging is impracticable with

these fusils. The observation I made a thousand times over of the

fusils, which the troops at Berlin used, enables me to assure you,

that this is a most egregious imposition in being sent as the same,

and I am sure they would not sell in Europe for six livres a piece.

My merchant at Bordeaux, the Commercial Agent of Congress, assures me

that he took the fusil, from which I form my judgment, with his own

hand out of one of the cases sent from Messrs Splittgerber, through

the house of Chapeaurouge at Hamburgh.

I therefore entreat your Excellency to oblige these men to do me

justice. I am not so much offended at the imposition, for the

money it has defrauded me of, as for the disgrace it will bring

on the manufactures of Prussia, and the disappointment of the

plan I had formed to introduce them into the United States. The

mildest reparation, which I conceive can be demanded of the Messrs

Splittgerber, is that they send immediately to Bordeaux, at their own

expense, eight hundred fusils, such as are ordered, that is, of the

present Prussian form, and the best workmanship. Those, that they

have sent, I will order to be sold in America, and the net amount of

what they bring shall be paid to them.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO ARTHUR LEE.

Translation.

Versailles, October 24th, 1778.

Sir,

I have received, with great sensibility, the news which you have

obtained by the way of Spain. It is a very great fatality, that the

unlucky gale of wind separated the squadrons just as Count d’Estaing

had joined the English. He then had a superiority, which he must

have lost, if the Admirals Byron and Parker have joined Lord Howe.

We are very impatient to receive some direct accounts from our Vice

Admiral. We flatter ourselves, that the favorable winds will bring

some despatches from him. I request you, in the meantime, Sir, to

communicate whatever news you may receive through other channels.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DE VERGENNES.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, November 4th, 1778.

Gentlemen,

I wrote you on April the 14th, May the 9th, 20th and 23d, June the

1st, 9th, 15th, 17th, July 6th, 16th, 20th, 28th, 29th, August 21st

and 31st, September 9th, and 30th, October 5th and 19th, none of

which have been acknowledged or answered. I usually send triplicates

of my letters and of all the papers enclosed.[39]

Whether the British cabinet have yet determined upon relinquishing

the war in America, I have not been able to learn. This is certain,

that they have ordered considerable quantities of clothing and

provisions to be made ready for that quarter, which looks as if they

intended their fleet and army should winter with you. From their

situation at present, and that of Europe, it appears improbable

that they can reinforce, or even recruit their army to any effect.

Their naval force is so exactly balanced in Europe by that of France

alone, that they can hardly venture to detach any more of their fleet

against you. It seems, therefore, that you have before you the utmost

force that you are likely to contend with.

It serves the purposes of the enemy to propagate reports of aid from

Russia, sometimes in ships, sometimes in troops. As far as there is

any certainty in political events, you may be assured they will have

neither. The plan they adopt for Parliament, which will meet the

26th, will, I imagine, depend much on the representations of Lord

Howe and Governor Johnstone, who are both arrived in England.

Should their fleet and army winter in America, it will be a capital

object to intercept their provision fleets. For this purpose I shall

obtain and transmit to you, from time to time, intelligence of their

being collected at Cork, from which you may judge what time they may

be expected on the coast.

The whale fishery, which the enemy have established on the coast of

Brazil, and which they carry on by men from Nantucket, is likely to

become very valuable; and being totally unprotected, it might be

destroyed at one blow.

The instruments for abolishing the 11th and 12th articles are

exchanged, and that matter entirely settled.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

[39] Several of these letters are missing.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, November 15th, 1778.

Gentlemen,

I am informed, that it is determined in the Cabinet of London not to

recall their Commissioners this winter. Governor Johnstone has been

very graciously received; Lord Howe not. He conducts himself as one

that is discontented, and has not been at Court. It is given out,

that Johnstone declares he is possessed of impeachable matter against

both the Howes.

I before mentioned, that the enemy was preparing to send out

provisions and clothing for their troops, as if it was intended

they should remain in America. It is also certain, that they have

contracted for twelve thousand tons of shipping for the beginning of

next March. They talk of sending over either ten thousand British, or

twelve thousand Russians, for the next campaign, which I am assured

and believe they have determined to risk.

To sustain this, they affirm very confidently, that a triple alliance

offensive and defensive is concluded between Russia, Prussia, and

Great Britain. This I believe is at best anticipation. That such an

alliance will be the subject of this winter’s negotiation is very

probable; perhaps too it may succeed, and that Denmark and Sweden

may join. But the good effects of it in favor of our enemy are very

problematical. It will inevitably draw forth Spain, which in our part

of the question is of much more weight than all the rest. And as to

the general war, the league that would be necessarily formed against

the other, between the United States, the Empress, France, and Spain,

would be the most powerful. I do not count upon Portugal, Naples,

Tuscany, and Sardinia, which yet, in all human probability, will join

our confederacy. The temper of Holland is such, that the junction of

the United Provinces may well be expected, if England has not the

wisdom to recede from her claims; and if she does, the Hollanders,

having gained the points in trade which they contend for, will render

their neutrality perhaps more favorable to us in matters of supply,

than an actual confederation.

These are the plans, that must employ the negotiation of all Europe

during this winter, which will produce either a general pacification

or a general war. The latter is what our enemy is endeavoring to

effect. In doing this, by the same fated perversion of understanding,

which has happily prevailed in all their measures, they are laboring

to secure what they wish to subvert, the absolute independency of

America. For there never was a political event more manifest and

sure, than that a general war must involve in it the independence of

the United States, as an inevitable consequence.

The obtaining money in Europe is doubtful, though not desperate. But

this seems very probable, that if the irritation and ill humor in

Holland is continued by England’s persisting in the interruption of

their trade, they will lend us money out of revenge; and if England

retracts, the Dutch will send us such plentiful supplies, and take in

return our produce as in a great measure to compensate for the want

of funds. The dispute seems to be in such a state, that there is no

medium. I am therefore in hopes, that if the war should continue, the

distress of it will press with much more severity upon our enemies

than on us.

I am informed, that a Swedish ship, the Henrica Sofia, Captain P.

Held, loaded with Spanish property, bound from London to Teneriffe,

has been taken by Captain Cunningham in the Revenge, which being

considered in Spain as a violence done to them, has given great

offence. I have assured them, that upon its being made to appear in

the Admiralty Court in America, that the property is neutral, it will

be restored, with such damages as are just. The Court of Spain is

so much offended at Captain Cunningham’s conduct before this, that

they write me orders have been sent to all their ports to prohibit

his entrance. From the beginning to the end of this business of

Cunningham, it has been so bad, that Congress only can correct it, by

punishing those who are concerned. It has cost the public more than

one hundred thousand livres, and embroiled us both with the French

and Spanish Courts.

The State of Virginia having sent for arms and artillery necessary

for their defence, and some advances being absolutely necessary to

obtain the supply, I ventured to advance fifty thousand livres out of

the public funds in my hands. Had not this demand pressed so much,

I certainly should not have done this without the permission of

Congress. But as it is, and though I expect the reimbursement before

the articles I have ordered for the public will call for payment, yet

I think it my duty to communicate this transaction, and submit it to

the censure of Congress. I expect a complete cargo is by this time

shipped in my department, consisting of blankets, shoes, tentcloth,

sailcloth, and rigging for a vessel of five hundred tons. This cargo,

with what went before, should contain ten thousand blankets. I have

ordered twenty thousand more, which, with half of the freight, I am

obliged to advance for the above cargo, will more than employ all the

funds in my hands.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

_P. S._ _November 18th, 1778._ Every hour’s intelligence confirms the

opinion, that the enemy will not obtain any Russian auxiliaries.

TO JAMES GARDOQUI.

Paris, December 4th, 1778.

Dear Sir,

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