MARRIAGE OF THE AUTHOR--HIS ILLNESS--DISMISSES HIS WIFE--RELIGION OF THE
NATIVES--CLIMATE
Soon after our establishment there, Maquina informed me that he and his
chiefs had held council both before and after quitting Nootka, in which
they had determined that I must marry one of their women, urging as a
reason to induce me to consent, that, as there was now no probability of
a ship coming to Nootka to release me, that I must consider myself as
destined to pass the remainder of my life with them, that the sooner I
conformed to their customs the better, and that a wife and family would
render me more contented and satisfied with their mode of living. I
remonstrated against this decision, but to no purpose, for he told me
that, should I refuse, both Thompson and myself would be put to death;
telling me, however, that if there were none of the women of his tribe
that pleased me, he would go with me to some of the other tribes, where
he would purchase for me such a one as I should select. Reduced to this
sad extremity, with death on the one side and matrimony on the other, I
thought proper to choose what appeared to me the least of the two
evils, and consent to be married, on condition that, as I did not fancy
any of the Nootka women, I should be permitted to make choice of one
from some other tribe.
This being settled, the next morning by daylight, Maquina, with about
fifty men in two canoes, set out with me for Ai-tiz-zart,[124] taking
with him a quantity of cloth, a number of muskets, sea-otter skins,
etc., for the purchase of my bride. With the aid of our paddles and
sails, being favoured with a fair breeze, we arrived some time before
sunset at the village. Our arrival excited a general alarm, and the men
hastened to the shore, armed with the weapons of their country, making
many warlike demonstrations, and displaying much zeal and activity. We,
in the meantime, remained quietly seated in our canoes, where we
remained for about half an hour, when the messenger of the chief,
dressed in their best manner, came to welcome us and invite us on shore
to eat.[125] We followed him in procession to the chief's house, Maquina
at our head, taking care to leave a sufficient number in the boats to
protect the property. When we came to the house, we were ushered in with
much ceremony, and our respective seats pointed out to us, mine being
next to Maquina by his request.
After having been regaled with a feast of herring spawn and oil, Maquina
asked me if I saw any among the women who were present that I liked. I
immediately pointed out to a young girl of about seventeen, the
daughter of Upquesta, the chief, who was sitting near him by her mother.
On this, Maquina, making a sign to his men, arose, and, taking me by the
hand, walked into the middle of the room, and sent off two of his men to
bring the boxes containing the presents from the canoes. In the
meantime, Kinneclimmets, the master of ceremonies, whom I have already
spoken of, made himself ready for the part he was to act, by powdering
his hair with white down. When the chests were brought in, specimens of
the several articles were taken out, and showed by our men, one of whom
held up a musket, another a skin, a third a piece of cloth, etc.
On this Kinneclimmets stepped forward, and, addressing the chief,
informed him that all these belonged to me, mentioning the number of
each kind, and that they were offered to him for the purchase of his
daughter Eu-stoch-ee-exqua, as a wife for me. As he said this, the men
who held up the various articles walked up to the chief, and with a very
stern and morose look, the complimentary one on these occasions, threw
them at his feet. Immediately on which, all the tribe, both men and
women, who were assembled on this occasion, set up a cry of
_Klack-ko-Tyee_,[126] that is, "Thank ye, chief."
His men, after this ceremony, having returned to their places, Maquina
rose, and, in a speech of more than half an hour, said much in my praise
to the Ai-tiz-zart chief, telling him that I was as good a man as
themselves, differing from them only in being white, that I was besides
acquainted with many things of which they were ignorant; that I knew how
to make daggers, cheetolths, and harpoons, and was a very valuable
person, whom he was determined to keep always with him; praising me at
the same time for the goodness of my temper, and the manner in which I
had conducted myself since I had been with them, observing that all the
people of Nootka, and even the children, loved me.
While Maquina was speaking, his master of ceremonies was continually
skipping about, making the most extravagant gestures, and exclaiming
"_Wocash!_" When he had ceased, the Ai-tiz-zart chief arose, amidst the
acclamations of his people, and began with setting forth the many good
qualities and accomplishments of his daughter; that he loved her
greatly, and as she was his only one, he could not think of parting with
her. He spoke in this manner for some time, but finally concluded by
consenting to the proposed union, requesting that she might be well used
and kindly treated by her husband. At the close of the speech, when the
chief began to manifest a disposition to consent to our union,
Kinneclimmets again began to call out as loud as he could bawl,
"_Wocash!_" cutting a thousand capers and spinning himself around on his
heel like a top.
When Upquesta had finished his speech, he directed his people to carry
back the presents which Maquina had given him, to me, together with two
young male slaves to assist me in fishing. These, after having been
placed before me, were by Maquina's men taken on board the canoes. This
ceremony being over, we were invited by one of the principal chiefs to
a feast at his house, of _Klussamit_,[127] or dried herring, where,
after the eating was over, Kinneclimmets amused the company very highly
with his tricks, and the evening's entertainment was closed by a new
war-song from our men, and one in return from the Ai-tiz-zarts,
accompanied with expressive gestures, and wielding of their weapons.
After this our company returned to lodge at Upquesta's, except a few who
were left on board the canoes to watch the property. In the morning I
received from the chief his daughter, with an earnest request that I
would use her well, which I promised him; when, taking leave of her
parents, she accompanied me with apparent satisfaction on board of the
canoe.
The wind being ahead, the natives were obliged to have recourse to their
paddles, accompanying them with their songs, interspersed with the
witticisms and buffoonery of Kinneclimmets, who, in his capacity of
king's steersman, one of his functions which I forgot to enumerate, not
only guided the course of the canoe, but regulated the singing of the
boatmen. At about five in the morning we reached Tashees, where we found
all the inhabitants collected on the shore to receive us.
We were welcomed with loud shouts of joy, and exclamations of
"_Wocash!_" and the women, taking my bride under their charge, conducted
her to Maquina's house, to be kept with them for ten days; it being an
universal custom, as Maquina informed me, that no intercourse should
take place between the new married pair during that period. At night
Maquina gave a great feast, which was succeeded by a dance, in which all
the women joined, and thus ended the festivities of my marriage.[128]
The term of my probation being over, Maquina assigned me as an apartment
the space in the upper part of his house between him and his elder
brother, whose room was opposite. Here I established myself with my
family, consisting of myself and wife, Thompson, and the little
Sat-sat-sok-sis, who had always been strongly attached to me, and now
solicited his father to let him live with me, to which he consented.
This boy was handsome, extremely well formed, amiable, and of a
pleasant, sprightly disposition. I used to take a pleasure in decorating
him with rings, bracelets, ear-jewels, etc., which I made for him of
copper, and ornamented and polished them in my best manner. I was also
very careful to keep him free from vermin of every kind, washing him and
combing his hair every day. These marks of attention were not only very
pleasing to the child, who delighted in being kept neat and clean, as
well as in being dressed off in his finery, but was highly gratifying
both to Maquina and his queen, who used to express much satisfaction at
my care of him.
In making my domestic establishment, I determined, as far as possible,
to live in a more comfortable and cleanly manner than the others. For
this purpose I erected with planks a partition of about three feet high
between mine and the adjoining rooms, and made three bedsteads of the
same, which I covered with boards, for my family to sleep on, which I
found much more comfortable than sleeping on the floor amidst the dirt.
Fortunately, I found my Indian princess both amiable and intelligent,
for one whose limited sphere of observation must necessarily give rise
to but a few ideas. She was extremely ready to agree to anything that I
proposed relative to our mode of living, was very attentive in keeping
her garments and person neat and clean, and appeared in every respect
solicitous to please me.
She was, as I have said, about seventeen; her person was small but well
formed, as were her features; her complexion was, without exception,
fairer than any of the women, with considerable colour in her cheeks,
her hair long, black, and much softer than is usual with them, and her
teeth small, even, and of a dazzling whiteness; while the expression of
her countenance indicated sweetness of temper and modesty. She would
indeed have been considered as very pretty in any country, and,
excepting Maquina's queen, was by far the handsomest of any of their
women.
With a partner possessing so many attractions, many may be apt to
conclude that I must have found myself happy,--at least, comparatively
so; but far otherwise was it with me. A compulsory marriage with the
most beautiful and accomplished person in the world can never prove a
source of real happiness; and, in my situation, I could not but view
this connection as a chain that was to bind me down to this savage land,
and prevent my ever again seeing a civilised country; especially when,
in a few days after, Maquina informed me that there had been a meeting
of his chiefs, in which it had been determined that, as I had married
one of their women, I must be considered as one of them, and conform to
their customs, and that in future neither myself nor Thompson should
wear our European clothes, but dress in kutsaks[129] like themselves.
This order was to me most painful, but I persuaded Maquina at length so
far to relax in it as to permit me to wear those I had at present, which
were almost worn out, and not to compel Thompson to change his dress,
observing that, as he was an old man, such a change would cause his
death.
Their religious celebration, which the last year took place in December,
was in this commenced on the 15th of November, and continued for
fourteen days. As I was now considered as one of them, instead of being
ordered to the woods, Maquina directed Thompson and myself to remain and
pray with them to Quahootze to be good to them, and thank him for what
he had done.
It was opened in much the same manner as the former. After which, all
the men and women in the village assembled at Maquina's house, in their
plainest dresses, and without any kind of ornaments about them, having
their heads bound around with the red fillet, a token of dejection and
humiliation, and their countenances expressive of seriousness and
melancholy. The performances during the continuance of this celebration
consisted almost wholly in singing a number of songs to mournful airs,
the king regulating the time by beating on his hollow plank or drum,
accompanied by one of his chiefs seated near him with the great rattle.
In the meantime they ate but seldom, and then very little, retiring to
sleep late, and rising at the first appearance of dawn, and even
interrupting this short period of repose by getting up at midnight and
singing.
The ceremony was terminated by an exhibition of a similar character to
the one of the last year, but still more cruel. A boy of twelve years
old, with six bayonets run into his flesh, one through each arm and
thigh, and through each side close to the ribs, was carried around the
room suspended upon them, without manifesting any symptoms of pain.
Maquina, on my inquiring the reason of this display, informed me that it
was an ancient custom of his nation to sacrifice a man at the close of
this solemnity, in honour of their God, but that his father had
abolished it, and substituted this in its place.[130] The whole closed
on the evening of the 29th, with a great feast of salmon spawn and oil,
at which the natives, as usual, made up for their late abstinence.
A few days after, a circumstance occurred, which, from its singularity,
I cannot forbear mentioning. I was sent for by my neighbour Yealthlower,
the king's elder brother, to file his teeth, which operation having been
performed, he informed me that a new wife, whom he had a little time
before purchased, having refused to sleep with him, it was his
intention, provided she persisted in her refusal, to bite off her nose.
I endeavoured to dissuade him from it, but he was determined, and, in
fact, performed his savage threat that very night, saying that since she
would not be his wife, she should not be that of any other, and in the
morning sent her back to her father.
The inhuman act did not, however, proceed from any innate cruelty of
disposition or malice, as he was far from being of a barbarous temper;
but such is the despotism exercised by these savages over their women,
that he no doubt considered it as a just punishment for her offence, in
being so obstinate and perverse; as he afterwards told me, that in
similar cases the husband had a right with them to disfigure his wife in
this way or some other, to prevent her ever marrying again.
About the middle of December, we left Tashees for Cooptee. As usual at
this season, we found the herrings in great plenty, and here the same
scene of riotous feasting that I witnessed last year was renewed by our
improvident natives, who, in addition to their usual fare, had a
plentiful supply of wild geese, which were brought us in great
quantities by the Eshquates. These, as Maquina informed me, were caught
with nets made from bark in the fresh waters of that country. Those who
take them make choice for that purpose of a dark and rainy night, and,
with their canoes stuck with lighted torches, proceed with as little
noise as possible to the place where the geese are collected, who,
dazzled by the light, suffer themselves to be approached very near, when
the net is thrown over them, and in this manner from fifty to sixty, or
even more, will sometimes be taken at one cast.
On the 15th of January 1805, about midnight, I was thrown into
considerable alarm, in consequence of an eclipse of the moon, being
awakened from my sleep by a great outcry of the inhabitants. On going to
discover the cause of this tumult, I found them all out of their houses,
bearing lighted torches, singing and beating upon pieces of plank; and
when I asked them the reason of this proceeding, they pointed to the
moon, and said that a great cod-fish was endeavouring to swallow her,
and that they were driving him away. The origin of this superstition I
could not discover.
[Illustration: INDIAN CHIEF'S GRAVE (TEMP. 1863).]
Though, in some respects, my situation was rendered more comfortable
since my marriage, as I lived in a more cleanly manner, and had my food
better and more neatly cooked, of which, besides, I had always a plenty,
my slaves generally furnishing me, and Upquesta never failing to send me
an ample supply by the canoes that came from Ai-tiz-zart; still, from my
being obliged at this season of the year to change my accustomed
clothing, and to dress like the natives, with only a piece of cloth of
about two yards long thrown loosely around me, my European clothes
having been for some time entirely worn out, I suffered more than I can
express from the cold, especially as I was compelled to perform the
laborious task of cutting and bringing the firewood, which was rendered
still more oppressive to me, from my comrade, for a considerable part of
the winter, not having it in his power to lend me his aid, in
consequence of an attack of the rheumatism in one of his knees, with
which he suffered for more than four months, two or three weeks of which
he was so ill as to be under the necessity to leave the house.
This state of suffering, with the little hope I now had of ever escaping
from the savages, began to render my life irksome to me; still, however,
I lost not my confidence in the aid of the Supreme Being, to whom,
whenever the weather and a suspension from the tasks imposed on me would
permit, I never failed regularly on Sundays to retire to the wood to
worship, taking Thompson with me when he was able to go.
On the 20th of February, we returned to our summer quarters at Nootka,
but on my part, with far different sensations than the last spring,
being now almost in despair of any vessel arriving to release us, or our
being permitted to depart if there should.
Soon after our return, as preparatory to the whaling season, Maquina
ordered me to make a good number of harpoons for himself and his chiefs,
several of which I had completed, with some lances, when, on the 16th of
March, I was taken very ill with a violent colic, caused, I presume,
from having suffered so much from the cold, in going without proper
clothing. For a number of hours I was in great pain, and expected to
die, and on its leaving me, I was so weak as scarcely to be able to
stand, while I had nothing comforting to take, nor anything to drink but
cold water.
On the day following, a slave belonging to Maquina died, and was
immediately, as is their custom in such cases, tossed unceremoniously
out of doors, from whence he was taken by some others and thrown into
the water. The treatment of this poor creature made a melancholy
impression upon my mind, as I could not but think that such probably
would be my fate should I die among these heathens, and so far from
receiving a decent burial, that I should not even be allowed the common
privilege of having a little earth thrown over my remains.
The feebleness in which the violent attack of my disorder had left me,
the dejection I felt at the almost hopelessness of my situation and the
want of warm clothing and proper nursing, though my Indian wife, as far
as she knew how, was always ready, even solicitous, to do everything for
me she could, still kept me very much indisposed, which Maquina
perceiving, he finally told me that if I did not like living with my
wife, and that was the cause of my being so sad, I might part with her.
This proposal I readily accepted, and the next day Maquina sent her back
to her father.
On parting with me she discovered much emotion, begging me that I would
suffer her to remain till I had recovered, as there was no one who would
take so good care of me as herself. But when I told her she must go, for
that I did not think I should ever get well, which in truth I but little
expected, and that her father would take good care of her and treat her
much more kindly than Maquina, she took an affectionate leave, telling
me that she hoped I should soon get better, and left her two slaves to
take care of me.
Though I rejoiced at her departure, I was greatly affected with the
simple expressions of her regard for me, and could not but feel strongly
interested for this poor girl, who in all her conduct towards me had
discovered so much mildness and attention to my wishes; and had it not
been that I considered her as an almost insuperable obstacle to my being
permitted to leave the country, I should no doubt have felt the
deprivation of her society a real loss. After her departure, I requested
Maquina that, as I had parted with my wife, he would permit me to resume
my European dress, as, otherwise, from not having been accustomed to
dress like them, I should certainly die. To this he consented, and I
once more became comfortably clad.
Change of clothing, but, more than all, the hopes which I now began to
indulge that in the course of the summer I should be able to escape, in
a short time restored me to health, so far that I could again go to work
in making harpoons for Maquina, who probably, fearing that he should
have to part with me, determined to provide himself with a good stock.
I shall not, however, long detain the reader with a detail of
occurrences that intervened between this period and that of my escape,
which, from that dull uniformity that marks the savage life, would be in
a measure but a repetition, nor dwell upon that mental torture I endured
from a constant conflict of hope and fear, when the former, almost
wearied out with repeated disappointment, offered to our sinking hearts
no prospect of release but death, to which we were constantly exposed
from the brutal ignorance and savage disposition of the common people,
who, in the various councils that were held this season to determine
what to do with us in case of the arrival of a ship, were almost always
for putting us to death, expecting by that means to conceal the murder
of our crew and to throw the blame of it on some other tribe. These
barbarous sentiments were, however, universally opposed by Maquina and
his chiefs, who would not consent to our being injured. But, as some of
their customs and traits of national character which I think deserving
of notice have not been mentioned, I shall proceed to give an account of
them.
* * * * *
The office of king or chief is, with those people, hereditary, and
descends to the eldest son, or, in failure of male issue, to the elder
brother, who in the regal line is considered as the second person in the
kingdom. At feasts, as I have observed, the king is always placed in the
highest or seat of honour, and the chiefs according to their respective
ranks, which appear in general to be determined by their affinity to the
royal family; they are also designated by the embellishments of their
mantles or kutsaks. The king, or head _Tyee_ is their leader in war, in
the management of which he is perfectly absolute. He is also president
of their councils, which are almost always regulated by his opinion. But
he has no kind of power over the property of his subjects, nor can he
require them to contribute to his wants, being in this respect no more
privileged than any other person. He has, in common with his chiefs, the
right of holding slaves, which is not enjoyed by private individuals, a
regulation probably arising from their having been originally captives
taken in battle, the spoils of war being understood as appertaining to
the king, who receives and apportions them among his several chiefs and
warriors according to their rank and deserts.
In conformity with this idea, the plunder of the _Boston_ was all
deposited in Maquina's house, who distributed part of it among his
chiefs, according to their respective ranks or degree of favour with
him, giving to one three hundred muskets, to another one hundred and
fifty, with other things in like proportion. The king is, however,
obliged to support his dignity by making frequent entertainments, and
whenever he receives a large supply of provision, he must invite all the
men of his tribe to his house to eat it up, otherwise, as Maquina told
me, he would not be considered as conducting himself like a _Tyee_, and
would be no more thought of than a common man.
* * * * *
With regard to their religion.--They believe in the existence of a
Supreme Being, whom they call _Quahootze_, and who, to use Maquina's
expression, was one great _Tyee_ in the sky, who gave them their fish,
and could take them from them, and was the greatest of all kings. Their
usual place of worship appeared to be the water, for whenever they
bathed, they addressed some words in form of prayer to the God above,
entreating that he would preserve them in health, give them good success
in fishing, etc. These prayers were repeated with much more energy on
preparing for whaling or for war, as I have already mentioned.
Some of them would sometimes go several miles to bathe, in order to do
it in secret; the reason for this I could never learn, though I am
induced to think it was in consequence of some family or private
quarrel, and that they did not wish what they said to be heard; while at
other times they would repair in the same secret manner to the woods to
pray. This was more particularly the case with the women, who might also
have been prompted by a sentiment of decency to retire for the purpose
of bathing, as they are remarkably modest.
I once found one of our women more than two miles from the village on
her knees in the woods, with her eyes shut and her face turned towards
heaven, uttering words in a lamentable tone, amongst which I distinctly
heard, _Wocash Ah-welth_, meaning "good Lord," and which has nearly the
same signification with Quahootze.
Though I came very near her, she appeared not to notice me, but
continued her devotions. And I have frequently seen the women go alone
into the woods, evidently for the purpose of addressing themselves to a
superior Being, and it was always very perceptible on their return when
they had been thus employed, from their silence and melancholy looks.
They have no belief, however, in a state of future existence, as I
discovered in conversation with Maquina at Tootoosch's death, on my
attempting to convince him that he still existed, and that he would
again see him after his death; but he could comprehend nothing of it,
and, pointing to the ground, said that there was the end of him, and
that he was like that.[131] Nor do they believe in ghosts,
notwithstanding the case of Tootoosch would appear to contradict this
assertion, but that was a remarkable instance, and such a one as had
never been known to occur before; yet from the mummeries performed over
the sick, it is very apparent that they believe in the agency of
spirits, as they attribute diseases to some evil one that has entered
the body of the patient. Neither have they any priests, unless a kind of
conjurer[132] may be so considered who sings and prays over the sick to
drive away the evil spirit.
* * * * *
On the birth of twins, they have a most singular custom, which, I
presume, has its origin in some religious opinion, but what it is, I
could never satisfactorily learn. The father is prohibited for the space
of two years from eating any kind of meat, or fresh fish, during which
time he does no kind of labour whatever, being supplied with what he has
occasion for from the tribe. In the meantime, he and his wife, who is
also obliged to conform to the same abstinence, with their children,
live entirely separate from the others, a small hut being built for
their accommodation, and he is never invited to any of the feasts,
except such as consist wholly of dried provision, where he is treated
with great respect, and seated among the chiefs, though no more himself
than a private individual.
Such births are very rare among them; an instance of the kind, however,
occurred while I was at Tashees the last time, but it was the only one
known since the reign of the former king. The father always appeared
very thoughtful and gloomy, never associated with the other
inhabitants, and was at none of the feasts, but such as were entirely of
dried provision, and of this he ate not to excess, and constantly
retired before the amusements commenced. His dress was very plain, and
he wore around his head the red fillet of bark, the symbol of mourning
and devotion. It was his daily practice to repair to the mountain, with
a chief's rattle in his hand, to sing and pray, as Maquina informed me,
for the fish to come into their waters. When not thus employed, he kept
continually at home, except when sent for to sing and perform his
ceremonies over the sick, being considered as a sacred character, and
one much in favour with their gods.[133]
These people are remarkably healthful, and live to a very advanced age,
having quite a youthful appearance for their years.[134] They have
scarcely any disease but the colic, their remedy for which is friction,
a person rubbing the bowels of the sick violently, until the pain has
subsided, while the conjurer, or holy man, is employed, in the meantime,
in making his gestures, singing, and repeating certain words, and
blowing off the evil spirit, when the patient is wrapped up in a
bearskin, in order to produce perspiration.
Their cure for the rheumatism, or similar pains, which I saw applied by
Maquina in the case of Thompson, to whom it gave relief, is by cutting
or scarifying the part affected. In dressing wounds, they simply wash
them with salt water, and bind them up with a strip of cloth, or the
bark of a tree. They are, however, very expert and successful in the
cure of fractured or dislocated limbs, reducing them very dexterously,
and, after binding them up with bark, supporting them with blocks of
wood, so as to preserve their position.[135]
During the whole time I was among them, but five natural deaths
occurred, Tootoosch and his two infant children, an infant son of
Maquina, and the slave whom I have mentioned, a circumstance not a
little remarkable in a population of about fifteen hundred; and as
respects child-birth, so light do they make of it, that I have seen
their women, the day after, employed as usual, as if little or nothing
had happened.
The Nootkians in their conduct towards each other are in general pacific
and inoffensive, and appear by no means an ill-tempered race, for I do
not recollect any instance of a violent quarrel between any of the men,
or the men and their wives, while I was with them, that of Yealthlower
excepted. But when they are in the least offended, they appear to be in
the most violent rage, acting like so many maniacs, foaming at the
mouth, kicking and spitting most furiously; but this is rather a fashion
with them than a demonstration of malignity, as in their public speeches
they use the same violence, and he is esteemed the greatest orator who
bawls the loudest, stamps, tosses himself about, foams, and spits the
most.[136]
In speaking of their regulations, I have omitted mentioning that, on
attaining the age of seventeen, the eldest son of a chief is considered
as a chief himself, and that whenever the father makes a present, it is
always done in the name of his eldest son, or, if he has none, in that
of his daughter. The chiefs frequently purchase their wives at the age
of eight or ten, to prevent their being engaged by others, though they
do not take them from their parents until they are sixteen.
With regard to climate, the greater part of the spring, summer, and
autumn is very pleasant, the weather being at no time oppressively hot,
and the winters uncommonly mild for so high a latitude, at least, as far
as my experience went. At Tashees and Cooptee, where we passed the
coldest part of the season, the winter did not set in till late in
December, nor have I ever yet known the ice, even on the freshwater
ponds, more than two or three inches in thickness, or a snow exceeding
four inches in depth; but what is wanting in snow, is amply made up in
rain, as I have frequently known it, during the winter months, rain
almost incessantly for five or six days in succession.
FOOTNOTES:
[124] Ayhuttisaht, also in Nootka Sound.
[125] This is the custom if the visit of the strangers has not been
announced in advance.
[126] _Ooshyuksomayts_ is another expression meaning much the same
thing.
[127] _Kloosmit_ is "herring" (_Meletta cærulea_) generally. _Klooshist_
is dried salmon, a more common article of food.
[128] Jewitt's marriage was less ceremonious than is usual with Indians
of any rank, and the ten days' probation was not according to modern
customs.
[129] _Kutsak_, or _kotsack_, or _kootsick_, or _cotsack_, for all these
forms occur, was the blanket worn cloakwise, rendered familiar to
Europeans in so many pictures and sketches.
[130] Human sacrifices are quite common among the Northern tribes. But
in Vancouver they were very rare in my time, and are now still less
frequent. In 1863 the burial of a chief was celebrated by the heads of
several tribesmen being fixed about his grave. These were not taken by
force, but surrendered by the trembling tribesmen, the victims being
most likely slaves. In 1788, Meares affirms, on what we believe to be
insufficient evidence, that Maquina (Moqulla) sacrificed a human being
every new moon, to gratify "his unnatural appetite" for human flesh. The
victim was a slave selected by the blindfolded chief catching him in a
house in which a number were assembled. Meares even declares that
Maquina acknowledged his weakness, and that though Callicum, another
chief, avoided cannibalism, he reposed on a pillow filled with human
skulls. If so, the practice has ceased. Yet cannibalism was undeniably
practised at times among the Indians of both the East and West coasts.
There were in 1866 Indians living in Koskeemo Sound, who still talked of
the delights of human flesh. Many years ago, the Bella-Bellas ate a
servant of the Hudson Bay Company, and the Nuchaltaws of Cape Mudge are
affirmed by old traders to have paid the same doubtful compliment to a
sailor who fell into their clutches.
[131] This, in common with other statements of the kind, is more than
doubtful. The best account of their religion is by Mr. Sproat, but even
he acknowledges that, after two years devoted to the subject, and to the
questioning of others who had passed half a lifetime amongst the "Ahts,"
he could discover very little about their faith which could be
pronounced indisputably accurate. Even the Indians themselves are by no
means at one on the subject, people without a written creed or sacred
books being apt to entertain very contradictory ideas on their
theological tenets. I endeavoured to fathom some of their beliefs, and I
had ample opportunities; but I confess to the difficulty of getting
behind these reserved folk, and I did not meet with sufficient success
to make the results worth recording.
[132] What Jewitt calls a "conjurer" is more commonly known in these
times as a "medicine man," who was, more often than not, a combination
nine parts rogue and one part fool.
[133] This is entirely different from the views that are entertained by
other tribes. The tribes speaking the language which prevails from Port
San Juan to Comox are so ashamed of twins, that one of the hapless two
is almost invariably killed. I do not remember having ever seen a case.
Most of the Indian birth notions are very curious.
[134] They are apt to rapidly change from young-looking to old-looking
men, without any of that pleasant "Indian summer" so characteristic of
people in more civilised communities. But advanced years are not common.
In 1864 the oldest man in the little Opechesaht tribe, whose homes are
on the Kleecoot River (flowing out of Sproat Lake into the Alberni
Inlet), was only sixty, so far as he could make out.
[135] Bilious complaints, constipation, dysentery, consumption, fevers
and acute inflammatory diseases, and (amongst some tribes, but not
amongst the Nootkians), ophthalmia, are common, though rheumatism and
paralysis are infrequent. The "diseases of civilisation," it may be
added, have been known for many years.
[136] This is still true. When sober they indulge in high words, and are
fond of teasing the women until they get out of temper; but a blow is
rare. Even the children seldom fall out, the necessity of small
communities living together for mutual protection compelling the members
to establish a _modus vivendi_. However, when drunk--and in spite of the
laws against liquor being sold to them, this is by no means
uncommon--they are prone to seek close quarters and act like angry
termagants.