ARRIVAL OF THE BRIG "LYDIA"--STRATAGEM OF THE AUTHOR--ITS SUCCESS
It was now past midsummer, and the hopes we had indulged of our release
became daily more faint, for though we had heard of no less than seven
vessels on the coast, yet none appeared inclined to venture to Nootka.
The destruction of the _Boston_, the largest, strongest, and best
equipped ship, with the most valuable cargo of any that had ever been
fitted for the North-West trade, had inspired the commanders of others
with a general dread of coming thither, lest they should share the same
fate; and though in the letters I wrote (imploring those who should
receive them to come to the relief of two unfortunate Christians who
were suffering among heathen), I stated the cause of the _Boston's_
capture, and that there was not the least danger in coming to Nootka,
provided they would follow the directions I laid down, still I felt very
little encouragement that any of these letters would come to hand; when,
on the morning of the 19th of July, a day that will be ever held by me
in grateful remembrance of the mercies of God, while I was employed with
Thompson in forging daggers for the king, my ears were saluted with the
joyful sound of three cannon, and the cries of the inhabitants,
exclaiming "_Weena, weena--Mamethlee!_"--that is, "Strangers--White
men!"
Soon after, several of our people came running into the house, to inform
me that a vessel under full sail was coming into the harbour. Though my
heart bounded with joy, I repressed my feelings, and, affecting to pay
no attention to what was said, told Thompson to be on his guard, and not
betray any joy, as our release, and perhaps our lives, depended on our
conducting ourselves so as to induce the natives to suppose we were not
very anxious to leave them. We continued our work as if nothing had
happened, when, in a few minutes after, Maquina came in, and, seeing us
at work, appeared much surprised, and asked me if did not know that a
vessel had come.
I answered in a careless manner, that it was nothing to me. "How, John,"
said he, "you no glad go board?" I replied that I cared very little
about it, as I had become reconciled to their manner of living, and had
no wish to go away. He then told me that he had called a council of his
people respecting us, and that we must leave off work and be present at
it.
The men having assembled at Maquina's house, he asked them what was
their opinion should be done with Thompson and myself, now a vessel had
arrived, and whether he had not better go on board himself, to make a
trade, and procure such articles as were wanted. Each one of the tribe
who wished, gave his opinion. Some were for putting us to death, and
pretending to the strangers that a different nation had cut off the
_Boston_; while others, less barbarous, were for sending us fifteen or
twenty miles back into the country, until the departure of the vessel.
These, however, were the sentiments of the common people, the chiefs
opposing our being put to death, or injured, and several of them, among
the most forward of whom were Yealthlower and the young chief
Toowinnakinnish, were for immediately releasing us; but this, if he
could avoid it, by no means appeared to accord with Maquina's wishes.
Having mentioned Toowinnakinnish, I shall briefly observe that he was a
young man of about twenty-three years old, the only son of
Toopeeshottee, the oldest and most respected chief of the tribe. His son
had always been remarkably kind and friendly to me, and I had in return
frequently made for him daggers, cheetolths, and other things, in my
best manner. He was one of the handsomest men among them, very amiable,
and much milder in his manners than any of the others, as well as neater
both in his person and house, at least his apartment, without even
excepting Maquina.
With regard, however, to Maquina's going on board the vessel, which he
discovered a strong inclination to do, there was but one opinion, all
remonstrating against it, telling him that the captain would kill him or
keep him prisoner, in consequence of his having destroyed our ship. When
Maquina had heard their opinions, he told them that he was not afraid of
being hurt from going on board the vessel, but that he would, however,
as it respected that, be guided by John, whom he had always found true.
He then turned to me, and asked me if I thought there would be any
danger in his going on board. I answered, that I was not surprised at
the advice his people had given him, unacquainted as they were with the
manners of the white men, and judging them by their own; but if they had
been with them as much as I had, or even himself, they would think very
different. That he had almost always experienced good and civil
treatment from them, nor had he any reason to fear the contrary now, as
they never attempted to harm those who did not injure them; and if he
wished to go on board, he might do it, in my opinion, with security.
After reflecting a few moments, he said, with much apparent
satisfaction, that if I would write a letter to the captain, telling him
good of him, that he had treated Thompson and myself kindly since we had
been with him, and to use him well, he would go.
It may easily be supposed that I felt much joy at this determination,
but, knowing that the least incaution might annihilate all my hopes of
escape, was careful not to manifest it, and to treat his going or
staying as a matter perfectly indifferent to me. I told him that, if he
wished me to write such a letter, I had no objection, as it was the
truth, otherwise I could not have done it.
I then proceeded to write the recommendatory letter, which the reader
will naturally imagine was of a somewhat different tenor from the one he
had required; for if deception is in any case warrantable, it was
certainly so in a situation like ours, where the only chance of
regaining that freedom of which we had been so unjustly deprived,
depended upon it; and I trust that few, even of the most rigid, will
condemn me with severity for making use of it, on an occasion which
afforded me the only hope of ever more beholding a Christian country,
and preserving myself, if not from death, at least from a life of
continued suffering.
The letter which I wrote was nearly in the following terms:--
TO CAPTAIN----
OF THE BRIG----
NOOTKA, _July_ 19, 1805.
SIR,--The bearer of this letter is the Indian king by the name
of Maquina. He was the instigator of the capture of the ship
_Boston_, of Boston, in North America, John Salter, captain, and
of the murder of twenty-five men of her crew, the two only
survivors being now on shore--Wherefore I hope you will take
care to confine him according to his merits, putting in your
dead-lights, and keeping so good a watch over him, that he
cannot escape from you. By so doing, we shall be able to obtain
our release in the course of a few hours.
JOHN R. JEWITT, _Armourer of the "Boston"_
_for himself, and_
JOHN THOMPSON, _Sail-maker of the said ship_.
I have been asked how I dared to write in this manner: my answer is,
that from my long residence among these people, I knew that I had little
to apprehend from their anger on hearing of their king being confined,
while they knew his life depended upon my release, and that they would
sooner have given up five hundred white men, than have had him injured.
This will serve to explain the little apprehension I felt at their
menaces afterwards, for otherwise, sweet as liberty was to me, I should
hardly have ventured on so hazardous an experiment.
On my giving the letter to Maquina, he asked me to explain it to him.
This I did line by line, as he pointed them out with his finger, but in
a sense very different from the real, giving him to understand that I
had written to the captain that, as he had been kind to me since I had
been taken by him, that it was my wish that the captain should treat him
accordingly, and give him what molasses, biscuit, and rum he wanted.
When I had finished, placing his finger in a significant manner on my
name at the bottom, and eyeing me with a look that seemed to read my
inmost thoughts, he said to me, "John, you no lie?" Never did I undergo
such a scrutiny, or ever experience greater apprehensions than I felt at
that moment, when my destiny was suspended on the slightest thread, and
the least mark of embarrassment on mine, or suspicion of treachery on
his part, would probably have rendered my life the sacrifice.
Fortunately I was able to preserve my composure, and my being painted in
the Indian manner, which Maquina had since my marriage required of me,
prevented any change in my countenance from being noticed, and I replied
with considerable promptitude, looking at him in my turn, with all the
confidence I could muster,--
"Why do you ask me such a question, Tyee? Have you ever known me to
lie?"
"No."
"Then how can you suppose I should tell you a lie now, since I have
never done it?" As I was speaking, he still continued looking at me with
the same piercing eye, but, observing nothing to excite his suspicion,
he told me that he believed what I said was true, and that he would go
on board, and gave orders to get ready his canoe. His chiefs again
attempted to dissuade him, using every argument for that purpose, while
his wives crowded around him, begging him on their knees not to trust
himself with the white men. Fortunately for my companion and myself, so
strong was his wish of going on board the vessel, that he was deaf to
their solicitations, and, making no other reply to them than "John no
lie," left the house, taking four prime skins with him as a present to
the captain.
Scarcely had the canoe put off, when he ordered his men to stop, and,
calling to me, asked me if I did not want to go on board with him.
Suspecting this as a question merely intended to ensnare me, I replied
that I had no wish to do it, not having any desire to leave them.
On going on board the brig, Maquina immediately gave his present of
skins and my letter to the captain, who, on reading it, asked him into
the cabin, where he gave him some biscuit and a glass of rum, at the
same time privately directing his mate to go forward, and return with
five or six of the men armed. When they appeared, the captain told
Maquina that he was his prisoner, and should continue so, until the two
men, whom he knew to be on shore, were released, at the same time
ordering him to be put in irons, and the windows secured, which was
instantly done, and a couple of men placed as a guard over him. Maquina
was greatly surprised and terrified at this reception; he, however, made
no attempt to resist, but requested the captain to permit one of his men
to come and see him. One of them was accordingly called, and Maquina
said something to him which the captain did not understand, but supposed
to be an order to release us, when, the man returning to the canoe, it
was paddled off with the utmost expedition to the shore.
As the canoe approached, the inhabitants, who had all collected upon the
beach, manifested some uneasiness at not seeing their king on board, but
when, on its arrival, they were told that the captain had made him a
prisoner, and that John had spoke bad about him in the letter, they all,
both men and women, set up a loud howl, and ran backwards and forwards
upon the shore like so many lunatics, scratching their faces, and
tearing the hair in handfuls from their heads.
After they had beat about in this manner for some time, the men ran to
their huts for their weapons, as if preparing to attack an invading
enemy; while Maquina's wives and the rest of the women came around me,
and, throwing themselves on their knees, begged me with tears to spare
his life; and Sat-sat-sok-sis, who kept constantly with me, taking me by
the hand, wept bitterly, and joined his entreaties to theirs, that I
would not let the white men kill his father. I told them not to afflict
themselves, that Maquina's life was in no danger, nor would the least
harm be done to him.
The men were, however, extremely exasperated with me, more particularly
the common people, who came running in the most furious manner towards
me, brandishing their weapons, and threatening to cut me in pieces no
bigger than their thumb-nails, while others declared they would burn me
alive over a slow fire suspended by my heels. All this fury, however,
caused me but little alarm, as I felt convinced they would not dare to
execute their threats while the king was on board the brig.
The chiefs took no part in this violent conduct, but came to me, and
inquired the reason why Maquina had been thus treated, and if the
captain intended to kill him. I told them that if they would silence the
people, so that I could be heard, I would explain all to them. They
immediately put a stop to the noise, when I informed them that the
captain, in confining Maquina, had done it only in order to make them
release Thompson and myself, as he well knew we were with them; and if
they would do that, their king would receive no injury, but be well
treated, otherwise he would be kept a prisoner.
As many of them did not appear to be satisfied with this, and began to
repeat their murderous threats--"Kill me," said I to them, "if it is
your wish," throwing open the bearskin which I wore. "Here is my breast.
I am only one among so many, and can make no resistance; but unless you
wish to see your king hanging by his neck to that pole," pointing to the
yard-arm of the brig, "and the sailors firing at him with bullets, you
will not do it."
"Oh no," was the general cry, "that must never be; but what must we do?"
I told them that their best plan would be to send Thompson on board, to
desire the captain to use Maquina well till I was released, which would
be soon. This they were perfectly willing to do, and I directed Thompson
to go on board. But he objected, saying that he would not leave me alone
with the savages. I told him not to be under any fear for me, for that
if I could get him off, I could manage well enough for myself; and that
I wished him, immediately on getting on board the brig, to see the
captain, and request him to keep Maquina close till I was released, as I
was in no danger while he had him safe.
When I saw Thompson off, I asked the natives what they intended to do
with me. They said I must talk to the captain again, in another letter,
and tell him to let his boat come on shore with Maquina, and that I
should be ready to jump into the boat at the same time Maquina should
jump on shore. I told them that the captain, who knew that they had
killed my shipmates, would never trust his men so near the shore, for
fear they could kill them too, as they were so much more numerous, but
that if they would select any three of their number to go with me in a
canoe, when we came within hail, I would desire the captain to send his
boat with Maquina, to receive me in exchange for him.
This appeared to please them, and after some whispering among the
chiefs, who, from what words I over-heard, concluded that if the captain
should refuse to send his boat with Maquina, the three men would have no
difficulty in bringing me back with them, they agreed to my proposal,
and selected three of their stoutest men to convey me. Fortunately,
having been for some time accustomed to see me armed, and suspecting no
design on my part, they paid no attention to the pistols that I had
about me.
As I was going into the canoe, little Sat-sat-sok-sis, who could not
bear to part with me, asked me, with an affecting simplicity, since I
was going away to leave him, if the white men would not let his father
come on shore, and not kill him. I told him not to be concerned, for
that no one should injure his father, when, taking an affectionate leave
of me, and again begging me not to let the white men hurt his father, he
ran to comfort his mother, who was at a little distance, with the
assurances I had given him.
On entering the canoe, I seated myself in the prow facing the three men,
having determined, if it was practicable, from the moment I found
Maquina was secured, to get on board the vessel before he was released,
hoping by that means to be enabled to obtain the restoration of what
property belonging to the _Boston_ still remained in the possession of
the savages, which I thought, if it could be done, a duty that I owed to
the owners. With feelings of joy impossible to be described did I quit
the savage shore, confident now that nothing could thwart my escape, or
prevent the execution of the plan that I had formed, as the men
appointed to convey and guard me were armed with nothing but their
paddles.
As we came within hail of the brig, they at once ceased paddling, when,
presenting my pistols at them, I ordered them instantly to go on, or I
would shoot the whole of them. A proceeding so wholly unexpected threw
them into great consternation, and, resuming their paddles, in a few
moments, to my inexpressible delight, I once more found myself alongside
of a Christian ship, a happiness which I had almost despaired of ever
again enjoying. All the crew crowded to the side to see me as the canoe
came up, and manifested much joy at my safety. I immediately leaped on
board, where I was welcomed by the captain, Samuel Hill, of the brig
_Lydia_ of Boston, who congratulated me on my escape, informing me that
he had received my letter off Kloiz-zart[137] from the chief Machee
Ulatilla, who came off himself in his canoe to deliver it to him, on
which he immediately proceeded hither to aid me. I returned him my
thanks in the best manner I could for his humanity, though I hardly knew
what I said, such was the agitated state of my feelings at that moment,
with joy for my escape, thankfulness to the Supreme Being who had so
mercifully preserved me, and gratitude to those whom He had rendered
instrumental in my delivery, that I have no doubt that, what with my
strange dress, being painted with red and black from head to foot,
having a bearskin wrapped around me, and my long hair, which I was not
allowed to cut, fastened on the top of my head in a large bunch, with a
sprig of green spruce, I must have appeared more like one deranged than
a rational creature, as Captain Hill afterwards told me that he never
saw anything in the form of man look so wild as I did when I first came
on board.
The captain then asked me into the cabin, where I found Maquina in
irons, with a guard over him. He looked very melancholy, but on seeing
me his countenance brightened up, and he expressed his pleasure with the
welcome of "_Wocash_, John," when, taking him by the hand, I asked the
captain's permission to take off his irons, assuring him that, as I was
with him, there was no danger of his being in the least troublesome. He
accordingly consented, and I felt a sincere pleasure in freeing from
fetters a man who, though he had caused the death of my poor comrades,
had nevertheless always proved my friend and protector, and whom I had
requested to be thus treated, only with a view of securing my liberty.
Maquina smiled, and appeared much pleased at this mark of attention from
me. When I had freed the king from his irons, Captain Hill wished to
learn the particulars of our capture, observing that an account of the
destruction of the ship and her crew had been received at Boston before
he sailed, but that nothing more was known, except that two of the men
were living, for whose rescue the owners had offered a liberal reward,
and that he had been able to get nothing out of the old man, whom the
sailors had supplied so plentifully with grog as to bring him too much
by the head to give any information.
I gave him a correct statement of the whole proceeding, together with
the manner in which my life and that of my comrade had been preserved.
On hearing my story, he was greatly irritated against Maquina, and said
he ought to be killed. I observed that, however ill he might have acted
in taking our ship, yet that it might perhaps be wrong to judge an
uninformed savage with the same severity as a civilised person, who had
the light of religion and the laws of society to guide him. That
Maquina's conduct in taking our ship arose from an insult that he
thought he had received from Captain Salter, and from the unjustifiable
conduct of some masters of vessels who had robbed him, and, without
provocation, killed a number of his people. Besides, that a regard for
the safety of others ought to prevent his being put to death, as I had
lived long enough with these people to know that revenge of an injury is
held sacred by them, and that they would not fail to retaliate, should
we kill their king, on the first vessel or boat's crew that should give
them an opportunity; and that, though he might consider executing him as
but an act of justice, it would probably cost the lives of many
Americans.
The captain appeared to be convinced from what I said of the impolicy of
taking Maquina's life, and said that he would leave it wholly with me
whether to spare or kill him, as he was resolved to incur no censure in
either case. I replied that I most certainly should never take the life
of a man who had preserved mine, had I no other reason, but as there was
some of the _Boston's_ property still remaining on shore, I considered
it a duty that I owed to those who were interested in that ship, to try
to save it for them, and with that view I thought it would be well to
keep him on board till it was given up. He concurred in this proposal,
saying, if there was any of the property left, it most certainly ought
to be got.
During this conversation Maquina was in great anxiety, as, from what
English he knew, he perfectly comprehended the subject of our
deliberation; constantly interrupting me to inquire what we had
determined to do with him, what the captain said, if his life would be
spared, and if I did not think that Thompson would kill him. I pacified
him as well as I was able, by telling him that he had nothing to fear
from the captain, that he would not be hurt, and that if Thompson
wished to kill him, he would not be allowed to do it. He would then
remind me that I was indebted to him for my life, and that I ought to do
by him as he had done by me. I assured him that such was my intention,
and I requested him to remain quiet, and not alarm himself, as no harm
was intended him. But I found it extremely difficult to convince him of
this, as it accorded so little with the ideas of revenge entertained by
them. I told him, however, that he must restore all the property still
in his possession belonging to the ship. This he was perfectly ready to
do, happy to escape on such terms.
But as it was now past five, and too late for the articles to be
collected and brought off, I told him that he must content himself to
remain on board with me that night, and in the morning he should be set
on shore as soon as the things were delivered. To this he agreed, on
condition that I would remain with him in the cabin. I then went upon
deck, and the canoe that brought me having been sent back, I hailed the
inhabitants and told them that their king had agreed to stay on board
till the next day, when he would return, but that no canoes must attempt
to come near the vessel during the night, as they would be fired upon.
They answered, "_Woho, woho_"--"Very well, very well."
I then returned to Maquina, but so great were his terrors, that he would
not allow me to sleep, constantly disturbing me with his questions, and
repeating, "John, you know, when you was alone, and more than five
hundred men were your enemies, I was your friend, and prevented them
from putting you and Thompson to death, and now I am in the power of
your friends, you ought to do the same by me." I assured him that he
would be detained on board no longer than whilst the property was
released, and that as soon as it was done, he would be set at liberty.
At daybreak I hailed the natives, and told them that it was Maquina's
order that they should bring off the cannon and anchors, and whatever
remained with them of the cargo of the ship. This they set about doing
with the utmost expedition, transporting the cannon and anchors by
lashing together two of their largest canoes, and covering them with
planks, and in the course of two hours they delivered everything on
board that I could recollect, with Thompson's and my chest, containing
the papers of the ship, etc.
When everything belonging to the ship had been restored, Maquina was
permitted to return in his canoe, which had been sent for him, with a
present of what skins he had collected, which were about sixty, for the
captain, in acknowledgment of his having spared his life, and allowed
him to depart unhurt.
Such was also the transport he felt when Captain Hill came into the
cabin, and told him that he was at liberty to go, that he threw off his
mantle, which consisted of four of the very best skins, and gave it to
him as a mark of his gratitude; in return for which the captain
presented him with a new greatcoat and hat, with which he appeared much
delighted. The captain then desired me to inform him that he should
return to that part of the coast in November, and that he wished him to
keep what skins he should get, which he would buy of him. This Maquina
promised, saying to me at the same time, "John, you know I shall be then
at Tashees, but when you come, make _pow_," which means, fire a gun, "to
let me know, and I will come down." When he came to the side of the
brig, he shook me cordially by the hand, and told me that he hoped I
would come to see him again in a big ship, and bring much plenty of
blankets, biscuit, molasses, and rum, for him and his son, who loved me
a great deal; and that he would keep all the furs he got for me,
observing at the same time, that he should never more take a letter of
recommendation from any one, or ever trust himself on board a vessel
unless I was there. Then, grasping both my hands with much emotion,
while the tears trickled down his cheeks, he bade me farewell, and stept
into the canoe, which immediately paddled him on shore.
Notwithstanding my joy at my deliverance, and the pleasing anticipation
I felt of once more beholding a civilised country, and again being
permitted to offer up my devotions in a Christian church, I could not
avoid experiencing a painful sensation on parting with the savage chief,
who had preserved my life, and in general treated me with kindness, and,
considering their ideas and manners, much better than could have been
expected.
My pleasure was also greatly damped by an unfortunate accident that
occurred to Toowinnakinnish. That interesting young chief had come on
board in the first canoe in the morning, anxious to see and comfort his
king. He was received with much kindness by Captain Hill, from the
favourable account I gave of him, and invited to remain on board. As the
muskets were delivered, he was in the cabin with Maquina, where was
also the captain, who, on receiving them, snapped a number in order to
try the locks; unluckily one of them happened to be loaded with swan
shot, and, going off, discharged its contents into the body of poor
Toowinnakinnish, who was sitting opposite. On hearing the report, I
instantly ran into the cabin, where I found him weltering in his blood,
with the captain, who was greatly shocked at the accident, endeavouring
to assist him.
We raised him up, and did everything in our power to aid and comfort
him, telling him that we felt much grieved at his misfortune, and that
it was wholly unintentional; this he told me he was perfectly satisfied
of, and while we dressed and bound up his wounds, in the best manner we
could, he bore the pain with great calmness, and, bidding me farewell,
was put on board one of the canoes and taken on shore, where, after
languishing a few days, he expired. To me his misfortune was a source of
much affliction, as he had no share in the massacre of our crew, was of
a most amiable character, and had always treated me with the greatest
kindness and hospitality.
The brig being under weigh, immediately on Maquina's quitting us, we
proceeded to the northward, constantly keeping the shore in sight, and
touching at various places for the purpose of trading.
Having already exceeded the bounds I had prescribed myself, I shall not
attempt any account of our voyage upon the coast, or a description of
the various nations we met with in the course of it, among whom were a
people of a very singular appearance, called by the sailors the
_Wooden-lips_.[138] They have many skins, and the trade is principally
managed by their women, who are not only expert in making a bargain, but
as dexterous in the management of their canoes as the men are elsewhere.
After a period of nearly four months from our leaving Nootka, we
returned from the northward to Columbia River, for the purpose of
procuring masts, etc., for our brig, which had suffered considerably in
her spars during a gale of wind. We proceeded about ten miles up the
river to a small Indian village, where we heard from the inhabitants
that Captains Clark and Lewis, from the United States of America, had
been there about a fortnight before, on their journey overland, and had
left several medals with them, which they showed us.[139] The river at
this place is of considerable breadth, and both sides of it from its
entrance covered with forests of the very finest pine timber, fir, and
spruce, interspersed with Indian settlements.
From this place, after providing ourselves with spars, we sailed for
Nootka, where we arrived in the latter part of November.[140] The tribe
being absent, the agreed signal was given, by firing a cannon, and in a
few hours after a canoe appeared, which landed at the village, and,
putting the king on shore, came off to the brig. Inquiry was immediately
made by Kinneclimmets, who was one of the three men in the canoe, if
John was there, as the king had some skins to sell them if he was. I
then went forward and invited them on board, with which they readily
complied, telling me that Maquina had a number of skins with him, but
that he would not come on board unless I would go on shore for him. This
I agreed to, provided they would remain in the brig in the meantime. To
this they consented, and the captain, taking them into the cabin,
treated them with bread and molasses. I then went on shore in the canoe,
notwithstanding the remonstrances of Thompson and the captain, who,
though he wanted the skins, advised me by no means to put myself in
Maquina's power; but I assured him that I had no fear as long as those
men were on board.
As I landed, Maquina came up and welcomed me with much joy: on inquiring
for the men, I told him that they were to remain till my return. "Ah,
John," said he, "I see you are afraid to trust me, but if they had come
with you, I should not have hurt you, though I should have taken good
care not to let you go on board of another vessel." He then took his
chest of skins, and, stepping into the canoe, I paddled him alongside
the brig, where he was received and treated by Captain Hill with the
greatest cordiality, who bought of him his skins. He left us much
pleased with his reception, inquiring of me how many moons it would be
before I should come back again to see him and his son; saying that he
would keep all his furs for me, and that as soon as my son, who was then
about five months old, was of a suitable age to take from his mother, he
would send for him, and take care of him as his own.[141]
As soon as Maquina had quitted us, we got under weigh, and stood again
to the northward. We continued on the coast until the 11th of August,
1806,[142] when, having completed our trade, we sailed for China, to the
great joy of all our crew, and particularly so to me. With a degree of
satisfaction that I can ill express, did I quit a coast to which I was
resolved nothing should again tempt me to return, and as the tops of the
mountains sank in the blue waves of the ocean, I seemed to feel my heart
lightened of an oppressive load.
We had a prosperous passage to China, arriving at Macao in December,
from whence the brig proceeded to Canton. There I had the good fortune
to meet a townsman and an old acquaintance in the mate of an English
East Indiaman, named John Hill, whose father, a wealthy merchant in Hull
in the Baltic trade, was a next-door neighbour to mine. Shortly after
our arrival, the captain being on board of an English ship, and
mentioning his having had the good fortune to liberate two men of the
_Boston's_ crew from the savages, and that one of them was named Jewitt,
my former acquaintance immediately came on board the brig to see me.
Words can ill express my feelings on seeing him. Circumstanced as I was,
among persons who were entire strangers to me, to meet thus in a foreign
land with one between whom and myself a considerable intimacy had
subsisted, was a pleasure that those alone who have been in a similar
situation can properly estimate. He appeared on his part no less happy
to see me, whom he supposed to be dead, as the account of our capture
had been received in England some time before his sailing, and all my
friends supposed me to have been murdered. From this young man I
received every attention and aid that a feeling heart interested in the
fate of another could confer. He supplied me with a new suit of clothes
and a hat, a small sum of money for my necessary expenses, and a number
of little articles for sea stores on my voyage to America. I also gave
him a letter for my father, in which I mentioned my wonderful
preservation and escape through the humanity of Captain Hill, with whom
I should return to Boston. This letter he enclosed to his father by a
ship that was just sailing, in consequence of which it was received much
earlier than it otherwise would have been.
We left China in February 1807, and, after a pleasant voyage of one
hundred and fourteen days, arrived at Boston. My feelings on once more
finding myself in a Christian country, among a people speaking the same
language with myself, may be more readily conceived than expressed. In
the post office in that place I found a letter for me from my mother,
acknowledging the receipt of mine from China, expressing the great joy
of my family on hearing of my being alive and well, whom they had for a
long time given up for dead, and requesting me to write to them on
receiving her letter, which I accordingly did. While in Boston I was
treated with much kindness and hospitality by the owners of the ship
_Boston_, Messrs. Francis and Thomas Amory of that place, to whom I feel
myself under great obligations for their goodness to me, and the
assistance which they so readily afforded a stranger in distress.
FOOTNOTES:
[137] This seems another variant of Klaosaht.
[138] These are doubtless the Hydahs and their kindred, the women of
whom insert a wooden or ivory trough in their lower lip.
[139] Lewis and Clark reached the mouth of Columbia River on the 15th of
November 1805, and wintered at "Fort Clatsop," as they called their
dwelling among the then numerous Clatsop Indians, until the 23rd of
March 1806, when they began the return journey. The Indians have long
ago vanished from the lower Columbia, the remnant of the Clatsops, and
the Chinooks on the opposite side, now wearing out the tribal existence
in inland Reservations. But it is still possible to come across one of
the medals which the explorers distributed amongst them.
[140] It is clear, therefore, from this statement that Lewis and Clark
had left Fort Clatsop much more than a fortnight before the vessel in
which Jewitt was arrived there; for it is impossible to suppose that the
latter took from April to November to get at spars and make the return
voyage to Nootka. But the journal of Lewis and Clark was not published
until 1814, so that, when Jewitt wrote, he had no ready means of
checking the Indians' statement, though neither he nor his editor seems
to have troubled books much.
[141] The cavalier manner in which Jewitt abandons his family is quite
in the fur-trader's fashion. It does not seem that he even asked to see
his Indian "princess!"
[142] If Jewitt's information about the departure of Lewis and Clark
from the Columbia River is even approximately accurate, the date must be
wrong by a year, and the subsequent one quite as far out of the due
reckoning. 1806 may be a misprint for 1807.
APPENDIX
I. THE "BOSTON'S" CREW
Names of the Crew of the Ship _Boston_, belonging to Boston in
Massachusetts, owned by Messrs. F. and T. Amory, Merchants of
that place--All of whom, excepting two, were on the 22nd of
March, 1803, barbarously murdered by the savages of Nootka.
John Salter, of Boston, Captain.
B. Delouisa, Ditto, Chief Mate.
William Ingraham, of New York, Second Mate.
Edward Thompson, of Blyth (England), Boatswain.
Adam Siddle, of Hull, ditto, Carpenter.
Philip Brown, of Cambridge (Mass.), Joiner.
John Dorthy, of Situate, ditto, Blacksmith.
Abraham Waters, of Philadelphia, Steward.
Francis Duffield, of Penton (England), Tailor.
John Wilson (blackman), of Virginia, Cook.
William Caldwell, of Boston, Seaman.
Joseph Miner, of Newport, Ditto.
William Robinson, of Leigh[143] (Scotland), Ditto.
Thomas Wilson, of Air,[144] ditto, Ditto.
Andrew Kelly, Ditto, ditto, Ditto.
Robert Burton, of the Isle of Man, Ditto.
James M'Clay, of Dublin, Ditto.
Thomas Platten, of Blackney, Norfolk, Eng. Ditto.
Thomas Newton, of Hull, " Ditto.
Charles Bates, of St. James Deeping, " Ditto.
John Hall, of Newcastle, " Ditto.
Samuel Wood, of Glasgow (Scotland), Ditto.
Peter Alstrom, Norwegian, Ditto.
Francis Marten, Portuguese, Ditto.
Jupiter Senegal (blackman) Ditto.
John Thompson, Philadelphia, Sail Maker,
who escaped--since dead.
John R. Jewitt, of Hull (England), Armourer,
the writer of the Journal from whence this Narrative is taken, and who
at present, March 1815, resides in Middletown, in the State of
Connecticut.
FOOTNOTES:
[143] Leith.
[144] Ayr.
II. WAR-SONG OF THE NOOTKA TRIBE
_Commencing with a Chorus repeated at the end of each line._
Hah-yee hah yar har, he yar hah.
Hah-yah hee yar har--he yar hah.
Iye ie ee yah har--ee yie hah.
Ie yar ee yar hah--ee yar yah.
Ie yar ee I yar yar hah--Ie yar ee yee yah!
Ie-yee ma hi-chill at-sish Kla-ha--Hah-ye-hah.
Que nok ar parts arsh waw--Ie yie-yar.
Waw-hoo naks sar hasch--Yar-hah. I-yar hee I-yar.
Waw hoo naks ar hasch yak-queets sish ni-ese,
Waw har. Hie yee ah-hah.
Repeated over and over, with gestures and brandishing of weapons.
_Note._
_Ie-yee ma hi-chill_ signifies, "Ye do not know." It appears to be a
poetical mode of expression, the common one for "You do not know" being
_Wik-kum-atash_; from this, it would seem that they have two languages,
one for their songs and another for common use. The general meaning of
this first stanza appears to be, "Ye little know, ye men of Klahar, what
valiant warriors we are. Poorly can our foes contend with us, when we
come on with our daggers," etc.
The Nootkians have no songs of an historical nature, nor do they appear
to have any tradition respecting their origin.[145]
FOOTNOTE:
[145] That is not quite true. They have several of a vague order: one,
for example, is that all the Indians are sprung from Quawteaht and the
Thunder Birds. Another is that all the tribes on the West Coast come
from the west; the different tribes having sprung from the canoes full
of migrants stranded by a storm here and there, and so forth.
III. A LIST OF WORDS
_In the Nootkian Language, the most in use._[146]
Check-up, Man.
Kloots-mah, Woman.
Noowexa, Father.
Hooma-hexa, Mother.
Tanassis, Child.
Katlahtik, Brother.
Kloot-chem-up, Sister.
Tanassis-check-up, Son.
Tanassis-kloots-mah, Daughter.
Tau-hat-se-tee, Head.
Kassee, Eye.
Hap-se-up, Hair.
Neetsa, Nose.
Parpee, Ears.
Chee-chee, Teeth.
Choop, Tongue.
Kook-a-nik-sa, Hands.
Klish-klin, Feet.
Oop-helth, Sun or Moon.
Tar-toose, Stars.
Sie-yah, Sky.
Toop-elth, Sea.
Cha-hak, Fresh water.
Meet-la, Rain.
Queece, Snow.
Noot-chee, Mountain or hill.
Kla-tur-miss, Earth.
Een-nuk-see, Fire or fuel.
Mook-see, Rock.
Muk-ka-tee, House.
Wik, No.
He-ho, Yes.
Kak-koelth, Slave.
Mah-hack, Whale.
Klack-e-miss, Oil.
Quart-lak, Sea-otter.
Coo-coo-ho-sa, Seal.
Moo-watch, Bear.
So-har, Salmon.
Toosch-qua, Cod.
Pow-ee, Halibut.
Kloos-a-mit, Herring.
Chap-atz, Canoe.
Oo-wha-pa, Paddle.
Chee-me-na, Fish-hook.
Chee-men, Fish-hooks.
Sick-a-minny, Iron.
Toophelth, Cloth.
Cham-mass, Fruit.
Cham-mas-sish, Sweet or pleasant to the taste.
Moot-sus, Powder.
Chee-pokes, Copper.
Hah-welks, Hungry.
Nee-sim-mer-hise, Enough.
Chat-ta-yek, Knife or dagger.
Klick-er-yek, Rings.
Quish-ar, Smoke.
Mar-met-ta, Goose or duck.
Pook-shit-tle, To blow.
Een-a-qui-shit-tle, To kindle a fire.
Ar-teese, To bathe.
Ma-mook-su-mah, To go to fish.
Smootish-check-up, Warrior.
Cha-alt-see klat-tur wah, Go off, or go away.
Ma-kook, To sell.
Kah-ah-pah-chilt, Give me something.
Oo-nah, How many.
Iy ah-ish, Much.
Ko-mme-tak, I understand.
I-yee ma hak, I do not understand.
Em-ma-chap, To play.
Kle-whar, To laugh.
Mac-kam-mah-sish, Do you want to buy.
Kah-ah-coh, Bring it.
Sah-wauk, One.
Att-la, Two.
Kat-sa, Three.
Mooh, Four.
Soo-chah, Five.
Noo-poo, Six.
At-tle-poo, Seven.
At-lah-quelth, Eight.
Saw-wauk-quelth, Nine.
Hy-o, Ten.
Sak-aitz, Twenty.
Soo-jewk, One hundred.
Hy-e-oak, One thousand.
FOOTNOTE:
[146] Most of the words in this vocabulary are given with reasonable
correctness, though the transliteration is somewhat primitive. A fuller
and more accurate one may be found in the Appendix to Sproat's _Scenes
and Studies of Savage Life_ (1868), pp. 295-309, so that it is not
necessary to annotate the present one. Those in Cook's _Voyage_ and in
Dawson and Tolmie's _Comparative Vocabularies of the Indian Tribes of
British Columbia_ (1884), are short and imperfect. I have a much fuller
one in manuscript.
INDEX
PAGE
Aht Indians, The, 19
---- The various tribes of, 23
A-y-chart, Journey to, 193
---- Natives, conflict with, 194
Bear, Capture of the, 164
---- Management of the, 163
Boston, Arrival at, 244
---- Reception at, by friends, 245
_Boston_, The--
Burning of, 83
Capture of, 32, 64
List of crew of, 247
Murder of crew of, 68
Canoes, Description of, 124
Cayuquets, The, 136
China, Arrival at, 244
Celebration, A religious, 205
Climate, 221
Cook and Vancouver, 38
Cooptee, Town of, 145, 168
Death, Indian customs observed at, 173
Feast, An Indian, 80
Fruit, Various kinds of, 162
Geese, Mode of capture of, 208
Herring, Mode of capture of, 171
Hull, Leave-taking at, 51
Klaizzarts, The, 132
Kla-oo-quates, The, 134
Kletsup Root, Description of, 167
Ife-waw, Method of securing, 116
Jewitt--
Birth of, 43
Domestic management, 204
Early life of, 44
Illness of, 212
Marriage of, 201
Parentage of, 43
Proposal to release, 232
Proposal to murder, 214
Reception of, by savages, 70
Received by Captain Hill, 235
Sufferings from cold, 211
Suspicions of, by Maquina, 228
Termination of captivity, 234
Journal, Jewitt's, Commencement of, 89
King, Privileges of the, 215
Language, Commencement to learn, 93
_Lydia_, The, Arrival of, 224
----Departure of, 241
----Letter to captain of, 227
_Manchester_, The, 154
Maquina--, 59, 188
Capture and Imprisonment of, 229
Council concerning, 236
Release of, 238
Visit of, to the _Lydia_, 243
Mooachats, The, 38
Moon, Eclipse of the, in 1805, 208
Newchemass, The, 136
Native, Indecent burial of a, 212
Natives, Intercourse with, 58
Nettinahts, The, 21
Nootka Sound, 28, 95
---- ---- Return to, 72
---- ---- Voyage to, 53
Nootkians, The--
Complexion and physique, 113
Diseases of, 220
Dress of, 105
Filthiness of, 187
Food of, 110
General conduct of, 225
Houses of, 97
Mode of living of, 108
Musical instruments of, 129
Ornaments and decorations of, 115, 117
Personal appearance of, 112
Religion of, 216
Slaves of, 130
Sports of, 120
Superstitions of, 217
War-song of, 248
Nootkian language, List of words, 249
Porpoises, Sea, Capture of, 56
Quahootze, The celebration of, 165
Salmon, Method of capture of the, 121, 148
Salter, Captain John, 48, 55
Savages, Treatment of, by English Commanders, 156, 161
Savagedom in Western Vancouver, 16
Sea-otter, Description of the, 120
Sundays at Nootka, 142
Tashees, 147
Thompson--
Escape by stratagem of, 74
Escape from death of, 90
Reception of, by crew of the _Lydia_, 232
Tootoosch--
Description of, 174
Death of, 181
Funeral of, 182
Singular Derangement of, 176
Toowinnakinnish, 235, 240
Trade, Articles of, 137
Tribes, Arrival of neighbouring, 77
Twins, Custom at birth of, 218
Ulatilla, 198
Upquesta, Town of, 168
----Reception at, 169
War, Preparations for, with the A-y-charts, 192
Whale, Method of capture of, 122, 178
Whale-oil, Method of procuring, 179
Whaling, Observances preparatory to, 180
Wickinninish Native, Insult of, 191
Wife, Departure of Jewitt's, 213
Wooden-lips, The, 241
Yama fruit, Species of, 161
Yealthlower, Cruelty of, 207
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_Edited, with an Introduction and Notes_,
BY
DR. ROBERT BROWN, M.A., F.L.S.,
COMMANDER OF THE FIRST VANCOUVER EXPLORING EXPEDITION, ETC.
_SUNDIAL SERIES._
NO. I.
A CHRISTIAN WITH TWO WIVES.
BY REV. DENNIS HIRD, M.A.,
_Rector of Eastnor_;
AUTHOR OF "TODDLE ISLAND," ETC.
Paper covers, 1s.; cloth, gilt top, 2s.
_Other Sundials will follow by various Authors._
CLEMENT WILSON,
29 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON, E.C.
* * * * *
Transcriber's note:
Obvious punctuation errors were corrected.
The following words appear both with and without hyphens and have not
been changed: Ai-tiz-zarts, Cay-u-quets, Kla-iz-zarts, Noot-chee.
Hyphen added: ear[-]rings (page 118), otter[-]skin (page 153),
sail[-]maker (page 35), saw[-]mills (page 61).
Hyphen removed: fresh[-]water (page 221), good[-]will (pages 92, 93).
List of illustrations: page number 151 changed to 149.
Page 129: "as" changed to "at" (at war, whaling and fishing).
Page 250: The word "Moot-sus, Powder" was restored from another book.