WAR WITH THE A-Y-CHARTS--A NIGHT ATTACK--PROPOSALS TO PURCHASE THE
AUTHOR
Our situation had now become unpleasant in the extreme. The summer was
so far advanced that we nearly despaired of a ship arriving to our
relief, and with that expectation almost relinquished the hope of ever
having it in our power to quit this savage land. We were treated, too,
with less indulgence than before, both Thompson and myself being
obliged, in addition to our other employments, to perform the laborious
task of cutting and collecting fuel, which we had to bring on our
shoulders from nearly three miles' distance, as it consisted wholly of
dry leaves, all of which near the village had been consumed.
To add to this, we suffered much abuse from the common people, who, when
Maquina or some of the chiefs were not present, would insult us, calling
us wretched slaves, asking us where was our Tyee or captain, making
gestures signifying that his head had been cut off, and that they would
do the like to us; though they generally took good care at such times to
keep well out of Thompson's reach, as they had more than once
experienced, to their cost, the strength of his fist. This conduct was
not only provoking and grating to our feelings in the highest degree,
but it convinced us of the ill disposition of these savages towards us,
and rendered us fearful lest they might at some time or other persuade
or force Maquina and the chiefs to put us to death.
We were also often brought to great distress for the want of provisions,
so far as to be reduced to collect a scanty supply of mussels and
limpets from the rocks, and sometimes even compelled to part with some
of our most necessary articles of clothing in order to purchase food for
our subsistence.
This was, however, principally owing to the inhabitants themselves
experiencing a great scarcity of provisions this season; there having
been, in the first place, but very few salmon caught at Friendly Cove, a
most unusual circumstance, as they generally abound there in the spring,
which was by the natives attributed to their having been driven away by
the blood of our men who had been thrown into the sea, which with true
savage inconsistency excited their murmurs against Maquina, who had
proposed cutting off our ship. Relying on this supply, they had in the
most inconsiderate manner squandered away their winter stock of
provisions, so that in a few days after their return it was entirely
expended.
Nor were the king and chiefs much more fortunate in their whaling, even
after I had furnished Maquina with the improved weapon for that purpose;
but four whales having been taken during the season, which closes the
last of May, including one that had been struck by Maquina and escaped,
and was afterwards driven on shore about six miles from Nootka in
almost a state of putridity.
These afforded but a short supply to a population, including all ages
and sexes, of no less than fifteen hundred persons, and of a character
so very improvident, that, after feasting most gluttonously whenever a
whale was caught, they were several times, for a week together, reduced
to the necessity of eating but once a day, and of collecting cockles and
mussels from the rocks for their food.
And even after the cod and halibut fishing commenced, in June, in which
they met with tolerable success, such was the savage caprice of Maquina,
that he would often give us but little to eat, finally ordering us to
buy a canoe and fishing implements and go out ourselves and fish, or we
should have nothing. To do this we were compelled to part with our
greatcoats, which were not only important to us as garments, but of
which we made our beds, spreading them under us when we slept. From our
want of skill, however, in this new employ, we met with no success; on
discovering which, Maquina ordered us to remain at home.
Another thing, which to me in particular proved an almost constant
source of vexation and disgust, and which living among them had not in
the least reconciled me to, was their extreme filthiness, not only in
eating fish, especially the whale, when in a state of offensive
putridity, but while at their meals, of making a practice of taking the
vermin from their heads or clothes and eating them, by turns thrusting
their fingers into their hair and into the dish, and spreading their
garments over the tubs in which the provision was cooking, in order to
set in motion their inhabitants.[118]
Fortunately for Thompson, he regarded this much less than myself, and
when I used to point out to him any instance of their filthiness in this
respect, he would laugh and reply, "Never mind, John, the more good
things the better." I must, however, do Maquina the justice to state,
that he was much neater both in his person and eating than were the
others, as was likewise his queen, owing, no doubt, to his intercourse
with foreigners, which had given him ideas of cleanliness, for I never
saw either of them eat any of these animals, but, on the contrary, they
appeared not much to relish this taste in others. Their garments, also,
were much cleaner, Maquina having been accustomed to give his away when
they became soiled, till after he discovered that Thompson and myself
kept ours clean by washing them, when he used to make Thompson do the
same for him.
Yet amidst this state of endurance and disappointment, in hearing
repeatedly of the arrival of ships at the north and south, most of which
proved to be idle reports, while expectation was almost wearied out in
looking for them, we did not wholly despond, relying on the mercy of the
Supreme Being, to offer up to whom our devotions on the days appointed
for His worship was our chief consolation and support, though we were
sometimes obliged, by our taskmasters, to infringe upon the Sabbath,
which was to me a source of much regret.
We were, nevertheless, treated at times with much kindness by Maquina,
who would give us a plenty of the best that he had to eat, and
occasionally, some small present of cloth for a garment, promising me
that, if any ship should arrive within a hundred miles of Nootka, he
would send a canoe with a letter from me to the captain, so that he
might come to our release. These flattering promises and marks of
attention were, however, at those times when he thought himself in
personal danger from a mutinous spirit, which the scarcity of provisions
had excited among the natives, who, like true savages, imputed all their
public calamities, of whatever kind, to the misconduct of their chief,
or when he was apprehensive of an attack from some of the other tribes,
who were irritated with him for cutting off the _Boston_, as it had
prevented ships from coming to trade with them, and were constantly
alarming him with idle stories of vessels that were preparing to come
against him and exterminate both him and his people.
At such times, he made us keep guard over him both night and day, armed
with cutlasses and pistols, being apparently afraid to trust any of his
own men. At one time, it was a general revolt of his people that he
apprehended; then three of his principal chiefs, among whom was his
elder brother, had conspired to take away his life; and at length he
fancied that a small party of Klaooquates, between whom and the
Nootkians little friendship subsisted, had come to Nootka, under a
pretence of trade, for the sole purpose of murdering him and his family,
telling us, probably to sharpen our vigilance, that their intention was
to kill us likewise; and so strongly were his fears excited on this
occasion, that he not only ordered us to keep near him armed by day,
whenever he went out, and to patrol at night before his house while they
remained, but to continue the same guard for three days after they were
gone, and to fire, at one and at four in the morning, one of the great
guns, to let them know, if, as he suspected, they were lurking in the
neighbourhood, that he was on his guard.
While he was thus favourably disposed towards us, I took an opportunity
to inform him of the ill-treatment that we frequently received from his
people, and the insults that were offered us by some of the stranger
tribes in calling us white slaves, and loading us with other opprobrious
terms. He was much displeased, and said that his subjects should not be
allowed to treat us ill, and that if any of the strangers did it, he
wished us to punish the offenders with death, at the same time directing
us, for our security, to go constantly armed.
This permission was soon improved by Thompson to the best advantage; for
a few days after, having gone to the pond to wash some of our clothes,
and a blanket for Maquina, several Wickinninish who were then at Nootka
came thither, and, seeing him washing the clothes, and the blanket
spread upon the grass to dry, they began, according to custom, to insult
him, and one of them, bolder than the others, walked over the blanket.
Thompson was highly incensed, and threatened the Indian with death if he
repeated the offence, but he, in contempt of the threat, trampled upon
the blanket, when, drawing his cutlass, without further ceremony,
Thompson cut off his head, on seeing which the others ran off at full
speed. Thompson then, gathering up the clothes and blanket, on which
were the marks of the Indian's dirty feet, and taking with him the head,
returned and informed the king of what had passed, who was much pleased,
and highly commended his conduct. This had a favourable effect for us,
not only on the stranger tribes but the inhabitants themselves, who
treated us afterwards with less disrespect.
In the latter part of July, Maquina informed me that he was going to war
with the _A-y-charts_,[119] a tribe about fifty miles to the south, on
account of some controversy that had arisen the preceding summer, and
that I must make a number of daggers for his men, and cheetolths for his
chiefs, which having completed, he wished me to make for his own use a
weapon of quite a different form, in order to dispatch his enemy by one
blow on the head, it being the calculation of these nations, on going to
war, to surprise their adversaries while asleep. This was a steel
dagger, or more properly a spike, of about six inches long, made very
sharp, set at right angles in an iron handle of fifteen inches long,
terminating at the lower end in a crook or turn, so as to prevent its
being wrenched from the hand, and at the upper in a round knob or head,
from whence the spike protruded. This instrument I polished highly, and,
the more to please Maquina, formed on the back of the knob the
resemblance of a man's head, with the mouth open, substituting for eyes
black beads, which I fastened in with red sealing-wax. This pleased him
much, and was greatly admired by his chiefs, who wanted me to make
similar ones for them, but Maquina would not suffer it, reserving for
himself alone this weapon.
When these people have finally determined on war, they make it an
invariable practice, for three or four weeks prior to the expedition,
to go into the water five or six times a day, when they wash and scrub
themselves from head to foot with bushes intermixed with briers,
so that their bodies and faces will often be entirely covered
with blood. During this severe exercise, they are continually
exclaiming, "_Wocash, Quahootze, Teechamme ah welth, wik-etish
tau-ilth--Kar sub-matemas--Wik-sish_ _to hauk matemas--I ya-ish
kah-shittle--As-smootish warich matemas_"; which signifies, "Good or
great God, let me live--Not be sick--Find the enemy--Not fear him--Find
him asleep, and kill a great many of them."
During the whole of this period they have no intercourse with their
women, and for a week before setting out, abstain from feasting or any
kind of merriment, appearing thoughtful, gloomy, and morose, and for the
three last days are almost constantly in the water, both by day and
night, scrubbing and lacerating themselves in a terrible manner.
Maquina, having informed Thompson and myself that he should take us with
him, was very solicitous that we should bathe and scrub ourselves in the
same way with them, telling me that it would harden our skins, so that
the weapons of the enemy would not pierce them, but as we felt no great
inclination to amuse ourselves in this manner, we declined it.
The expedition consisted of forty canoes, carrying from ten to twenty
men each. Thompson and myself armed ourselves with cutlasses and
pistols, but the natives, although they had a plenty of European arms,
took with them only their daggers and cheetolths, with a few bows and
arrows, the latter being about a yard in length, and pointed with
copper, mussel-shell, or bone; the bows are four feet and a half long,
with strings made of whale sinew.
To go to A-y-chart, we ascended, from twenty to thirty miles,[120] a
river about the size of that of Tashees, the banks of which are high and
covered with wood. At midnight we came in sight of the village, which
was situated on the west bank near the shore, on a steep hill difficult
of access, and well calculated for defence. It consisted of fifteen or
sixteen houses, smaller than those at Nootka, and built in the same
style, but compactly placed. By Maquina's directions, the attack was
deferred until the first appearance of dawn, as he said that was the
time when men slept the soundest.
At length, all being ready for the attack, we landed with the greatest
silence, and, going around so as to come upon the foe in the rear,
clambered up the hill, and while the natives, as is their custom,
entered the several huts creeping on all-fours, my comrade and myself
stationed ourselves without to intercept those who should attempt to
escape or come to the aid of their friends. I wished, if possible, not
to stain my hands in the blood of any fellow-creature; and though
Thompson would gladly have put to death all the savages in the country,
he was too brave to think of attacking a sleeping enemy.
Having entered the houses, on the war-whoop being given by Maquina as he
seized the head of the chief and gave him the fatal blow, all proceeded
to the work of death. The A-y-charts, being thus surprised, were unable
to make resistance, and, with the exception of a very few who were so
fortunate as to make their escape, were all killed, or taken prisoners
on condition of becoming slaves to their captors. I had the good fortune
to take four captives, whom Maquina, as a favour, permitted me to
consider as mine, and occasionally employ them in fishing for me. As for
Thompson, who thirsted for revenge, he had no wish to take any
prisoners, but with his cutlass, the only weapon he would employ against
them, succeeded in killing seven stout fellows who came to attack him,
an act which obtained him great credit with Maquina and the chiefs, who
after this held him in much higher estimation, and gave him the
appellation of "Chehiel-suma-har," it being the name of a very
celebrated warrior of their nation in ancient times, whose exploits were
the constant theme of their praise.
After having put to death all the old and infirm of either sex, as is
the barbarous practice of these people, and destroyed the buildings, we
re-embarked with our booty in our canoes for Nootka, where we were
received with great demonstrations of joy by the women and children,
accompanying our war-song with a most furious drumming on the houses.
The next day a great feast was given by Maquina in celebration of his
victory, which was terminated, as usual, with a dance by
Sat-sat-sok-sis.[121]
Repeated applications had been made to Maquina by a number of kings or
chiefs to purchase me, especially after he had showed them the harpoon I
had made for him, which he took much pride in, but he constantly refused
to part with me on any terms. Among these, the king of the Wickinninish
was particularly solicitous to obtain me, having twice applied to
Maquina for that purpose, once in a very formal manner, by sending his
messenger with four canoes, who, as he approached the shore, decorated
in their highest style, with the white down on his head, etc., declared
that he came to buy "Tooteyoohannis," the name by which I was known to
them, for his master, and that he had brought for that purpose four
young male slaves, two highly ornamented canoes, such a number of the
skins of metamelth, and of the _quartlack_,[122] or sea-otter, and so
many fathoms of cloth and of Ife-whaw, while, as he mentioned the
different articles, they were pointed out or held up by his attendants;
but even this tempting offer had no influence on Maquina, who in the
latter part of the summer was again very strongly urged to sell me by
Ulatilla, or, as he is generally called, Machee Ulatilla, chief of the
Klaizzarts,[123] who had come to Nootka on a visit.
This chief, who could speak tolerable English, had much more the
appearance of a civilised man than any of the savages that I saw. He
appeared to be about thirty, was rather small in his person, but
extremely well formed, with a skin almost as fair as that of an
European, good features, and a countenance expressive of candour and
amiableness, and which was almost always brightened with a smile. He was
much neater both in his dress and person than any of the other chiefs,
seldom wearing paint, except upon his eyebrows, which, after the custom
of his country, were plucked out, and a few strips of the pelpelth on
the lower part of his face. He always treated me with much kindness, was
fond of conversing with me in English and in his own language, asking me
many questions relative to my country, its manners, customs, etc., and
appeared to take a strong interest in my fate, telling me that if he
could persuade Maquina to part with me, he would put me on board the
first ship that came to his country, a promise which, from his
subsequent conduct, I have good reason to think he would have performed,
as my deliverance at length from captivity and suffering was, under the
favour of Divine Providence, wholly owing to him, the only letter that
ever reached an European or American vessel out of sixteen that I wrote
at different times and sent to various parts of the coast, having been
delivered by him in person. So much pleased was I with this man's
behaviour to me while at Nootka, that I made for him a cheetolth, which
I burnished highly, and engraved with figures. With this he was greatly
delighted. I also would have made for him a harpoon, would Maquina have
consented.
With hearts full of dejection and almost lost to hope, no ship having
appeared off Nootka this season, did my companion and myself accompany
the tribe on their removal in September to Tashees, relinquishing in
consequence for six months even the remotest expectation of relief.
FOOTNOTES:
[118] This habit--unfortunately not peculiar to the Indians--is still
occasionally indulged in. The reason they give for it is, that when the
great flood covered the earth--a tradition that is found among other
North-West American Indians--they escaped in their canoes, and had to
eat lice for lack of any other food, and now practise it out of
gratitude. The superstitious observances of these tribes are so numerous
that the merest account of those known would fill a volume. One or two
interesting instances may be mentioned:--Thus, in sneezing, there is
good luck if the right nostril is alone affected. But if the left, then
evil fortune is at hand. When they pare their nails, which is not often,
they burn the parings, and if the smoke from them goes straight up,
their latter end will be good; if not, they will go to the place of
punishment. They used to regard--and perhaps still regard--the whites
not as human beings, but as a sort of demons.
[119] The E-cha-chets are not at present recognised as a separate tribe.
But there is a large village in Clayoquat Sound on the south end of
Wakenninish Island which bears that name. Like many now all but extinct
tribes, who have become absorbed into greater ones, the E-cha-chets seem
in Jewitt's time to have been more numerous. In Meares's narrative,
"Lee-cha-ett" is mentioned as a village of Wakenninish, but this could
not have been the same place, for Maquina and Wakenninish were at this
period on good terms. The river which the expedition ascended to reach
the summer salmon fishing village of the tribe was probably either the
Bear or the Onamettis, both of which flow through some swampy ground
into the head of Bedwall Arm. But as usual Jewitt exaggerated the
distance up which the canoemen paddled. There is no river in Vancouver
Island navigable for twenty or thirty miles, and few, even when broken
by rapids and falls, quite that length.
[120] This is an exaggerated estimate.
[121] This is one of the best descriptions of West Coast warfare with
which I am acquainted.
[122] "Quiaotluk," Jewitt, with innate cockneyism, inserting an _r_
after _a_ wherever this is possible. No Indian can pronounce _r_, any
more than a Chinaman can.
[123] Klahosahts.