soldiers and trumpeters of the Commune, sat on the _ringhiera_[101] of
the Palazzo Vecchio, in their magnificent official costumes, which must
have been rather trying in hot summer weather. The Gonfalonier was clad
in a long loose crimson velvet coat lined with ermine and embroidered
with golden stars; his _berretta_, or cap, was turned up with ermine
and trimmed with gold lace, pearls, and silver embroidery, like the
rays of stars. The crimson coats of cloth worn by the Priors were also
lined with ermine, and had ermine collars and cuffs, and they wore a
large red berretta or a hood. The Podestà dressed like the Priors, but
without a hood; the Preposto’s coat was of black satin, and his _lucco_
of black velvet was lined with satin of various colours, and he always
wore a hood. Seated thus in state, the Signori received tribute from
all the cities, castles, and villages that were under their rule or
protection.
Dati enlarges on the magnificent and marvellous aspect of the Piazza
della Signoria, “with one hundred towers, which shone like gold, some
on waggons, some borne on the shoulders of men. These last, made of
wood, pasteboard, and coloured wax figures, are called tapers (_ceri_).
Inside the towers are men, who cause these figures to move and to turn
round. They represented horsemen tilting, foot-soldiers with spears
or waving banners, and girls dancing in a ring. Near and around the
_ringhiera_ hung a hundred or more _palii_ or banners, their staves
being stuck into the iron rings on the walls. First were those of
the chief cities who send tribute to the Commune, as Pisa, Arezzo,
Pistoja, Volterra, Cortona, Lucignano, and Castiglione Aretino, and of
certain lords of Poppi and Piombino, who are under the protection of
the Commune, made of thick velvet, lined with satin or with silk; the
rest are of strips of thinner velvet, or of other cloth or silk; so
that the sight is truly marvellous. The first offering in the morning
is made by the Captains of the Guelph party, with all their knights
and gentlemen, and ambassadors and foreign knights who accompany them,
and a great number of the most honourable citizens of Florence; the
great banner of the Guelph party being borne before them by one of
their followers on a tall horse, caparisoned in white cloth embroidered
with the device of the Guelph party. Then followed the afore-mentioned
_palii_, or banners, each one carried by a man on horseback, and both
man and horse are clothed in silk. One after another they go in the
order in which they were called to offer the said _palii_ to the church
of S. Giovanni, which are the tributes paid by the places conquered by
the Florentines.
“The _ceri_, or tapers, which resemble golden towers, are the tributes
of the most ancient possessions of the Florentines, and according to
their rank they proceed one after another to offer them to S. Giovanni,
and the next day the tapers are all stuck up round the inside of the
church where they remain until the next feast-day, when they are
removed and used for the altars, and some are sold by auction. After
the tapers a marvellous quantity of large wax candles are offered,
some of a hundred pounds weight, some of fifty or less, carried by the
peasants belonging to the villas from whence they are sent. Then the
Masters of the Mint offer a splendid taper, borne on a richly adorned
car drawn by a pair of oxen whose loin-cloths bear the device of the
Mint, and the said Masters are accompanied by about four hundred
venerable men, all matriculated in and belonging to the Guild of
Cloth-weavers. The last to make offerings are the Signori, the Priors,
and their colleagues, with the Podestà and the Captain, in great pomp
with many servants, and so many instruments, fifes and trumpets, that
the whole world seemed to resound. After the Signori had left, all
the horses that have come for the race are presented, and then the
Flemings and Brabanters--weavers of woollen cloth--who are in Florence
make their offering; and lastly, twelve prisoners, delivered from gaol
for love of God in honour of S. Giovanni, are offered to him. When
all this has been done, men and women return home to dine, and in
all the city that day are so many marriages and great banquets, with
innumerable fifes, music, songs, dances, and gaiety, that it seemed as
though the place was Paradise.”
In 1466 Piero sent Lorenzo, then eighteen years of age, to Rome on a
mission of great moment both politically and commercially. Perhaps the
most important part of the private business was to secure from the Pope
a monopoly of working the alum mines discovered not many years before
in the short range of volcanic hills lying round the little village
of La Tolfa (Tofa), about eleven miles due west of Civita Vecchia and
within the Pope’s dominions. A few deposits of alum had been known and
partially worked in Europe, _i.e._ at Volterra and Ischia: but for
all practical purposes almost all the alum used in Christendom came
from Asia Minor, and the supply was always inferior to the increasing
demand. A certain Giovanni di Castro prospecting among the hills
round La Tolfa found what he believed to be an inexhaustible supply,
“seven hills of alum.” Castro made sure of his find by calcinating
the stone. He then hastened to Rome, appeared before the Pope, and
somewhat grandiloquently announced his discovery. “I make known to you
a victory over the Turk. He draws yearly from the Christians more than
300,000 pieces of gold, paid to him for the alum with which we dye
wool of various colours, because none is found in Italy, save a little
at Ischia.... I have found seven hills so abounding in alum that they
might supply seven worlds. If you will send workmen, cause furnaces
to be built and the stone to be calcined, you may furnish almost all
Europe, and what money the Turk used to acquire will fall into your
hands.” The Holy See made haste to secure the newly-found treasure, and
in order to have a monopoly in the sale the Pope excommunicated every
one who tried to import alum into Europe from the Turkish dominions. So
determined were the Popes to maintain what in modern language would be
called their “corner in alum,” that in the proclamation of Indulgences
it was always expressly declared that the pardon promised did not
include those who imported alum into Europe from the Turkish dominions.
Such a deposit needed capital to work it properly and the Holy See
farmed out the monopoly, protected by excommunication, to a firm of
capitalists. Young Lorenzo was instructed to secure, and did obtain,
this very valuable concession for his family. Hereafter the profits of
the monopoly of alum were a source of great wealth to the Medici.
The political problem, overshadowing all others, entrusted to the
youthful Lorenzo was the maintenance of the league between the King of
Naples, Milan, and Florence. This was the keystone of Piero’s foreign
policy. He believed it to be essential to the balance of power and the
preservation of peace in the peninsula. The alliance received an almost
deadly blow in the somewhat sudden death of Francesco Sforza, the Duke
of Milan, and Piero’s fears are reflected in the despairing letters
he wrote to his son. The league between the three powers survived the
shock. Francesco Sforza’s son Galeazzo was, after some little delay,
universally recognised as his father’s successor, and the foreign
policy of Piero de’ Medici was maintained.
But the note of despair in Piero’s letters was probably occasioned
by a presentiment of what might, and what actually did, occur within
Florence herself. As has been said, many of the hitherto strenuous
supporters of the Medici within the Republic were inclined to revolt
against the continuance of their rule, and the death of Francesco
Sforza furnished the occasion for testing their strength. It had been
part of Cosimo’s foreign policy to support Sforza at Milan by a subsidy
from the Florentine treasury. On his death the question was at once
raised whether the grant was to be continued to his successor Galeazzo.
Piero supported its continuance. It was part of the Triple Alliance and
an essential portion of his foreign policy. Yet it was also capable
of being represented as something which concerned only the internal
affairs of the city. This was at once seized upon by Luca Pitti and
Diotisalvi Neroni. We see all these fears reflected in the letters of
Piero to Lorenzo while the latter was at Rome.
The letter from Luigi Pulci shows how the young Lorenzo was already
recognised as one of the foremost citizens of Florence and the future
lord of the city, round whom aspiring men desired to rally. Pulci
had been banished from Florence and was in hiding on account of his
brother’s debts for which he had become surety.
Luigi Pulci _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici[102]
_Sis felix, mi Laurenti_, &c.--Thou hast decided to leave me in these
woods among the snow, so lonely and so desolate, and to go to Rome.
Such is my destiny that to all my other troubles is added this one,
that I am never to go a journey with thee on horseback. When shall
I go? When I am quite old? What more faithful servant or companion
canst thou find who is more maltreated and repulsed by heaven? How
many times have we talked together about Rome, and that I was to be
there with thee: why dost thou leave me, art thou afraid I should be
an expense to thee? Do not fear, for in spite of my adverse fortune I
should still do thee honour. From thee I should only need a horse. I
have so many friends in that city and enough wits not to shame thee as
perhaps thou fearest. Of a truth thou drivest me from thee wrongfully,
and it would be unjust to leave me so unhappy: this hurts me more than
anything else. Do not cast me aside like old broken iron, I shall
be sound enough if thou lovest me. And even were I broken to bits I
should have the more need of help and comfort. In the midst of thy
prosperity remember my misfortunes. Generous hearts and true friends
act thus; and my old affection and well-tried fidelity merit it. Time
will pass. It would be a great restorative after so many troubles
which I have now unjustly suffered for sixteen months. It will
prevent me from going to the devil, or into exile in strange lands
with strange thoughts. _Denique_, by all the Gods, by everything, I
pray thee to include me among the number of thy elected for Rome;
it will be enough, as I said before, if thou lendest me a horse. If
thou dost not want me, I will never more be thine nor any one’s. So
good-bye. I leave thee for a long time, thou wilt not see me again,
nor wilt thou know where I am, and God will pardon thee for me, for I
will never pardon thee. Also, if thou willst, surely some means can
be found for my security. The magistrates can protect me, and if they
set me free, as would only be just, a safe-conduct voted by six of the
Signori would be sufficient, or it would be enough if the creditors
promised thee not to molest me. But thou hast forgotten me and art
occupied, and thy mind is set on greater things. Thou art right, but
also, certes, I am not in the wrong to trust in thee alone, because
I am entirely thine and turn to thee as I have always done. If thou
dost not help me I have lost all hope. What am I to do? Give myself to
three hundred thousand devils?
If thou hast not received the swords tell me and I will go and wake
the man up; and if thou wilt send me a line written by thee, so that I
may know whether thou still lovest me or not, I should be very glad.
Many times have I taken my pen in hand for love of thee, so I wish
thou wouldst deign do the same for love of me. This alone will be to
me, among these mountains, what the Holy Ghost was to the Apostles
who thought God had forgotten them until the dove came to them. If
thou dost not do it no more verses, no more gossipings, never more
shall we be boon-companions. Tell me whether the affair we talked
about under the Tetto de’ Pisani is concluded and whether it will be
necessary; thou hast probably already tried a portion of it. Commend
me to our Magnificent Piero and to Madonna Lucrezia, and greet and
bless my Giuliano a thousand times, and also my Piero Allamanni and
Berlinghieri and Braccio and Gismondo, and all our friends, not
forgetting Messer Gentile.--At Vernia, February 1, 1465 (1466).
Thy Luigi, as content as he can be.[103]
Piero de’ Medici _to his son_ Lorenzo _at Rome_
I am in such affliction and sorrow for the sad and untimely death of
the Illustrious Duke of Milan that I know not where I am; thou canst
imagine what it means to us both in private and in public matters.
Condole most heartily in my name with his ambassador, and take comfort
in thine own thoughts and do not give way to melancholy, which is
of no service; thoughts are sometimes useful when they are good. I,
although it is a hard blow, am trying to bear it and I hope time will
accomplish what as yet reason cannot. There are letters from Milan
of the 9th and the 10th which I send, so that thou canst see how
things are there. They may perhaps turn out better than many people
think. I wrote at once to the Holy Father to beg him, as head and
leader not only of the League but of all Christians, to think how
best to preserve the stability of that State, for His Holiness can
do more than any one else, if only for the preservation of peace and
tranquillity in Italy. Although I think His Holiness is well disposed
yet we must do our utmost, for thou knowest what we owe and what
is our duty to the blessed memory of the late Lord and towards Her
Excellency Madonna and her noble children. Put an end to all playing
on instruments, or singing or dancing, for Malatesta has arrived, so
let all be at least until after Easter. Do not talk about it because
I think we may have to change our plans. But thou shalt know what I
decide; meanwhile keep silence with all save Giovanni [Tornabuoni] and
Malatesta.
I see that thou hast arrived safely by thy letter of 8th, of which I
am glad, and that great honours were paid thee, for which we must be
grateful to God and to the men of this world to whom we owe much. Thou
must study to merit this by deeds and be old beyond thine years, for
the times require it.
Of what happens there day by day, as I said before, take counsel with
Giovanni, and study the condition of that region and what state it is
in, so that on thy return thou canst give a clear report. No more at
present. Christ guard thee.
I forgot to say that last night letters of the 11th came from Mantua,
saying how that lord had agreed and stipulated to remain in the
service of King Ferrante [of Naples]; this is a good and useful thing.
We have also letters of the 11th to-day from Genoa, with news that
all those citizens have determined to be faithful to Madonna and
her children as they were to the Duke of blessed memory, and that
they have elected eight citizens to act with the governor in case of
need.--Florence, March 15, 1465 (1466).[104]
Piero de’ Medici _to his son_ Lorenzo _at Rome_
I wrote fully to thee lately, and now have thy letter of 15th saying
that the death of the Duke of Milan was known there, may God be
merciful to him, and of the arrangements made to send to Milan and
to write to others, and also of the Holy Father’s decision as to the
safety of that State, which satisfies every one. We are of the same
opinion; to do all that is possible for the Illustrious Madonna and
their noble children that accords with our own liberty. Probably
nothing more will be needed than the intimation of our intentions, as
up to the 17th, the last news I have from Milan, nothing had happened,
all passed off quietly. From what one hears from Venice the Signoria
there shows a desire to live in peace and quiet with Madonna and her
sons, as they did with the father of blessed memory. I am inclined
to believe this, it being their interest. I say no more, having told
thee enough in my other letter, and also because I send thee the
letter I have received from Venice. It is however of the greatest
importance and utility that His Sanctity our Holy Father should desire
to preserve peace and quiet in Italy, in which I conceive he will have
the aid of us all. I am sure that this is his desire, he having always
shown it, so I do not dwell on it, hoping that by the grace of God and
the help of His Holiness everything will go well.
I note that thou hast seen His Sanctity the Pope, and spoken about
the affair of Stefano da Osimo, and that His Holiness is satisfied;
it is necessary for the common good of the different parties and
of the whole city, and it seems to me that our Holy Father has
understood rightly and sagely that the affair cannot be ended but
must be maintained. It may be that time will make a change also in my
views. It is enough to know that it was not _de motu proprio_ of His
Holiness, but was suggested by others. But above all see that he is
satisfied and content; were it otherwise I should be uneasy.
I know not what thou hast done about the deposit of alum, as I said
before I am content that thou shouldst accept it in my name, and
there can be no doubt that our conduct will be to the satisfaction
and the interest of our Holy Father. Consult about this with Giovanni
Tornabuoni, and settle this and other matters as you both think best.
About continuing thy journey beyond Rome I think, as I said before, it
would be better to wait until after Easter; we shall meanwhile know
more and be better able to decide. Thou hast done well to urge Messer
Agnolo to make haste, we expect him here every day. Return the letters
from Milan which I sent in my last letter, and those which I now send.
Here we are expecting to hear of the entry of the Illustrious Galeazzo
Maria. The Count of Urbino was at Scarperia on the 18th but did not
come here, probably not to lose time. By now he must be at Milan, as
well as the Lord Alessandro. Thou shalt hear what occurs. The Lord
Gismondo had arrived at Venice.
The Archdeacon was at the point of death, but he is so much better
that it is not expected he will die of this illness. I highly approve
of thy thought of Pellegrino, and if the occasion had arisen would
have shown him how greatly I desire to please and to serve him. When
thou seest the Bishop of Raugia commend me to him, and also to Messer
Lionardo Dati. No more. Christ guard thee.--On the 22nd day of March
1465 (1466).[105]
After the conspiracy against Piero de’ Medici had been discovered,
Agnolo Acciaiuoli fled to Siena on his way to Naples. There he waited
some time in the vain hope that Piero would relent and permit him to
return to Florence. At last he wrote the following letter, which as
given by Fabroni, who copied from the archives, differs somewhat from
the more literary version given by Machiavelli.
Agnolo Acciaiuoli _to_ Piero de’ Medici. _Siena, 17th Sept. 1466_
_Spectabilis vir Frater honorande_,--I laugh at what I see. God has
put it in thy power to cancel all the debts I have against thee, and
thou dost not know how to do it. I lost my country and my estates for
thy father, thou art in the position to restore all to me. I prevented
his being despoiled, now corn and other belongings are taken from me;
thou canst save them; be not tardy in showing thou art not ungrateful;
I do not say this for my belongings, although I have need of them, so
much as for thy reputation. I commend myself to thee.[106]
Piero de’ Medici _to_ Agnolo Acciaiuoli. _Florence, 22nd Sept. 1466_
_Magnifice eques tanquam Pater honorande_,--Your laughter is the cause
of my not shedding tears, although I am sorry for your ill fortune.
You have not shown your accustomed good sense, which in such cases is
necessary. Your guilt, as I said in a former letter, is manifest and
so great that neither my intercession nor that of any other person
would be of any avail. My nature is to forget and forgive you, and
all who have shown me enmity and hostility. I have pardoned every
offence; the Republic cannot and may not lightly do so on account of
the bad example, as you know better than I, having had experience of
such matters and having proclaimed it in public and in private. You
say you were exiled on my father’s account, and for having saved what
belonged to him. I do not deny your friendship with my father and with
us, which ought to have made you regard me as a son, and as such I
considered myself. You were banished with my father and were recalled
with him, according to the pleasure of the Republic, which has full
power over us. I do not conceive that our friendship was in any way
hurtful or dishonourable to you as can be clearly demonstrated, and
if obligations and benefits were weighed, perhaps the scale would
not be equal, although from what you write you do not seem to think
so. I always considered myself beholden to you, but if you examine
your conscience you will see that you have exempted me from any
obligations; nevertheless I am willing to remain your debtor in so far
as it touches me privately, but the public injury I cannot, will not,
and may not pardon. For myself personally I forget everything, forgive
all wrongs, and remain as a son ought to be towards such a father.[107]
In 1466 Piero de’ Medici’s daughter Nannina was married to Bernardo
Rucellai, son of Giovanni, who built the beautiful palazzo Rucellai
after the designs of his friend Leon Battista Alberti. Giovanni spent
3686 golden florins on the festivities for his son’s wedding, and for
three days the Florentines danced, ate, drank and listened to music, in
Via della Vigna Nuova. The street, and the loggia (one of the few still
existing in Florence), which was temporarily enlarged so as to cover
the small triangular square in front of the palace, were hung with blue
cloth and decorated with flowers. One of Nannina’s sons, Giovanni, is
well known as the author of _Rosmunda_ and of _Le Api_, the poetical
gifts of Lucrezia thus descending to a second generation.
Luigi Pulci, _from Pisa_, _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici _at Florence_
_Salve_, &c. I send thee some poems so that thou mayst remember me. I
have a thousand phantasies in my head which thou shalt hear some day
and which will please thee. The poem is nearly finished; then we must
do a more important work, and perhaps three nymphs, who are here, will
come to be judged by a better man than Paris, and we will bestow the
prize to our liking. Whoever is ill pleased shall pay the expenses of
a ball; but I mean to prepare a triumph which shall be praised by thee
and that for me is always sufficient.
I have nought to say save that I am thine as ever. _Scriptum est._
Commend me to the Magnificent Piero and to Madonna Lucrezia, and to
all at home. _Salutam Vale, et me dilige._--From Pisa, January 12,
1466 (1467). _Tuus servitor_,
Aloysius Pulcher.
This day Tanai[108] and his wife with about a hundred horse entered
Pisa in great triumph, and _Palle_ resounded everywhere; we shall
amuse ourselves and talk much of thee.[109]
Several brides had been proposed for Lorenzo, and at last Piero decided
for a daughter of the proud house of Orsini. The suggestion was first
made by his brother-in-law Giovanni Tornabuoni, head of the Medici bank
at Rome, and treasurer to Sixtus IV. But Lucrezia insisted on seeing
the girl with her own eyes before coming to a final decision, and in
March 1467 set out for Rome, from whence she wrote to her husband:
Lucrezia de’ Medici _to her husband_ Piero
On the way I wrote to thee often and told thee about the roads. I
arrived on Thursday, and was received with much joy by Giovanni, as
thou canst imagine. I have had thy letter of the 21st which consoled
me greatly, hearing that the pains had ceased. But every day seems to
me a year until I return for thy and my consolation.