The autumn scarce began but we heare that the lower Iroquoits contrived a

treason against the ffrench. So having contrived & discovered that they

weare resolved to leavy an armie of 500 men of their owne nation, who are

esteemed the best souldiers, having the Anojot to assist them; a bold, rash

nation, and so thought to surprise the inhabitants of that place. As they

weare contriving and consequently seased upon the fort and towne, thinking

to execute their plot with ease, because of their assurance, trusting (if

contrary to their contrivance) to the peace, saying that the ffrench weare

as many hoggs layed up to be fatted in their country. But, O liberality,

what strength hast thou! thou art the onely means wherby men know all and

pierce the hearts of the most wild & barbarous people of the world. Hearing

such news, we make friends by store of guifts, yea such guifts that weare

able to betray their country. What is that, that interrest will not do? We

discover dayly new contryvances of treason by a Councellor. There is

nothing done or said but we have advice of it. Their dayly exercise is

feasting, of warrs, songs, throwing of hattchetts, breaking kettles. What

can we do? We are in their hands. It's hard to gett away from them. Yea, as

much as a ship in full sea without pilot, as passengers without skill. We

must resolve to be uppon our guard, being in the midle of our Ennemy. For

this purpose we begin to make provisions for the future end. We are tould

that a company of the Aniot nation volontiers was allready in their march

to breake heads & so declare open warres. This company finds enough to doe

att Mount Royall; ffor the ffrench being carelesse of themselves, working

incomparably afarre from their fortifications without the least

apprehension. They killed 2 french and brought them away in triumph, their

heads sett up for a signe of warrs. We seeing no other remedy but must be

gon and leave a delightful country. The onely thing that we wanted most was

that wee had no boats to carry our bagage. It's sad to tend from such a

place that is compassed with those great lakes that compose that Empire

that can be named the greatest part of the knowne world. Att last they

contrived some deale boords to make shipps with large bottoms, which was

the cause of our destruction sooner then was expected.

You have heard above said how the ffathers inhabited the hurron country to

instruct them in Christian doctrine. They preach the mighty power of the

Almighty, who had drowned the world for to punish the wicked, saving onely

our father Noe with his familie was saved in an arke. One came bringing

Indian corne, named Jaluck, who escaped the shipwrake that his countrymen

had gone, being slave among us. He received such instructions of those

deale boords, & reflected soundly upon the structure that he thought verily

they weare to make an other arke to escape their hands, and by our

inventions cause all the rest to be drowned by a second deluge. They

imputing so much power to us, as Noe had that grace from God, thought that

God at least commanded us so to doe. All frightened [he] runns to his

village. This comes back makes them all afraid. Each talkes of it. The

elders gathered together to consult what was to be done. In their councell

[it] was concluded that our fort should be visited, that our fathers should

be examined, & according to their answers deliberation should be taken to

preserve both their life and countrey. We had allwayes spyes of our side,

which weare out of zele and obedience. The ffathers Jesuits and others

voluntarily ventured their lives for the preservation of the common

liberty. They remaine in the village of those barbars to spie what their

intent should be, houlding correspondence with some of those of the

councell by giving them guifts, to the end that we might know what was

concluded in the Councell & give us advise with all speede. We by these

means had intelligence that they weare to come & visit our forts.

To take away all suspicion of our innocency from thinking to build any

shipp, which if it had come to their knowledge had don a great prejudice to

our former designe, a shippe then uppon the docke almost finished. Heere we

made a double floore in the hall where the shippe was abuilding, so that

the wild men, being ignorant of our way of building, could not take any

notice of our cuningnesse, which proved to our desire. So done, finding

nothing that was reported, all began to be quiet and out of feare. By this

we weare warned from thencefoorth, mistrusting all that came there, so

preserved ourselves, puting nothing in fight that should give the least

suspition. Both shipps weare accomplished; we kept them secretly & covered

them with 12 boats of rind that we kept for fishing and hunting. The

wildmen knewed of these small things, but suspected nothing, believing that

the french would never suspect to venture such a voyage for the difficultie

of the way and violence of the swiftnesse of the rivers and length of the

way. We stayed for opportunity in some quietnesse, devising to contrive our

game as soone as the spring should begin. The winter we past not without

apprehensions, having had severall allarmes, false as [well] as true; for

often weare we putt to our armes, in so much that one of our sentryes was

once by force drawen from the doore of the fort. He, to avoid the danger,

drawes his sword & wounds one of them & comes to the fort, crying, "To your

armes." This was soone appeased; some guifts healed the wound.

The season drawing nigh we must think of some stratageme to escape their

hands and the rest of ours that weare among them; which was a difficulty,

because they would have some of us by them allwaye for the better

assurance. But all their contrivances & wit weare too weake to strive

against our plotts which weare already invented to their deceipt that would

deceave us. We lett them understand that the time drew neere that the

french uses to trait their friends in feasting and meriment, and all should

be welcome, having no greater ffriends then they weare. They, to see our

fashions as well as to fill their gutts, gave consent. By that means the

considerablest persons are invited, the ffather & 2 ffrench. There they

weare made much of 2 dayes with great joy, with sounds of trompetts,

drumms, and flageoletts, with songs in french as wild. So done, they are

sent away, the ffather with them. He was not a mile off but fains to gett a

falle and sighed that his arme was broken. The wild men being much troubled

att this accident brings the father back and makes guifts that he may be

cured. A plaster was sett to his arme, which done [he is] putt into a bed.

Then all the wildmen came to see him; he incouraged them that he should

soone recover and see them. The french that knewed not the plott cryed for

the ffather, which confirmed the belief of the wildmen. They all retyred to

their village and we [sought] the meanes to embarke ourselves.

We resolved once more to make another feast when we should have everything

ready for our purpose; that is, when the father should be well of his

fayned sicknesse, ffor they allso doe delight in feasting, which was to be

done for the safe recovery of the ffather's health. We dayly had messengers

from the elders of the country to know how he did, who (after the lake was

opened from the ice that was covered with ice) should be in good

disposition. Many wished to have the suneshine ardently, their desire was

so great to be gone. Att last our patient begins to walke with a scharfe

about his armes.

When the shippes and boats weare ready, we sent them word that the father

was well, & for joy would make a feast. The elders are invited. They weare

sure not to faile, but to be first. Being come, there are speeches made to

incourage them to sing and eat. It's folly to induce them to that, for they

goe about it more bould then welcome. They are told that the morow should

be the day of mirth. Heare is but play and dances, the ffrench by turns, to

keepe them still in exercise, shewing them tricks to keepe them awake, as

the bird-catcher doth to teach the bird to sing and not to fly away, as we

then intended. Not one wildman was admitted to come into the fort that day,

saying it was not our coustomes to shew the splendour of our banquetts

before they should be presented att table. The wildmen have no other then

ground for their table.

In the meantime we weare not idle, the impatient father exercising himselfe

as the rest. The evening being come, the wildmen are brought to the place

destinated, not far from our fort. Every one makes his bundle of provisions

& marchandises & household stuff, gunns, &c., some hid in the ground, and

the rest scattered because we could not save them. We made excellent

bisquetts of the last year's corne, & forgott not the hoggs that weare a

fatning. Att last the trumpetts blowes, putt yourselves in order; there is

nothing but outcryes, clapping of hands, & capering, that they may have

better stomach to their meat. There comes a dozen of great kettles full of

beaten Indian corne dressed with mince meate. The wisest begins his speech,

giving heaven thanks to have brought such generous ffrench to honnour them

so. They eate as many wolves, having eyes bigger then bellies; they are

rare att it without noise. The time was not yett com'd to acknowledge the

happinesse we received from such incompareable hosts. Heare comes 2 great

kettles full of bussards broyled & salted before the winter, with as many

kettles full of ducks. As many turtles was taken in the season by the nett.

Heere att this nothing but hooping to man's admiration whilst one was a

eating, and other sort comes, as divers of fish, eels, salmon, and carps,

which gives them a new stomach. Weare they to burst, heere they will shew

their courage. The time comes on. The best is that we are sure none will

forsake his place, nor man nor woman. A number of french entertaines them,

keeping them from sleepe in dancing & singing, for that is the custome.

Their lutrill, an instrumentall musick, is much heere in use. Yett nothing

is done as yett, ffor there comes the thickened flower, the oyle of bears,

venison. To this the knif is not enough; the spunes also are used. Wee see

allready severall postures: the one beats his belly, the other shakes his

head, others stopp their mouthes to keepe in what they have eaten. They

weare in such an admiration, making strange kinds of faces, that turned

their eyes up and downe. We bid them cheare up, & tould them it was an

usuall custome with the ffrench to make much of themselves & of their

friends. "They affect you, and yee must shew such like to them by shewing

your respects to them that they so splendidly trait you. Cheere up like

brave men. If your sleepe overcomes you, you must awake; come, sound [the]

drumme, it is not now to beat the Gien; [Footnote: "To beat the gien,"

probably meaning the guitar, as Charlevoix mentions that at the feast to

the Indians one of the French young men played upon that instrument for

their amusement.] come, make a noise. Trumpett blow and make thy cheeks

swell, to make the belly swell alsoe."

In the end nothing [is] spared that can be invented to the greater

confusion. There is a strife between the french who will make the greatest

noise. But there is an end to all things; the houre is come, ffor all is

embarked. The wildman can hold out no longer; they must sleepe. They cry

out, _Skenon_, enough, we can beare no more. "Lett them cry _Skenon_; we

will cry _hunnay_, we are a going," sayes we. They are told that the

ffrench are weary & will sleepe alsoe awhile. They say, "Be it so." We come

away; all is quiet. Nobody makes a noise after Such a hurly-burly. The fort

is shutt up as if we had ben in it. We leave a hogg att the doore for

sentery, with a rope tyed to his foot. He wanted no meat for the time. Here

we make a proposition, being three and fifty ffrench in number, to make a

slaughter without any difficulty, they being but 100 beasts not able to

budge, & as many women. That done, we could goe to their village att the

breake of the day, where we weare sure there weare not 20 men left, nor

yong nor old. It was no great matter to deale with 5 or 600 women, & may be

1000 children; besides, the huntsmen should not be ready this 2 moneths to

come home. Having done so, we might have a great hole in the skirts of that

untoward & pervers nation, that it was in way of revenge, because of their

disloyalty, breaking the peace & watching an opportunity to doe the like to

us, that we should by that means have a better opportunity to escape;

shewing by this whosoever intends to betray, betrays himselfe. The

ffathers' answer was to this, that they weare sent to instruct the people

in the faith of Jesus Christ and not to destroy; that the crosse must be

their sword; moreover that they are told that we weare able to keepe the

place, having victualls for the space of 4 yeares, with other provisions.

[Footnote: The new Governor, Viscount d'Argenson, who arrived in Canada a

few months after, disapproved of the evacuation of Onondaga. "The location

of this fortification was probably about three quarters of a mile below

Green Point, on the farm now occupied [in 1849] by Mr. Myrick Bradley, in

the town of Salina, where the embankment and outlines were plain to be seen

fifty years ago." _History of Onondaga_, by J. V. H. Clarke, Vol. I. p.

161, n., 1849.] So done, in the meanewhile some 16 french should goe downe

to the french & tell the news; ffor the rest they weare able to oppose all

the Iroquoits, having such a strong fort, and before the time could be

expired some succour was to be expected out of ffrance, as well as with the

helpe of some of the wildmen, their allies, make an assault, and so free

ourselves of such a slavery & the many miseries wherin we weare dayly to

undergoe, that by that means we might save the lives of many french and

cleare a way from such inhumans. It was in vaine to think to convert them,

but the destroying of them was to convert them. So discover nations and

countryes, and that the ffrench finding some fourty resolut brothers that

would have ventured themselves full liberty & assurance of their lives to

preserve them from the cruelest enemy that ever was found uppon the earth.

All these sayings could prevaile nothing uppon people that will avoid all

slaughter.

So to be obedient to our superiours, without noise of trompet or drum, but

zeal with griefe, we left that place. We are all embarked, and now must

looke for the mouth of the river; and weare put to it, ffor it frized every

night and the Ice of good thicknesse, and consequently dangerous to venture

our boats against it. We must all the way breake the ice with great staves

to make a passage. This gave us paines enough. Att the breake of day we

weare in sight att the mouth of the river, where we weare free from ice. If

those had but the least suspicion or had looked out, they had seene us. We

soone by all diligence putt ourselves out of that apprehension, and came

att the first rising of the river, where freed from ice tenne leagues from

the fort, where we kept a good watch.

The day following we came to the Lake d'Ontario. The wind being boisterous,

could goe no further. There we sought for a place to make cottages, which

was in an Island very advantageous, where we stayed 2 dayes for the

weather. We weare not without feare, thinking that the wildmen should

follow us. They contrary wise stayed (as we heard) seaven nights, thinking

that we weare asleepe, onely that some rose now and then, and rung the

litle bell which stooke to the hogg's foot. So mystifying the businesse

affaire, [they] went & brought news to the village, which made them come

and looke over the pallisados, and saw in good earnest the Anomiacks weare

gone.

In our journey [we had] bad weather, high winds, snow, and every day raine

on our backs. We came to the river att last, where was difficulty enough by

reason of the goeing out of the lake, which is hard to find, by the many

isles that are about the opening of the river. We weare in a maner of

sheepe scattered. After many crossings to and fro we find ourselves att the

first streame; the watters high, went on without danger, but the navigation

proved worse & worse because we came into a coulder country and into the

most dangerousest precipices. Now the river [was] covered over with ice and

snow which made the river give a terrible noise. The land also covered all

over with snow, which rendered us incapable of knowledge where we weare, &

consequently found ourselves in great perils. It was well that the river

swelled, for not a mother's son of us could else escape; ffor where we

might have made carriages we [would] innocently have gone uppon those

currents. One of our greatest vessells runned on sand and soone full by

reason of the running of the stream, but by tournings, with much adoe we

gott it out againe, and by all dexterity brought to a harbour, which is

hard to find in that place, ffor the ice and the streame continually cutts

the coasts steepe downe, & so no landing thereabouts.

Heere a boat of 4 men made shipwrake. Heere every one for himselfe & God

for all. Heere is no reliefe. There the 3 that could swime weare drowned,

because they held not [to] the boat, but would swime to land. The other

that had held it was saved with much adoe. Afterwards we came where the

streame was not so swifte at all, but as dangerous for its ice. We cutt the

ice with hattchetts & we found places where [it] was rotten, so we hazarded

ourselves often to sinke downe to our necks. We knewed the isle of murder

againe because of the woman that runn'd away was with us. Shee had reason

to know it, though all covered with snow. The ffathers some dayes before

our departur caused her to come to the fort to deliver her out of the hands

of her ennemy, because she was a Christian. In short time after her

arrivall att Quebecq [she] was marry'd, and died in childbed.

Six weeks being expired we came to the hight of St Louis, 3 leagues from

mont royal, the first habitation of the ffrench. We went all that hight

without making carriages, trusting to the depth of the watter, & passed it

by God's providence, that have made us that passage free; ffor if we had

come there the day before we could not possibly passe (by the report of the

ffrench), by reason that underneath the water was mighty swift, the river

was frozen and covered with ice, and could not have turned back, for the

streame could bring us against our will under the ice. It was our lott to

come after the ice was melted. The french inquire who is there with

astonishment, thinking that it should be the charge of the Iroquoits. We

thanked God for our deliverance.

Heere we had time to rest ourselves awhile att ease, which was not

permitted by the way. About the last of March we ended our great paines and

incredible dangers. About 14 nights after we went downe the 3 rivers, where

most of us stayed. A month after my brother and I resolves to travell and

see countreys. We find a good opportunity. In our voyage wee proceeded

three yeares. During that time we had the happinesse to see very faire

countryes.

_The ende of the second voyage made in the Upper Country of the Iroquoits_.

_Now followeth the Auxoticiat Voyage into the Great and filthy Lake of the

Hurrons, Upper Sea of the East, and Bay of the North_.

Being come to the 3 rivers, where I found my brother who the yeare before

came back from the lake of the Hurrons with other french, both weare upon

the point of resolution to make a journey a purpose for to discover the

great lakes that they heard the wild men speak off; yea, have seene before,

ffor my brother made severall journeys when the ffathers lived about the

lake of the hurrons, which was upon the border of the sea. So my brother

seeing me back from those 2 dangerous voyages, so much by the cruelties of

the barbars as for the difficulties of the wayes, for this reason he

thought I was fitter & more faithfull for the discovery that he was to

make. He plainly told me his minde. I knowing it, longed to see myselfe in

a boat. There weare severall companies of wild men Expected from severall

places, because they promissed the yeare before, & [to] take the advantage

of the Spring (this for to deceive the Iroquoits, who are allwayes in wait

for to destroy them), and of the rivers which is by reason of the melting

of the great snows, which is onely that time, ffor otherwise no possibility

to come that way because for the swift streams that runs in summer, and in

other places the want of watter, so that no boat can come through. We soone

see the performance of those people, ffor a company came to the 3 rivers

where we weare. They tould us that another company was arrived att Mont

Royal, and that 2 more weare to come shortly, the one to the Three Rivers,

the other to Saegne, [Footnote: _Saegne, Sacgnes, Sacquenes,_ or the River

Saguenay.] a river of Tudousack, who arrived within 2 dayes after. They

divided themselves because of the scant of provision; ffor if they weare

together they could not have victualls enough. Many goes and comes to

Quebecq for to know the resolution of mr. Governor, who together with the

ffathers thought fitt to send a company of ffrench to bring backe, if

possible, those wildmen the next yeare, or others, being that it is the

best manna of the countrey by which the inhabitants doe subsist, and makes

the ffrench vessells to come there and goe back loaden with merchandises

for the traffique of furriers who comes from the remotest parts of the

north of America.

As soone as the resolution was made, many undertakes the voyage; for where

that there is lucre there are people enough to be had. The best and ablest

men for that businesse weare chosen. They make them goe up the 3 rivers

with the band that came with the Sacques. There take those that weare most

capable for the purpose. Two ffathers weare chosen to conduct that company,

and endeavoured to convert some of those foraigners of the remotest country

to the Christian faith. We no sooner heard their designe, but saw the

effects of the buisnesse, which effected in us much gladnesse for the

pleasure we could doe to one another, & so abler to oppose an ennemy if by

fortune we should meet with any that would doe us hurt or hinder us in our

way.

About the midle of June we began to take leave of our company and venter

our lives for the common good. We find 2 and 30 men, some inhabitants, some

Gailliards that desired but doe well. What fairer bastion then a good

tongue, especially when one sees his owne chimney smoak, or when we can

kiss our owne wives or kisse our neighbour's wife with ease and delight? It

is a strange thing when victualls are wanting, worke whole nights & dayes,

lye downe on the bare ground, & not allwayes that hap, the breech in the

watter, the feare in the buttocks, to have the belly empty, the wearinesse

in the bones, and drowsinesse of the body by the bad weather that you are

to suffer, having nothing to keepe you from such calamity.

Att last we take our journey to see the issue of a prosperous adventure in

such a dangerous enterprise. We resolved not to be the first that should

complaine. The ffrench weare together in order, the wildmen also, saving my

brother & I that weare accustomed to such like voyages, have foreseene what

happened afterwards. Before our setting forth we made some guifts, & by

that means we weare sure of their good will, so that he & I went into the

boats of the wild men. We weare nine and twenty french in number and 6

wildmen. We embarked our traine in the night, because our number should not

be knowne to some spyes that might bee in some ambush to know our

departure; ffor the Iroquoits are allwayes abroad. We weare 2 nights to

gett to mont royall, where 8 Octanac stayed for us & 2 ffrench. If not for

that company, we had passed the river of the meddowes, which makes an isle

of Mont royall and joines itselfe to the lake of St Louis, 3 leagues

further then the hight of that name.

We stayed no longer there then as the french gott themselves ready. We

tooke leave without noise of Gun. We cannot avoid the ambush of that eagle,

which is like the owle that sees better in the night then in the day. We

weare not sooner come to the first river, but our wildmen sees 5 sorts of

people of divers countrys laden with marchandise and gunns, which served

them for a shew then for defence if by chance they should be sett on. So

that the glorie begins to shew itsselfe, no order being observed among

them. The one sings, the other before goes in that posture without bad

encounter. We advanced 3 dayes. There was no need of such a silence among

us. Our men composed onely of seaven score men, we had done well if we had

kept together, not to goe before in the river, nor stay behind some 2 or 3

leagues. Some 3 or 4 boats now & then to land to kill a wild beast, & so

putt themselves into a danger of their lives, & if there weare any

precipice the rest should be impotent to helpe. We warned them to looke to

themselves. They laughed att us, saying we weare women; that the Iroquoits

durst not sett on them. That pride had such power that they thought

themselves masters of the earth; but they will see themselves soone

mistaken. How that great God that takes great care of the most wild

creatures, and will that every man confesses his faults, & gives them grace

to come to obedience for the preservation of their lives, sends them a

remarquable power & ordnance, which should give terrour and retinue to

those poore misled people from the way of assurance.

As we wandered in the afforesaid maner all a sunder, there comes a man

alone out of the wood with a hattchett in his hand, with his brayer, & a

cover over his shoulders, making signes aloud that we should come to him.

The greatest part of that flock shewed a palish face for feare att the

sight of this man, knowing him an ennemy. They approached not without feare

& apprehension of some plot. By this you may see the boldnesse of those

buzards, that think themselves hectors when they see but their shadowes, &

tremble when they see a Iroquoit. That wild man seeing us neerer, setts him

downe on the ground & throwes his hattchett away & raises againe all naked,

to shew that he hath no armes, desires them to approach neerer for he is

their friend, & would lose his life to save theirs. Hee shewed in deed a

right captayne for saveing of men that runned to their ruine by their

indiscretion & want of conduct; and what he did was out of meere piety,

seeing well that they wanted wit, to goe so like a company of bucks, every

one to his fancy, where his litle experience leads him, nor thinking that

danger wherin they weare, shewing by their march they weare no men, for not

fearing. As for him, he was ready to die to render them service & prisoner

into their hands freely. "For," saith he, "I might have escaped your sight,

but that I would have saved you. I feare," sayth he, "not death"; so with

that comes downe into the watter to his midle. There comes many boats about

him, takes him into one of the boats, tying a coard fast about his body.

There is he fastned. He begins to sing his fatal song that they call a

nouroyall. That horrid tone being finished, makes a long, a very long

speech, saying, "Brethren, the day the sunne is favourable to mee,

appointed mee to tell you that yee are witlesse before I die, neither can

they escape their ennemys, that are spred up and downe everywhere, that

watches all moments their coming to destroy them. Take great courage,

brethren, sleepe not; the ennemy is att hand. They wait for you; they are

soe neare that they see you, and heare you, & are sure that you are their

prey. Therefore I was willing to die to give you notice. For my part that

what I have ben I am a man & commander in the warrs, and tooke severall

prisoners; yet I would put meselfe in death's hands to save your lives.

Believe me; keepe you altogether; spend not your powder in vaine, thinking

to frighten your enemys by the noise of your guns. See if the stoanes of

your arrowes be not bent or loose; bend your bowes; open your ears; keepe

your hattchetts sharpe to cutt trees to make you a fort; doe not spend soe

much greas to greas yourselves, but keep it for your bellies. Stay not too

long in the way. It's robbery to die with conduct."

That poore wretch spake the truth & gave good instructions, but the

greatest part did not understand what he said, saving the hurrons that

weare with him, and I, that tould them as much as I could perceive. Every

one laughs, saying he himself is afraid & tells us that story. We call him

a dogg, a woman, and a henne. We will make you know that we weare men, &

for his paines we should burne him when we come to our country. Here you

shall see the brutishnesse of those people that think themselves valliant

to the last point. No comparison is to be made with them for vallour, but

quite contrary. They passe away the rest of that day with great

exclamations of joy, but it will not last long.

That night wee layd in our boats and made not the ketle boyle, because we

had meat ready dressed. Every boat is tyed up in the rushes, whether out of

feare for what the prisoner told them, or that the prisoner should escape,

I know not. They went to sleepe without any watch. The ffrench began to

wish & moane for that place from whence they came from. What will it be if

wee heare yeatt cryes & sorrows after all? Past the breake of day every one

takes his oare to row; the formost oares have great advantage. We heard the

torrent rumble, but could not come to the land that day, although not farr

from us. Some twelve boats gott afore us. These weare saluted with guns &

outcrys. In the meane while one boat runs one way, one another; some men

lands and runs away. We are all put to it; non knowes where he is, they are

put to such a confusion. All those beasts gathers together againe frighted.

Seeing no way to escape, gott themselves all in a heape like unto ducks

that sees the eagle come to them.

That first feare being over a litle, they resolved to land & to make a fort

with all speed, which was done in lesse then two houres. The most stupidest

drowsy are the nimblest for the hattchett & cutting of trees. The fort

being finished, every one maketh himselfe in a readiness to sustaine the

assult if any had tempted. The prisoner was brought, who soone was

despatched, burned & roasted & eaten. The Iroquoits had so served them, as

many as they have taken. We mist 20 of our company, but some came safe to

us, & lost 13 that weare killed & taken in that defeat. The Iroquoite

finding himselfe weake would not venture, & was obliged to leave us least

he should be discovered & served as the other. Neverthelesse they shewed

good countenances, went & builded a fort as we have done, where they

fortified themselves & feed on human flesh which they gott in the warres.

They weare afraid as much as we, but far from that; ffor the night being

come, every one imbarks himselfe, to the sound of a low trumpet, by the

help of the darknesse. We went to the other side, leaving our marchandises

for our ransome to the ennemy that used us so unkindly. We made some

cariages that night with a world of paines. We mist 4 of our boats, so that

we must alter our equipages. The wildmen complained much that the ffrench

could not swime, for that they might be together. The ffrench seeing that

they weare not able to undergo such a voyage, they consult together & for

conclusion resolved to give an end to such labours & dangers; moreover,

found themselves incapable to follow the wildmen who went with all the

speed possible night & day for the feare that they weare in. The ffathers,

seeing our weaknesse, desired the wildmen that they might have one or two

to direct them, which by no means was granted, but bid us doe as the rest.

We kept still our resolution, & knowing more tricks then they, would not

goe back, which should be but disdainful & prejudiciall. We told them so

plainly that we would finish that voyage or die by the way. Besides that

the wildmen did not complaine of us att all, but incouraged us. After a

long arguing, every one had the liberty to goe backwards or forwards, if

any had courage to venter himselfe with us. Seeing the great difficulties,

all with one consent went back againe, and we went on.

The wildmen weare not sorry for their departure, because of their ignorance

in the affaire of such navigation. It's a great alteration to see one and

30 reduced to 2. We encouraged one another, both willing to live & die with

one another; & that [is] the least we could doe, being brothers. Before we

[went] to the lake of the hurrons we had crosses enough, but no encounter.

We travelled onely in the night in these dangerous places, which could not

be done without many vexations & labours. The vanity was somewhat cooler

for the example we have seene the day before. The hungar was that tormented

us most; for him we could not goe seeke for some wild beasts. Our chiefest

food was onely some few fishes which the wildmen caught by a line, may be

two dozens a whole day, no bigger then my hand.

Being come to the place of repose, some did goe along the water side on the

rocks & there exposed ourselves to the rigour of the weather. Upon these

rocks we find some shells, blackish without and the inner part whitish by

reason of the heat of the sun & of the humidity. They are in a maner glued

to the rock; so we must gett another stone to gett them off by scraping

them hard. When we thought to have enough [we] went back again to the

Cottages, where the rest weare getting the litle fishes ready with trips,

[Footnote: _Trips_,--meaning "tripe des boiled resolves itself into a black

glue, roche, a species of lichen, which being nauseous but not without

nourishment." _Discovery of the Great West_, by Parkman.] gutts and all.

The kittle was full with the scraping of the rocks, which soone after it

boyled became like starch, black and clammie & easily to be swallowed. I

think if any bird had lighted upon the excrements of the said stuff, they

had stuckt to it as if it weare glue. In the fields we have gathered

severall fruits, as goosberyes, blackberrys, that in an houre we gathered

above a bushell of such sorte, although not as yett full ripe. We boyled

it, and then every one had his share. Heere was daintinesse slighted. The

belly did not permitt us to gett on neither shoos nor stockins, that the

better we might goe over the rocks, which did [make] our feet smart [so]

that we came backe. Our feet & thighs & leggs weare scraped with thorns, in

a heape of blood. The good God looked uppon those infidels by sending them

now & then a beare into the river, or if we perceived any in an Isle forced

them to swime, that by that means we might the sooner kill them. But the

most parts there abouts is so sterill that there is nothing to be seene but

rocks & sand, & on the high wayes but deale trees that grow most

miraculously, for that earth is not to be seene than can nourish the root,

& most of them trees are very bigg & high. We tooke a litle refreshment in

a place called the lake of Castors, which is some 30 leagues from the first

great lake. Some of those wildmen hid a rest [Footnote: "Hid a rest," or

cache.] as they went down to the ffrench; but the lake was so full of

fishes we tooke so much that served us a long while.

We came to a place where weare abundance of Otters, in so much that I

believe all gathered to hinder our passage. We killed some with our arrows,

not daring to shoote because we discovered there abouts some tracks,

judging to be our ennemy by the impression of their feet in the sand. All

knowes there one another by their march, for each hath his proper steps,

some upon their toes, some on their heele, which is natural to them, for

when they are infants the mother wrapeth them to their mode. Heer I speake

not of the horrid streams we passed, nor of the falls of the water, which

weare of an incredible height. In some parts most faire & delicious, where

people formerly lived onely by what they could gett by the bow & arrows. We

weare come above 300 leagues allwayes against the streame, & made 60

carriages, besides drawing, besides the swift streams we overcame by the

oares & poles to come to that litle lake of Castors which may be 30 or 40

leagues in compasse. The upper end of it is full of Islands, where there is

not time lost to wander about, finding wherewithall to make the kettle

boyle with venison, great bears, castors & fishes, which are plenty in that

place. The river that we goe to the great lake is somewhat favorable. We

goe downe with ease & runing of the watter, which empties itsselfe in that

lake in which we are now coming in. This river hath but 8 high & violent

streams, which is some 30 leagues in length. The place where we weare is a

bay all full of rocks, small isles, & most between wind and water which an

infinite [number] of fishes, which are seene in the water so cleare as

christiall. That is the reason of so many otters, that lives onely uppon

fish. Each of us begins to looke to his bundle & merchandizes and prepare

himselfe for the bad weather that uses to be on that great extent of water.

The wildmen finds what they hid among the rocks 3 months before they came

up to the french. Heere we are stiring about in our boats as nimble as bees

and divided ourselves into 2 companys. Seaven boats went towards west

norwest and the rest to the South.

After we mourned enough for the death of our deare countrymen that weare

slained coming up, we take leave of each other with promise of amitie &

good correspondence one with another, as for the continuance of peace, as

for the assistance of strength, if the enemy should make an assault. That

they should not goe to the french without giving notice one to another &

soe goe together. We that weare for the South went on severall dayes

merily, & saw by the way the place where the ffathers Jesuits had

heretofore lived; a delicious place, albeit we could but see it afarre off.

The coast of this lake is most delightfull to the minde. The lands smooth,

and woods of all sorts. In many places there are many large open fields

where in, I believe, wildmen formerly lived before the destruction of the

many nations which did inhabit, and tooke more place then 600 leagues

about; for I can well say that from the river of Canada to the great lake

of the hurrons, which is neere 200 leagues in length & 60 in breadth, as I

guesse, for I have [been] round about it, plenty of fish. There are banks

of sand 5 or 6 leagues from the waterside, where such an infinite deale of

fish that scarcely we are able to draw out our nett. There are fishes as

bigg as children of 2 years old. There is sturgeon enough & other sorte

that is not knowne to us. The South part is without isles, onely in some

bayes where there are some. It is delightfull to goe along the side of the

watter in summer where you may pluck the ducks.

We must stay often in a place 2 or 3 dayes for the contrary winds; ffor

[if] the winds weare anything high, we durst not venter the boats against

the impetuosity of the waves, which is the reason that our voyages are so

long and tedious. A great many large deep rivers empties themselves in that

lake, and an infinit number of other small rivers, that cann beare boats,

and all from lakes & pools which are in abundance in that country.

After we travelled many dayes we arrived att a large island where we found

their village, their wives & children. You must know that we passed a

strait some 3 leagues beyond that place. The wildmen give it a name; it is

another lake, but not so bigg as that we passed before. We calle it the

lake of the staring hairs, because those that live about it have their hair

like a brush turned up. They all have a hole in their nose, which is done

by a straw which is above a foot long. It barrs their faces. Their ears

have ordinarily 5 holes, where one may putt the end of his finger. They use

those holes in this sort: to make themselves gallant they passe through it

a skrew of coper with much dexterity, and goe on the lake in that posture.

When the winter comes they weare no capes because of their haire tourned

up. They fill those skrews with swan's downe, & with it their ears covered;

but I dare say that the people doe not for to hold out the cold, but rather

for pride, ffor their country is not so cold as the north, and other lakes

that we have seene since.

It should be difficult to describe what variety of faces our arrivement did

cause, some out of joy, others out of sadnesse. Neverthelesse the numbers

of joyfull exceeded that of the sorrowfull. The season began to invite the

lustiest to hunting. We neither desire to be idle in any place, having

learned by experience that idlenesse is the mother of all evil, for it

breeds most part of all sicknesse in those parts where the aire is most

delightfull. So that they who had most knowledge in these quarters had

familiarity with the people that live there about the last lake.

The nation that we weare with had warrs with the Iroquoits, and must trade.

Our wildmen out of feare must consent to their ennemy to live in their

land. It's true that those who lived about the first lake had not for the

most part the conveniency of our french merchandise, as since, which

obliged most of the remotest people to make peace, considering the enemy of

theirs that came as a thunder bolt upon them, so that they joyned with them

& forgett what was past for their owne preservation. Att our coming there

we made large guifts, to dry up the tears of the friends of the deceased.

As we came there the circumjacent neighbours came to visit us, that bid us

welcome, as we are so. There comes newes that there weare ennemy in the

fields, that they weare seene att the great field. There is a councell

called, & resolved that they should be searched & sett uppon them as [soon

as] possible may be, which [was] executed speedily. I offered my service,

soe went and looked for them 2 dayes; finding them the 3rd day, gave them

the assault when they least thought off it. We played the game so furiously

that none escaped.

The day following we returned to our village with 8 of our enemys dead and

3 alive. The dead weare eaten & the living weare burned with a small fire

to the rigour of cruelties, which comforted the desolat to see them

revenged of the death of their relations that was so served. We weare then

possessed by the hurrons and Octanac; but our minde was not to stay in an

island, but to be knowne with the remotest people. The victory that we have

gotten made them consent to what we could desire, & because that we shewed

willing [ness] to die for their defence. So we desired to goe with a

company of theirs that was going to the nation of the stairing haires.

We weare wellcomed & much made of, saying that we weare the Gods & devils

of the earth; that we should fournish them, & that they would bring us to

their ennemy to destroy them. We tould them [we] were very well content. We

persuaded them first to come peaceably, not to destroy them presently, and

if they would not condescend, then would wee throw away the hattchett and

make use of our thunders. We sent ambassadors to them with guifts. That

nation called Pontonatemick without more adoe comes & meets us with the

rest, & peace was concluded. Feasts were made & dames with guifts came of

each side, with a great deale of mirth.

We visited them during that winter, & by that means we made acquaintance

with an other nation called Escotecke, which signified fire, a faire proper

nation; they are tall & bigg & very strong. We came there in the spring.

When we arrived there weare extraordinary banquetts. There they never have

seen men with beards, because they pull their haires as soone as it comes

out; but much more astonished when they saw our armes, especially our guns,

which they worshipped by blowing smoake of tobacco instead of sacrifice. I

will not insist much upon their way of living, ffor of their ceremonys

heere you will see a pattern.

In the last voyage that wee made I will lett you onely know what cours we

runned in 3 years' time. We desired them to lett us know their neighboring

nations. They gave us the names, which I hope to describe their names in

the end of this most imperfect discours, at least those that I can

remember. Among others they told us of a nation called Nadoneceronon, which

is very strong, with whome they weare in warres with, & another wandering

nation, living onely uppon what they could come by. Their dwelling was on

the side of the salt watter in summer time, & in the land in the winter

time, for it's cold in their country. They calle themselves Christinos, &

their confederats from all times, by reason of their speech, which is the

same, & often have joyned together & have had companys of souldiers to

warre against that great nation. We desired not to goe to the North till we

had made a discovery in the South, being desirous to know what they did.

They told us if we would goe with them to the great lake of the stinkings,

the time was come of their trafick, which was of as many knives as they

could gett from the french nation, because of their dwellings, which was

att the coming in of a lake called Superior, but since the destructions of

many neighboring nations they retired themselves to the height of the lake.

We knewed those people well. We went to them almost yearly, and the company

that came up with us weare of the said nation, but never could tell

punctually where they lived because they make the barre of the Christinos

from whence they have the Castors that they bring to the french. This place

is 600 leagues off, by reason of the circuit that we must doe. The hurrons

& the Octanacks, from whence we came last, furnishes them also, & comes to

the furthest part of the lake of the stinkings, there to have light earthen

pots, and girdles made of goat's hairs, & small shells that grow art the

sea side, with which they trim their cloath made of skin.

We finding this opportunity would not lett it slippe, but made guifts,

telling that the other nation would stand in feare of them because of us.

We flattered them, saying none would dare to give them the least wrong, in

so much that many of the Octanacks that weare present to make the same

voyage. I can assure you I liked noe country as I have that wherein we

wintered; ffor whatever a man could desire was to be had in great plenty;

viz. staggs, fishes in abundance, & all sort of meat, corne enough. Those

of the 2 nations would not come with us, but turned back to their nation.

We neverthelesse put ourselves in hazard, for our curiosity, of stay 2 or 3

years among that nation. We ventured, for that we understand some of their

idiome & trusted to that.

We embarked ourselves on the delightfullest lake of the world. I tooke

notice of their Cottages & of the journeys of our navigation, for because

that the country was so pleasant, so beautifull & fruitfull that it grieved

me to see that the world could not discover such inticing countrys to live

in. This I say because that the Europeans fight for a rock in the sea

against one another, or for a sterill land and horrid country, that the

people sent heere or there by the changement of the aire ingenders

sicknesse and dies thereof. Contrarywise those kingdoms are so delicious &

under so temperat a climat, plentifull of all things, the earth bringing

foorth its fruit twice a yeare, the people live long & lusty & wise in

their way. What conquest would that bee att litle or no cost; what

laborinth of pleasure should millions of people have, instead that millions

complaine of misery & poverty! What should not men reape out of the love of

God in converting the souls heere, is more to be gained to heaven then what

is by differences of nothing there, should not be so many dangers committed

under the pretence of religion! Why so many thoesoever are hid from us by

our owne faults, by our negligence, covetousnesse, & unbeliefe. It's true,

I confesse, that the accesse is difficult, but must say that we are like

the Cockscombs of Paris, when first they begin to have wings, imagining

that the larks will fall in their mouths roasted; but we ought [to

remember] that vertue is not acquired without labour & taking great paines.

We meet with severall nations, all sedentary, amazed to see us, & weare

very civil. The further we sejourned the delightfuller the land was to us.

I can say that [in] my lifetime I never saw a more incomparable country,

for all I have ben in Italy; yett Italy comes short of it, as I think, when

it was inhabited, & now forsaken of the wildmen. Being about the great sea,

we conversed with people that dwelleth about the salt water, [Footnote:

"That dwelleth about the salt water;" namely, Hudson's Bay.] who tould us

that they saw some great white thing sometimes uppon the water, & came

towards the shore, & men in the top of it, and made a noise like a company

of swans; which made me believe that they weare mistaken, for I could not

imagine what it could be, except the Spaniard; & the reason is that we

found a barill broken as they use in Spaine. Those people have their haires

long. They reape twice a yeare; they are called Tatarga, that is to say,

buff. They warre against Nadoneceronons, and warre also against the

Christinos. These 2 doe no great harme to one another, because the lake is

betweene both. They are generally stout men, that they are able to defend

themselves. They come but once a year to fight. If the season of the yeare

had permitted us to stay, for we intended to goe backe the yeare following,

we had indeavoured to make peace betweene them. We had not as yett seene

the nation Nadoneceronons. We had hurrons with us. Wee persuaded them to

come along to see their owne nation that fled there, but they would not by

any means. We thought to gett some castors there to bring downe to the

ffrench, seeing [it] att last impossible to us to make such a circuit in a

twelve month's time. We weare every where much made of; neither wanted

victualls, for all the different nations that we mett conducted us &

furnished us with all necessaries. Tending to those people, went towards

the South & came back by the north.

The Summer passed away with admiration by the diversity of the nations that

we saw, as for the beauty of the shore of that sweet sea. Heere we saw

fishes of divers, some like the sturgeons & have a kind of slice att the

end of their nose some 3 fingers broad in the end and 2 onely neere the

nose, and some 8 thumbs long, all marbled of a blakish collor. There are

birds whose bills are two and 20 thumbs long. That bird swallows a whole

salmon, keeps it a long time in his bill. We saw alsoe shee-goats very

bigg. There is an animal somewhat lesse then a cow whose meat is exceeding

good. There is no want of Staggs nor Buffes. There are so many Tourkeys

that the boys throws stoanes att them for their recreation. We found no

sea-serpents as we in other laks have seene, especially in that of

d'Ontario and that of the stairing haires. There are some in that of the

hurrons, but scarce, for the great cold in winter. They come not neere the

upper lake. In that of the stairing haires I saw yong boy [who] was bitten.

He tooke immediately his stony knife & with a pointed stick & cutts off the

whole wound, being no other remedy for it. They are great sorcerors & turns

the wheele. I shall speake of this at large in my last voyage. Most of the

shores of the lake is nothing but sand. There are mountains to be seene

farre in the land. There comes not so many rivers from that lake as from

others; these that flow from it are deeper and broader, the trees are very

bigg, but not so thick. There is a great distance from one another, & a

quantitie of all sorts of fruits, but small. The vines grows all by the

river side; the lemons are not so bigg as ours, and sowrer. The grape is

very bigg, greene, is seene there att all times. It never snows nor freezes

there, but mighty hot; yett for all that the country is not so unwholsom,

ffor we seldome have seene infirmed people. I will speake of their manners

in my last voyage, which I made in October.

We came to the strait of the 2 lakes of the stinkings and the upper lake,

where there are litle isles towards Norwest, ffew towards the Southest,

very small. The lake towards the North att the side of it is full of rocks

& sand, yett great shipps can ride on it without danger. We being of 3

nations arrived there with booty, disputed awhile, ffor some would returne

to their country. That was the nation of the fire, & would have us backe to

their dwelling. We by all means would know the Christinos. To goe backe was

out of our way. We contented the hurrons to our advantage with promises &

others with hope, and persuaded the Octonack to keepe his resolution,

because we weare but 5 small fine dayes from those of late that lived in

the sault of the coming in of the said upper lake, from whence that name of

salt, which is _panoestigonce_ in the wild language, which heerafter we

will call the nation of the salt.

Not many years since that they had a cruell warre against the

Nadoneseronons. Although much inferiour in numbers, neverthelesse that

small number of the salt was a terror unto them, since they had trade with

the ffrench. They never have seene such instruments as the ffrench

furnished them withall. It is a proude nation, therfore would not submitt,

although they had to doe with a bigger nation 30 times then they weare,

because that they weare called ennemy by all those that have the accent of

the Algonquin language, that the wild men call Nadone, which is the

beginning of their name. The Iroquoits have the title of bad ennemy,

Maesocchy Nadone. Now seeing that the Christinos had hattchetts & knives,

for that they resolved to make peace with those of the sault, that durst

not have gon hundred of leagues uppon that upper lake with assurance. They

would not hearken to anything because their general resolved to make peace

with those of the Christinos & an other nation that gott gunns, the noise

of which had frighted them more then the bulletts that weare in them. The

time approached, there came about 100 of the nation of the Sault to those

that lived towards the north. The christinos gott a bigger company & fought

a batail. Some weare slaine of both sids. The Captayne of these of the

Sault lost his eye by an arrow. The batail being over he made a speech, &

said that he lost his fight of one side, & of the other he foresee what he

would doe; his courage being abject by that losse, that he himselfe should

be ambassador & conclud the peace.

He seeing that the Iroquoits came too often, a visit I must confesse very

displeasing, being that some [of] ours looses their lives or liberty, so

that we retired ourselves to the higher lake neerer the nation of the

Nadoneceronons, where we weare well receaved, but weare mistrusted when

many weare seene together. We arrived then where the nation of the Sault

was, where we found some french men that came up with us, who thanked us

kindly for to come & visit them. The wild Octanaks that came with us found

some of their nations slaves, who weare also glad to see them. For all they

weare slaves they had meat enough, which they have not in their owne

country so plentifull, being no huntsmen, but altogether ffishers. As for

those towards the north, they are most expert in hunting, & live uppon

nothing else the most part of the yeare. We weare long there before we gott

acquaintance with those that we desired so much, and they in lik maner had

a fervent desire to know us, as we them. Heer comes a company of Christinos

from the bay of the North sea, to live more at ease in the midle of woods &

forests, by reason they might trade with those of the Sault & have the

Conveniency to kill more beasts.

There we passed the winter & learned the particularitie that since wee saw

by Experience. Heere I will not make a long discours during that time,

onely made good cheere & killed staggs, Buffes, Elends, and Castors. The

Christinos had skill in that game above the rest. The snow proved

favourable that yeare, which caused much plenty of every thing. Most of the

woods & forests are very thick, so that it was in some places as darke as

in a cellar, by reason of the boughs of trees. The snow that falls, being

very light, hath not the strenght to stopp the eland, [Footnote: _Elend_,

plainly the Moose. "They appear to derive their Dutch appellation

(_eelanden_) from _elende_, misery, they die of the smallest wound."

_Documentary History of New York_, by O'Callaghan, Vol. IV. p. 77.] which

is a mighty strong beast, much like a mule, having a tayle cutt off 2 or 3

or 4 thumbes long, the foot cloven like a stagge. He has a muzzle mighty

bigge. I have seene some that have the nostrills so bigg that I putt into

it my 2 fists att once with ease. Those that uses to be where the buffes be

are not so bigg, but about the bignesse of a coach horse. The wildmen call

them the litle sort. As for the Buff, it is a furious animal. One must have

a care of him, for every yeare he kills some Nadoneseronons. He comes for

the most part in the plaines & meddows; he feeds like an ox, and the

Oriniack so but seldom he galopps. I have seene of their hornes that a man

could not lift them from of the ground. They are branchy & flatt in the

midle, of which the wildman makes dishes that can well hold 3 quarts. These

hornes fall off every yeare, & it's a thing impossible that they will grow

againe. The horns of Buffs are as those of an ox, but not so long, but

bigger, & of a blackish collour; he hath a very long hairy taile; he is

reddish, his haire frized & very fine. All the parts of his body much

[like] unto an ox. The biggest are bigger then any ox whatsoever. Those are

to be found about the lake of the Stinkings & towards the North of the

same. They come not to the upper lake but by chance. It's a pleasur to find

the place of their abode, for they tourne round about compassing 2 or 3

acres of land, beating the snow with their feete, & coming to the center

they lye downe & rise againe to eate the bows of trees that they can reach.

They go not out of their circle that they have made untill hunger compells

them.

We did what we could to have correspondence with that warlick nation &

reconcile them with the Christinos. We went not there that winter. Many

weare slained of both sides the summer last. The wound was yett fresh,

wherfore it was hard to conclude peace between them. We could doe nothing,

ffor we intended to turne back to the ffrench the summer following. Two

years weare expired. We hoped to be att the 2 years end with those that

gave us over for dead, having before to come back at a year's end. As we

are once in those remote countreys we cannot doe as we would. Att last we

declared our mind first to those of the Sault, encouraging those of the

North that we are their brethren, & that we would come back & force their

enemy to peace or that we would help against them. We made guifts one to

another, and thwarted a land of allmost 50 leagues before the snow was

melted. In the morning it was a pleasur to walke, for we could goe without

racketts. The snow was hard enough, because it freezed every night. When

the sun began to shine we payed for the time past. The snow sticks so to

our racketts that I believe our shoes weighed 30 pounds, which was a paine,

having a burden uppon our backs besides.

We arrived, some 150 of us, men & women, to a river side, where we stayed 3

weeks making boats. Here we wanted not fish. During that time we made

feasts att a high rate. So we refreshed ourselves from our labours. In that

time we tooke notice that the budds of trees began to spring, which made us

to make more hast & be gone. We went up that river 8 dayes till we came to

a nation called Pontonatenick & Matonenock; that is, the scrattchers. There

we gott some Indian meale & corne from those 2 nations, which lasted us

till we came to the first landing Isle. There we weare well received

againe. We made guifts to the Elders to encourage the yong people to bring

us downe to the ffrench. But mightily mistaken; ffor they would reply,

"Should you bring us to be killed? The Iroquoits are every where about the

river & undoubtedly will destroy us if we goe downe, & afterwards our wives

& those that stayed behinde. Be wise, brethren, & offer not to goe downe

this yeare to the ffrench. Lett us keepe our lives." We made many private

suits, but all in vaine. That vexed us most that we had given away most of

our merchandises & swapped a great deale for Castors. Moreover they made no

great harvest, being but newly there. Beside, they weare no great huntsmen.

Our journey was broaken till the next yeare, & must per force.

That summer I went a hunting, & my brother stayed where he was welcome &

putt up a great deale of Indian corne that was given him. He intended to

furnish the wildmen that weare to goe downe to the ffrench if they had not

enough. The wild men did not perceive this; ffor if they wanted any, we

could hardly kept it for our use. The winter passes away in good

correspondence one with another, & sent ambassadors to the nations that

uses to goe downe to the french, which rejoyced them the more & made us

passe that yeare with a greater pleasur, saving that my brother sell into

the falling sicknesse, & many weare sorry for it. That proceeded onely of a

long stay in a new discovered country, & the idlenesse contributs much to

it. There is nothing comparable to exercise. It is the onely remedy of such

diseases. After he languished awhile God gave him his health againe.

The desire that every one had to goe downe to the ffrench made them

earnestly looke out for castors. They have not so many there as in the

north part, so in the beginning of spring many came to our Isle. There

weare no lesse, I believe, then 500 men that weare willing to venter

themselves. The corne that my brother kept did us a world of service. The

wildmen brought a quantity of flesh salted in a vesell. When we weare ready

to depart, heere comes strang news of the defeat of the hurrons, which

news, I thought, would putt off the voyage. There was a councell held, &

most of them weare against the goeing downe to the ffrench, saying that the

Iroquoits weare to barre this yeare, & the best way was to stay till the

following yeare. And now the ennemy, seeing himselfe frustrated of his

expectation, would not stay longer, thinking thereby that we weare resolved

never more to go downe, and that next yeare there should be a bigger

company, & better able to oppose an ennemy. My brother & I, feeing

ourselves all out of hopes of our voyage, without our corne, which was

allready bestowed, & without any merchandise, or scarce having one knife

betwixt us both, so we weare in a great apprehension least that the hurrons

should, as they have done often, when the ffathers weare in their country,

kill a frenchman.

Seeing the equipage ready & many more that thought long to depart thence

for marchandise, we uppon this resolved to call a publique councell in the

place; which the Elders hearing, came and advised us not to undertake it,

giving many faire words, saying, "Brethren, why are you such ennemys to

yourselves to putt yourselves in the hands of those that wait for you? They

will destroy you and carry you away captives. Will you have your brethren

destroyed that loves you, being slained? Who then will come up and baptize

our children? Stay till the next yeare, & then you are like to have the

number of 600 men in company with you. Then you may freely goe without

intermission. Yee shall take the church along with you, & the ffathers &

mothers will send their children to be taught in the way of truth of the

Lord." Our answer was that we would speake in publique, which granted, the

day appointed is come. There gathered above 800 men to see who should have

the glorie in a round. They satt downe on the ground. We desired silence.

The elders being in the midle & we in their midle, my brother began to

Speake. "Who am I? am I a foe or a friend? If I am a foe, why did you

suffer me to live so long among you? If I am friend, & if you take so to

be, hearken to what I shall say. You know, my uncles & brethren, that I

hazarded my life goeing up with you; if I have no courage, why did you not

tell me att my first coming here? & if you have more witt then we, why did

not you use it by preserving your knives, your hattchetts, & your gunns,

that you had from the ffrench? You will see if the ennemy will sett upon

you that you will be attraped like castors in a trape; how will you defend

yourselves like men that is not courageous to lett yourselves be catched

like beasts? How will you defend villages? with castors' skins? how will

you defend your wives & children from the ennemy's hands?"

Then my brother made me stand up, saying, "Shew them the way to make warrs

if they are able to uphold it." I tooke a gowne of castors' skins that one

of them had uppon his shoulder & did beat him with it. I asked the others

if I was a souldier. "Those are the armes that kill, & not your robes. What

will your ennemy say when you perish without defending yourselves? Doe not

you know the ffrench way? We are used to fight with armes & not with robes.

You say that the Iroquoits waits for you because some of your men weare

killed. It is onely to make you stay untill you are quite out of stocke,

that they dispatch you with ease. Doe you think that the ffrench will come

up here when the greatest part of you is slained by your owne fault? You

know that they cannot come up without you. Shall they come to baptize your

dead? Shall your children learne to be slaves among the Iroquoits for their

ffathers' cowardnesse? You call me Iroquoit. Have not you seene me

disposing my life with you? Who has given you your life if not the ffrench?

Now you will not venter because many of your confederates are come to visit

you & venter their lives with you. If you will deceave them you must not

think that they will come an other time for shy words nor desire. You have

spoaken of it first, doe what you will. For myne owne part, I will venter

choosing to die like a man then live like a beggar. Having not wherewithal

to defend myselfe, farewell; I have my sack of corne ready. Take all my

castors. I shall live without you." & then departed that company.

They weare amazed of our proceeding; they stayed long before they spoake

one to another. Att last sent us some considerable persons who bid us

cheare up. "We see that you are in the right; the voyage is not broaken.

The yong people tooke very ill that you have beaten them with the skin. All

avowed to die like men & undertake the journey. You shall heare what the

councell will ordaine the morrow. They are to meet privatly & you shall be

called to it. Cheare up & speake as you have done; that is my councell to

you. For this you will remember me when you will see me in your country;

ffor I will venter meselfe with you." Now we are more satisfied then the

day before. We weare to use all rhetorique to persuade them to goe downe,

ffor we saw the country languish very much, ffor they could not subsist, &

moreover they weare afraid of us. The councell is called, but we had no

need to make a speech, finding them disposed to make the voyage & to

submitt. "Yee women gett your husbands' bundles ready. They goe to gett

wherwithall to defend themselves & you alive."

Our equipage was ready in 6 dayes. We embarked ourselves. We weare in

number about 500, all stout men. We had with us a great store of castors'

skins. We came to the South. We now goe back to the north, because to

overtake a band of men that went before to give notice to others. We passed

the lake without dangers. We wanted nothing, having good store of corne &

netts to catch fish, which is plentyfull in the rivers. We came to a place

where 8 Iroquoits wintered. That was the company that made a slaughter

before our departure from home. Our men repented now they did not goe

sooner, ffor it might be they should have surprised them.

Att last we are out of those lakes. One hides a caske of meale, the other

his campiron, & all that could be cumbersome. After many paines & labours

wee arrived to the Sault of Columest, so called because of the Stones that

are there very convenient to make tobacco pipes. We are now within 100

leagues of the french habitation, & hitherto no bad encounter. We still

found tracks of men which made us still to have the more care and guard of

ourselves. Some 30 leagues from this place we killed wild cowes & then gott

ourselves into cottages, where we heard some guns goe off, which made us

putt out our fires & imbark ourselves with all speed. We navigated all that

night. About the breake of day we made a stay, that not to goe through the

violent streames for feare the Ennemy should be there to dispute the

passage. We landed & instantly sent 2 men to know whether the passage was

free. They weare not halfe a mile off when we see a boat of the ennemy

thwarting the river, which they had not done without discovering our boats,

having nothing to cover our boats nor hide them. Our lightest boats shewed

themselves by pursueing the ennemy. They did shoot, but to no effect, which

made our two men come back in all hast. We seeing ourselves but

merchandmen, so we would not long follow a man of warre, because he runned

swifter then ours.

We proceeded in our way with great diligence till we came to the carriage

place, where the one halfe of our men weare in readinesse, whilst the other

halfe carried the baggage & the boats. We had a great alarum, but no hurt

done. We saw but one boat, but have seene foure more going up the river.

Methinks they thought themselves some what weake for us, which persuaded us

[of] 2 things: 1st, that they weare afraid; andly, that they went to warne

their company, which thing warned us the more to make hast.

The 2nd day att evening after we landed & boyled an horiniack which we

killed. We then see 16 boats of our ennemy coming. They no sooner perceived

us but they went on the other side of the river. It was a good looke for us

to have seene them. Our wildmen did not say what they thought, ffor they

esteemed themselves already lost. We encouraged them & desired them to have

courage & not [be] afraid, & so farr as I think we weare strong enough for

them, that we must stoutly goe & meet them, and they should stand still. We

should be alltogether, & put our castors' skins upon pearches, which could

keepe us from the shott, which we did. We had foure & 20 gunns ready, and

gave them to the hurrons, who knewed how to handle them better then the

others. The Iroquoits seeing us come, & that we weare 5 to 1, could not

imagine what to doe. Neverthelesse they would shew their courage; being

that they must passe, they putt themselves in array to fight. If we had not

ben with some hurrons that knewed the Iroquoits' tricks, I believe that our

wild men had runned away, leaving their fusiques behind. We being neere one

another, we commanded that they should row with all their strength towards

them. We kept close one to another to persecut what was our intent. We

begin to make outcryes & sing. The hurrons in one side, the Algonquins att

the other side, the Ottanak, the panoestigons, the Amickkoick, the

Nadonicenago, the ticacon, and we both encouraged them all, crying out with

a loud noise. The Iroquoits begin to shoot, but we made ours to goe one

forwards without any shooting, and that it was the onely way of fighting.

They indeed turned their backs & we followed them awhile. Then was it that

we weare called devils, with great thanks & incouragements that they gave

us, attributing to us the masters of warre and the only Captaynes. We

desired them to keepe good watch and sentry, and if we weare not surprized

we should come safe and sound without hurt to the ffrench. The Iroquoite

seeing us goe on our way, made as if they would leave us.

We made 3 carriages that day, where the ennemy could doe us mischief if

they had ben there. The cunning knaves followed us neverthelesse pritty

close. We left 5 boats behind that weare not loaden. We did so to see what

invention our enemy could invent, knowing very well that his mind was to

surprize us. It is enough that we are warned that they follow us. Att last

we perceived that he was before us, which putt us in some feare; but seeing

us resolut, did what he could to augment his number. But we weare mighty

vigilent & sent some to make a discovery att every carriage through the

woods. We weare told that they weare in an ambush, & there builded a fort

below the long Sault, where we weare to passe. Our wildmen said doubtlesse

they have gott an other company of their nation, so that some minded to

throw their castors away & returne home. We told them that we weare almost

att the gates of the ffrench habitation, & bid [them] therefore have

courage, & that our lives weare in as great danger as theirs, & if we weare

taken we should never escape because they knewed us, & I because I runned

away from their country having slained some of their brethren, & my brother

that long since was the man that furnished their enemy with arms.

They att last weare persuaded, & landed within a mile of the landing place,

& sent 300 men before armed. We made them great bucklers that the shot

could not pearce in some places. They weare to be carryed if there had ben

occasion for it. Being come neere the torrent, we finding the Iroquoits

lying in ambush, who began to shoot. The rest of our company went about

cutting of trees & making a fort, whilst some brought the boats; which

being come, we left as few means possible might bee. The rest helped to

carry wood. We had about 200 men that weare gallant souldiers. The most

weare hurrons, Pasnoestigons, & Amickkoick frequented the ffrench for a

time. The rest weare skillfull in their bows & arrows. The Iroquoits

perceiving our device, resolved to fight by forceing them to lett us passe

with our arms. They did not know best what to doe, being not so munished

nor so many men above a hundred and fifty. They forsooke the place &

retired into the fort, which was underneath the rapide. We in the meane

while have slained 5 of theirs, & not one of ours hurted, which encouraged

our wildmen. We bid them still to have good courage, that we should have

the victory. Wee went & made another fort neere theirs, where 2 of our men

weare wounded but lightly.

It is a horrid thing to heare [of] the enormity of outcryes of those

different nations. The Iroquoits sung like devils, & often made salleys to

make us decline. They gott nothing by that but some arrows that did

incommodat them to some purpose. We foresee that such a batail could not

hold out long for want of powder, of shott & arrows; so by the consent of

my brother & the rest, made a speech in the Iroquoit language, inducing

meselfe with armours that I might not be wounded with every bullett or

arrow that the ennemy sent perpetually. Then I spoake. "Brethren, we came

from your country & bring you to ours, not to see you perish unlesse we

perish with you. You know that the ffrench are men, & maks forts that

cannot be taken so soone therefore cheare upp, ffor we love you & will die

with you." This being ended, nothing but howling & crying. We brought our

castors & tyed them 8 by 8, and rowled them before us. The Iroquoits

finding that they must come out of their fort to the watterside, where they

left their boats, to make use of them in case of neede, where indeed made

an escape, leaving all their baggage behind, which was not much, neither

had we enough to fill our bellyes with the meat that was left; there weare

kettles, broaken gunns, & rusty hattchetts.

They being gone, our passage was free, so we made hast & endeavoured to

come to our journey's end; and to make the more hast, some boats went downe

that swift streame without making any carriage, hopeing to follow the

ennemy; but the bad lacke was that where my brother was the boat turned in

the torrent, being seaven of them together, weare in great danger, ffor God

was mercifull to give them strength to save themselves, to the great

admiration, for few can speed so well in such precipices. When they came to

lande they cutt rocks. My brother lost his booke of annotations of the last

yeare of our being in these foraigne nations. We lost never a castor, but

may be some better thing. It's better [that one] loose all then lose his

life.

We weare 4 moneths in our voyage without doeing any thing but goe from

river to river. We mett severall sorts of people. We conversed with them,

being long time in alliance with them. By the persuasion of som of them we

went into the great river that divides itselfe in 2, where the hurrons with

some Ottanake & the wild men that had warrs with them had retired. There is

not great difference in their language, as we weare told. This nation have

warrs against those of [the] forked river. It is so called because it has 2

branches, the one towards the west, the other towards the South, which we

believe runns towards Mexico, by the tokens they gave us. Being among these

people, they told us the prisoners they take tells them that they have

warrs against a nation, against men that build great cabbans & have great

beards & had such knives as we have had. Moreover they shewed a Decad of

beads & guilded pearls that they have had from that people, which made us

believe they weare Europeans. They shewed one of that nation that was taken

the yeare before. We understood him not; he was much more tawny then they

with whome we weare. His armes & leggs weare turned outside; that was the

punishment inflicted uppon him. So they doe with them that they take, &

kill them with clubbs & doe often eat them. They doe not burne their

prisoners as those of the northern parts.

We weare informed of that nation that live in the other river. These weare

men of extraordinary height & biggnesse, that made us believe they had no

communication with them. They live onely uppon Corne & Citrulles,

[Footnote: _Citrulles_, pumpkins.] which are mighty bigg. They have fish in

plenty throughout the yeare. They have fruit as big as the heart of an

Oriniak, which grows on vast trees which in compasse are three armefull in

compasse. When they see litle men they are affraid & cry out, which makes

many come help them. Their arrows are not of stones as ours are, but of

fish boans & other boans that they worke greatly, as all other things.

Their dishes are made of wood. I having seene them, could not but admire

the curiosity of their worke. They have great calumetts of great stones,

red & greene. They make a store of tobacco. They have a kind of drink that

makes them mad for a whole day. This I have not seene, therefore you may

believe as you please.

When I came backe I found my brother sick, as I said before. God gave him

his health, more by his courage then by any good medicine, ffor our bodyes

are not like those of the wildmen. To our purpose; we came backe to our

carriage, whilst wee endeavoured to ayde our compagnions in their

extremity. The Iroquoits gott a great way before, not well satisfied to

have stayed for us, having lost 7 of their men; 2 of them weare not nimble

enough, ffor our bulletts & arrows made them stay for good & all. Seaven of

our men weare sick, they have ben like to be drowned, & the other two weare

wounded by the Iroquoits.

The next day we went on without any delay or encounter. I give you leave if

those of mont Royall weare not overjoyed to see us arrived where they

affirme us the pitifull conditions that the country was by the cruelty of

these cruell barbars, that perpetually killed & slaughtered to the very

gate of the ffrench fort. All this hindered not our goeing to the ffrench

att the 3 rivers after we refreshed ourselves 3 dayes, but like to pay

dearly for our bold attempt. 20 inhabitants came downe with us in a

shawlopp. As we doubled the point of the river of the meddows we weare sett

uppon by severall of the Iroquoits, but durst not come neare us, because of

two small brasse pieces that the shalop carryed. We tyed our boats together

& made a fort about us of castors' skins, which kept us from all danger. We

went downe the streame in that posture. The ennemy left us, & did well; for

our wildmen weare disposed to fight, & our shaloupp could not come neare

them because for want of watter. We came to Quebecq, where we are saluted

with the thundring of the guns & batteryes of the fort, and of the 3 shipps

that weare then att anchor, which had gon back to france without castors if

we had not come. We weare well traited for 5 dayes. The Governor made

guifts & sent 2 Brigantins to bring us to the 3 rivers, where we arrived

the 2nd day of, & the 4th day they went away.

That is the end of our 3 years' voyage & few months. After so much paine &

danger God was so mercifull [as] to bring us back saf to our dwelling,

where the one was made much off by his wife, the other by his friends &

kindred. The ennemy that had discovered us in our goeing downe gott more

company, with as many as they could to come to the passages, & there to

waite for the retourne of those people, knowinge well that they could not

stay there long because the season of the yeare was almost spent; but we

made them by our persuasions goe downe to Quebecq, which proved well, ffor

the Iroquoits thought they weare gone another way. So came the next day

after our arrivall to make a discovery to the 3 rivers, where being

perceived, there is care taken to receive them.

The ffrench cannot goe as the wildmen through the woods, but imbarks

themselves in small boats & went along the river side, knowing that if the

ennemy was repulsed, he would make his retreat to the river side. Some

Algonquins weare then att the habitation, who for to shew their vallour

disposed themselves to be the first in the poursuit of the enemy. Some of

the strongest and nimblest ffrench kept them company, with an other great

number of men called Ottanacks, so that we weare soone together by the

ears. There weare some 300 men of the enemy that came in the space of a

fourteen night together; but when they saw us they made use of their heels.

We weare about 500; but the better to play their game, after they runned

half a mile in the wood they turned againe, where then the batail began

most furiously by shooting att one another.

That uppermost nation, being not used to shooting nor heare such noise,

began to shake off their armours, and tooke their bows and arrows, which

indeed made [more] execution then all the guns that they had brought. So

seeing 50 Algonquins & 15 ffrench keep to it, they resolved to stick to it

also, which had not long lasted; ffor seeing that their arrows weare almost

spent & they must close together, and that the enemy had an advantage by

keeping themselves behind the trees, and we to fall uppon we must be

without bucklers, which diminished much our company that was foremost, we

gave them in spight us place to retire themselves, which they did with all

speed. Having come to the watter side, where their boats weare, saw the

ffrench all in a row, who layd in an ambush to receive them, which they had

done if God had not ben for us; ffor they, thinking that the enemy was att

hand, mistrusted nothing to the contrary. The ffrench that weare in the

wood, seeing the evident danger where their countrymen layd, encouraged the

Ottanaks, who tooke their armes againe and followed the enemy, who not

feared that way arrived before the ffrench weare apprehended, by good

looke.

One of the Iroquoits, thinking his boat would be seene, goes quickly and

putts it out of sight, & discovers himselfe, which warned the ffrench to

hinder them to goe further uppon that score. Our wildmen made a stand and

fell uppon them stoutly. The combat begins a new; they see the ffrench that

weare uppon the watter come neere, which renforced them to take their boats

with all hast, and leave their booty behind. The few boats that the french

had brought made that could enter but the 60 ffrench, who weare enough. The

wildmen neverthelesse did not goe without their prey, which was of three

men's heads that they killed att the first fight; but they left Eleven of

theirs in the place, besides many more that weare wounded. They went

straight to their countrey, which did a great service to the retourne of

our wildmen, and mett with non all their journey, as we heard afterwards.

They went away the next day, and we stayed att home att rest that yeare. My

brother and I considered whether we should discover what we have seene or

no; and because we had not a full and whole discovery, which was that we

have not ben in the bay of the north, not knowing anything but by report of

the wild Christinos, we would make no mention of it for feare that those

wild men should tell us a fibbe. We would have made a discovery of it

ourselves and have an assurance, before we should discover anything of it.

_The ende of the Auxotacicac voyage, which is the third voyage_.

_[Fourth Voyage of Peter Esprit Radisson]_

The spring following we weare in hopes to meet with some company, having

ben so fortunat the yeare before. Now during the winter, whether it was

that my brother revealed to his wife what we had seene in our voyage and

what we further intended, or how it came to passe, it was knowne; so much

that the ffather Jesuits weare desirous to find out a way how they might

gett downe the castors from the bay of the north by the Sacgnes, and so

make themselves masters of that trade. They resolved to make a tryall as

soone as the ice would permitt them. So to discover our intentions they

weare very earnest with me to ingage myselfe in that voyage, to the end

that my brother would give over his, which I uterly denied them, knowing

that they could never bring it about, because I heard the wild men say that

although the way be easy, the wildmen that are feed att their doors would

have hindred them, because they make a livelyhood of that trade.

In my last voyage I tooke notice of that that goes to three lands, which is

first from the people of the north to another nation, that the ffrench call

Squerells, and another nation that they call porquepicque, and from them to

the Montignes & Algonquins that live in or about Quebucque; but the

greatest hinderance is the scant of watter and the horrid torrents and want

of victuals, being no way to carry more then can serve 14 dayes' or 3

weeks' navigation on that river. Neverthelesse the ffathers are gone with

the Governor's son of the three rivers and 6 other ffrench and 12 wildmen.

During that time we made our proposition to the governor of Quebuc that we

weare willing to venture our lives for the good of the countrey, and goe to

travell to the remotest countreys with 2 hurrons that made their escape

from the Iroquoits. They wished nothing more then to bee in those parts

where their wives and families weare, about the Lake of the stairing haire;

to that intent would stay untill august to see if any body would come from

thence. My brother and I weare of one minde; and for more assurance my

brother went to Mont royall to bring those two men along. He came backe,

being in danger. The Governor gives him leave, conditionaly that he must

carry two of his servants along with him and give them the moitie of the

profit. My brother was vexed att such an unreasonable a demand, to take

inexperted men to their ruine. All our knowledge and desir depended onely

of this last voyage, besides that the governor should compare 2 of his

servants to us, that have ventured our lives so many years and maintained

the countrey with our generosity in the presence of all; neither was there

one that had the courage to undertake what wee have done. We made the

governor a slight answer, and tould him for our part we knewed what we

weare, Discoverers before governors. If the wild men came downe, the way

for them as for us, and that we should be glad to have the honnour of his

company, but not of that of his servants, and that we weare both masters

and servants. The Governor was much displeased att this, & commanded us not

to go without his leave. We desired the ffathers to Speake to him about it.

Our addresses were slight because of the shame was putt uppon them the

yeare before of their retourne, besids, they stayed for an opportunity to

goe there themselves; ffor their designe is to further the Christian faith

to the greatest glory of God, and indeed are charitable to all those that

are in distresse and needy, especially to those that are worthy or

industrious in their way of honesty. This is the truth, lett who he will

speak otherwise, ffor this realy I know meselfe by experience. I hope I

offend non to tell the truth. We are forced to goe back without doeing any

thing.

The month of August that brings a company of the Sault, who weare come by

the river of the three rivers with incredible paines, as they said. It was

a company of seaven boats. We wrote the news of their arrivement to Quebuc.

They send us word that they will stay untill the 2 fathers be turned from

Sacquenes, that we should goe with them. An answer without reason.

Necessity obliged us to goe. Those people are not to be inticed, ffor as

soone as they have done their affaire they goe. The governor of that place

defends us to goe. We tould him that the offense was pardonable because it

was every one's interest; neverthelesse we knewed what we weare to doe, and

that he should not be blamed for us. We made guifts to the wildmen, that

wished with all their hearts that we might goe along with them. We told

them that the governor minded to send servants with them, and forbids us to

goe along with them. The wild men would not accept of their company, but

tould us that they would stay for us two dayes in the Lake of St Peter in

the grasse some 6 leagues from the 3 rivers; but we did not lett them stay

so long, for that very night, my brother having the keys of the Brough as

being Captayne of the place, we embarqued ourselves.

We made ready in the morning, so that we went, 3 of us, about midnight.

Being come opposit to the fort, they aske who is there. My brother tells

his name. Every one knows what good services we had done to the countrey,

and loved us, the inhabitants as well as the souldiers. The sentrey answers

him, "God give you a good voyage." We went on the rest of that night. Att 6

in the morning we are arrived to the appointed place, but found no body. We

weare well armed, & had a good boat. We resolved to goe day and night to

the river of the meddows to overtake them. The wildmen did feare that it

was somewhat else, but 3 leagues beyond that of the fort of Richlieu we saw

them coming to us. We putt ourselves uppon our guards, thinking they weare

ennemy; but weare friends, and received us with joy, and said that if we

had not come in 3 dayes' time, they would have sent their boats to know the

reason of our delay. There we are in that river waiting for the night.

Being come to the river of the medows, we did separat ourselves, 3 into 3

boats. The man that we have taken with us was putt into a boat of 3 men and

a woman, but not of the same nation as the rest, but of one that we call

sorcerors. They weare going downe to see some friends that lived with the

nation of the fire, that now liveth with the Ponoestigonce or the Sault. It

is to be understood that this river is divided much into streams very swift

& small before you goe to the river of Canada; [on account] of the great

game that there is in it, the ennemy is to be feared, which made us go

through these torrents. This could make any one afraid who is inexperted in

such voyages.

We suffered much for 3 dayes and 3 nights without rest. As we went we heard

the noise of guns, which made us believe firmly they weare ennemyes. We saw

5 boats goe by, and heard others, which daunted our hearts for feare,

although wee had 8 boats in number; but weare a great distance one from

another, as is said in my former voyage, before we could gaine the height

of the river. The boat of the sorcerors where was one of us, albeit made a

voyage into the hurrons' country before with the ffathers, it was not

usefull, soe we made him embark another, but stayed not there long. The

night following, he that was in the boat dreamed that the Iroquoits had

taken him with the rest. In his dreame he cryes out aloud; those that weare

att rest awakes of the noise. We are in alarum, and ready to be gone. Those

that weare with the man resolved to goe back againe, explicating that an

evill presage. The wildmen councelled to send back the ffrenchman, saying

he should die before he could come to their countrey. It's usually spoken

among the wildmen when a man is sick or not able to doe anything to

discourage him in such sayings.

Here I will give a relation of that ffrenchman before I goe farther, and

what a thing it is to have an intrigue. The next day they see a boat of

their ennemys, as we heard since. They presently landed. The wild men

runned away; the ffrenchman alsoe, as he went along the watter side for

fear of loosing himselfe. He finds there an harbour very thick, layes

himselfe downe and falls asleepe. The night being come, the wildmen being

come to know whether the ennemy had perceived them, but non pursued them,

and found their boat in the same place, and imbarques themselves and comes

in good time to mount royall. They left the poore ffrenchman there,

thinking he had wit enough to come along the watter side, being not above

tenne leagues from thence. Those wild men, after their arrivement, for

feare spoak not one word of him, but went downe to the 3 rivers, where

their habitation was. Fourteen days after some boats ventured to goe looke

for some Oriniaks, came to the same place, where they made cottages, and

that within a quarter of mille where this wrech was. One of the ffrench

finds him on his back and almost quite spent; had his gunne by him. He was

very weake, and desirous that he should be discovered by some or other. He

fed as long as he could on grappes, and at last became so weake that he was

not able any further, untill those ffrench found him. After awhile, being

come to himselfe, he tends downe the three rivers, where being arrived the

governor emprisons him. He stayed not there long. The inhabitants seeing

that the ennemy, the hunger, and all other miseries tormented this poore

man, and that it was by a divine providence he was alive, they would not

have souffred such inhumanity, but gott him out.

Three dayes after wee found the tracks of seaven boats, and fire yett

burning. We found out by their characters they weare no ennemys, but

imagined that they weare Octanaks that went up into their countrey, which

made us make hast to overtake them. We tooke no rest till we overtooke

them. They came from Mount royall and weare gone to the great river and

gone by the great river. So that we weare now 14 boats together, which

weare to goe the same way to the height of the upper lake.

The day following wee weare sett uppon by a Company of Iroquoits that

fortified themselves in the passage, where they waited of Octanack, for

they knewed of their going downe. Our wildmen, seeing that there was no way

to avoid them, resolved to be together, being the best way for them to make

a quick Expedition, ffor the season of the yeare pressed us to make

expedition. We resolved to give a combat. We prepared ourselves with

targetts. Now the businesse was to make a discovery. I doubt not but the

ennemy was much surprised to see us so in number. The councell was held and

resolution taken. I and a wildman weare appointed to goe and see their

fort. I offered myselfe with a free will, to lett them see how willing I

was to defend them; that is the onely way to gaine the hearts of those

wildmen. We saw that their fort was environed with great rocks that there

was no way to mine it, because there weare no trees neere it. The mine was

nothing else but to cutt the nearest tree, and so by his fall make a

bracke, and so goe and give an assault. Their fort was nothing but trees

one against another in a round or square without sides.

The ennemy seeing us come neere, shott att us, but in vaine, ffor we have

fforewarned ourselves before we came there. It was a pleasur to see our

wildmen with their guns and arrows, which agreed not together.

Neverthelesse we told them when they received a breake their guns would be

to no purpose; therefore to putt them by and make use of their bows and

arrows. The Iroquoits saw themselves putt to it, and the evident danger

that they weare in, but to late except they would runne away. Yett our

wildmen weare better wild footemen then they. These weare ffrenchmen that

should give them good directions to overthrow them, resolved to speake for

peace, and throw necklaces of porcelaine over the stakes of their fort. Our

wildmen weare dazelled att such guifts, because that the porcelaine is very

rare and costly in their countrey, and then seeing themselves flattered

with faire words, to which they gave eare. We trust them by force to putt

their first designe in Execution, but feared their lives and loved the

porcelaine, seeing they had it without danger of any life. They weare

persuaded to stay till the next day, because now it was almost night. The

Iroquoits make their escape. This occasion lost, our consolation was that

we had that passage free, but vexed for having lost that opportunity, &

contrarywise weare contented of our side, for doubtlesse some of us had ben

killed in the bataill.

The day following we embarqued ourselves quietly, being uppon our guard for

feare of any surprize, ffor that ennemy's danger scarcely begane, who with

his furour made himselfe so redoubted, having ben there up and downe to

make a new slaughter. This morning, in assurance enough; in the afternoone

the two boats that had orders to land some 200 paces from the landing

place, one tooke onely a small bundle very light, tends to the other side

of the carriage, imagining there to make the kettle boyle, having killed 2

staggs two houres agoe, and was scarce halfe way when he meets the

Iroquoits, without doubt for that same businesse. I think both weare much

surprized. The Iroquoits had a bundle of Castor that he left behind without

much adoe. Our wild men did the same; they both runne away to their

partners to give them notice. By chance my brother meets them in the way.

The wild men seeing that they all weare frightned and out of breath, they

asked the matter, and was told, _nadonnee_, and so soone said, he letts

fall his bundle that he had uppon his back into a bush, and comes backe

where he finds all the wildmen dispaired. He desired me to encourage them,

which I performed with all earnestnesse. We runned to the height of the

carriage. As we weare agoing they tooke their armes with all speed. In the

way we found the bundle of castors that the ennemy had left. By this means

we found out that they weare in a fright as wee, and that they came from

the warrs of the upper country, which we told the wildmen, so encouraged

them to gaine the watter side to discover their forces, where wee no sooner

came but 2 boats weare landed & charged their guns, either to defend

themselves or to sett uppon us. We prevented this affair by our diligence,

and shott att them with our bows & arrows, as with our gunns.

They finding such an assault immediately forsooke the place. They would

have gone into their boats, but we gave them not so much time. They threwed

themselves into the river to gaine the other side. This river was very

narrow, so that it was very violent. We had killed and taken them all, if 2

boats of theirs had not come to their succour, which made us gave over to

follow them, & looke to ourselves, ffor we knewed not the number of their

men. Three of their men neverthelesse weare killed; the rest is on the

other side of the river, where there was a fort which was made long before.

There they retired themselves with all speed. We passe our boats to augment

our victory, seeing that they weare many in number. They did what they

could to hinder our passage, butt all in vaine, ffor we made use of the

bundle of Castors that they left, which weare to us instead of Gabbions,

for we putt them att the heads of our boats, and by that means gott ground

in spight of their noses. They killed one of our men as we landed. Their

number was not to resist ours. They retired themselves into the fort and

brought the rest of their [men] in hopes to save it. In this they were far

mistaken, for we furiously gave an assault, not sparing time to make us

bucklers, and made use of nothing else but of castors tyed together. So

without any more adoe we gathered together. The Iroquoits spared not their

powder, but made more noise then hurt. The darknesse covered the earth,

which was somewhat favorable for us; but to overcome them the sooner, we

filled a barill full of gun powder, and having stoped the whole of it well

and tyed it to the end of a long pole, being att the foote of the fort.

Heere we lost 3 of our men; our machine did play with an execution. I may

well say that the ennemy never had seen the like. Moreover I tooke 3 or 4

pounds of powder; this I put into a rind of a tree, then a fusy to have the

time to throw the rind, warning the wildmen as soone as the rind made his

execution that they should enter in and breake the fort upside down, with

the hattchett and the sword in their hands.

In the meane time the Iroquoits did sing, expecting death, or to their

heels, att the noise of such a smoake & noise that our machines made, with

the slaughter of many of them. Seeing themselves soe betrayed, they lett us

goe free into their fort, that thereby they might save themselves; but

having environed the fort, we are mingled pell mell, so that we could not

know one another in that skirmish of blowes. There was such an noise that

should terrifie the stoutest men. Now there falls a showre of raine and a

terrible storme, that to my thinking there was somthing extraordinary, that

the devill himselfe made that storme to give those men leave to escape from

our hands, to destroy another time more of these innocents. In that

darknesse every one looked about for shelter, not thinking of those braves,

that layd downe halfe dead, to pursue them. It was a thing impossible, yett

doe believe that the ennemy was not far. As the storme was over, we came

together, making a noise, and I am persuaded that many thought themselves

prisoners that weare att Liberty. Some sang their fatall song, albeit

without any wounds. So that those that had the confidence to come neare the

others weare comforted by assuring them the victory, and that the ennemy

was routed. We presently make a great fire, and with all hast make upp the

fort againe for feare of any surprize. We searched for those that weare

missing. Those that weare dead and wounded weare visited. We found 11 of

our ennemy slain'd and 2 onely of ours, besides seaven weare wounded, who

in a short time passed all danger of life. While some weare busie in tying

5 of the ennemy that could not escape, the others visited the wounds of

their compagnions, who for to shew their courage sung'd lowder then those

that weare well. The sleepe that we tooke that night did not make our heads

guidy, although we had need of reposeing. Many liked the occupation, for

they filled their bellyes with the flesh of their ennemyes. We broiled some

of it and kettles full of the rest. We bourned our comrades, being their

custome to reduce such into ashes being stained in bataill. It is an

honnour to give them such a buriall.