Thus the winter was past in thoughts and preparing for to depart before the

melting of the snow, which is very soone in that Country. I began to sett

my witts together how I should resolve this my voyage; for my mother

opposed against it mightily, saying I should bee lost in the woods, and

that I should gett it [put] off till the next yeare. But at last I

flattered with her and dissembled; besides, my father had the power in his

hands. Shee daring not to deny him any thing because shee was not borne in

my father's country, but was taken [when] little in the Huronit's Country.

Notwithstanding [she was] well beloved of her husband, having lived

together more then fourty years, and in that space brought him 9 children,

4 males and 5 females. Two girls died after a while, and 3 sons killed in

the warrs, and one that went 3 years before with a band of 13 men to warre

against a fiery nation which is farre beyonde the great lake. The 5th had

allready performed 2 voyages with a greate deale of successe. My father was

a great Captayne in warrs, having ben Commander in all his times, and

distructed many villages of their Ennemy, having killed 19 men with his

owne hands, whereof he was marked [on] his right thigh for as many [as] he

killed. He should have as many more, but that you must know that the

Commander has not amused himselfe to kille, but in the front of his army to

encourage his men. If by chance he tooke any prisoners, he calles one of

his men and gives him the captives, saying that it's honour enough to

command the conquerors, and by his example shews to the yong men that he

has the power as much as the honour. He receaved 2 gunn shots and 7 arrows

shotts, and was runne through the shoulders with a lance. He was aged 3

score years old, he was talle, and of an excellent witt for a wild man.

When our baggage was ready, my father makes a feast to which he invites a

number of people, & declares that he was sorry he had resolved to go to

warre against an Ennemy which was in a cold country, which hindred him to

march sooner then he would, but willing to see his sonnes before him, and

that this banquett was made for his 2 sons' farewell. Then he tould that

his adopted son was ready to go with his owne son to be revenged of the

death of their brothers, and desired the Commander to have a care of us

both. This Commander loved us both, said that the one which [was] meselfe

should be with him to the end. If anything should oppose he would make me

fight him. I was not att home when he spoke those words, but my mother

toald me it att my retourne. I was a fishing by with my sisters & brother.

When wee came back wee found all ready, butt with a heart broken that our

mother and sisters lett us goe. Few days after I was invited to a military

banquett where was the Captayne, a yong gallant of 20 years old, with a

company of 8, and I made the 10th. We all did sing and made good cheare of

a fatt beare. We gave our things to slaves, we carried only our musquetts.

Our kindred brought us a great way. My sister could not forbeare crying,

yett tould me to be of a stout heart. We tooke att last [leave and] bid

them adieu. We tooke on our journey over great snowes for to come to the

great Lake before the Spring. We travelled 7 days through woods and

indifferent country, easie in some places and others difficult. The Rivers

weare frozen, which made us crosse with a great deale of ease.

Wee arrived the 7th day in a village called Nojottga [Footnote: _Nojottga_,

or Oneioutga, Oneida.], where we stayed 2 days. From thence came a young

man with us. We arrived into another village, Nontageya [Footnote:

_Nontageya_, Onontaguega, or Onondaga.], where we stayed foure days. Wee

had allways great preparations, and weare invited 9 or tenne times a day.

Our bellyes had not tyme to emptie themselves, because we feeded so much,

and that what was prepared for us weare severall sortes, Stagg, Indian

corne, thick flower, bears, and especially eels. We have not yett searched

our baggs wheare our provision was. In this place wee mended them. For my

part I found in myne 6 pounds of powder and more then 15 pounds of shott, 2

shirts, a capp, 8 pairs of shoes, and wherewith to make a paire of

breeches, and about 1000 graines of black and white porcelaine, and my

brother as many. Wee had new covers, one to our body, another hung downe

from our shoulders like a mantle. Every one [had] a small necklace of

porcelaine and a collar made with a thread of nettles to tye the Prisoners.

I had a gunne, a hattchett, and a dagger. That was all we had. Our slaves

brought the packs after us.

After we marched 3 dayes, we came to a village, Sonon-teeonon,[Footnote:

_Sononteeonon_, Tionnontonan, or Seneca.] there we layd a night. The next

day, after a small journey, we came to the last village of their

confederates. Heere they doe differ in their speech though of [our] nation.

It's called Oiongoiconon. [Footnote: _Oiongoiconon_ is Cayuga.] Here we

stay 2 dayes, and sent away our slaves and carryed our bundles ourselves,

going allwayes through the woods. We found great plaines of 2 leagues and a

halfe journey without a tree. We saw there stagges, but would not goe out

of our way to kill them. We went through 3 villages of this nation neare

one another. They admired to see a frenchman accompanying wild men, which I

understood by their exclamations. I thought I grewed leane to take litle

voyage, but the way seemed tedious to all. The raquett alwayes with the

feet and sometimes with the hands, which seemed to me hard to indure, yett

have I not complained. Att the parting of the slaves, I made my bundle

light as the rest. We found snowes in few places, saving where the trees

made a shaddow, which hindred the snow to thaw, which made us carry the

raquetts with our feete, and sometimes with the hands.

After 10 days' march [we completed our journey] through a country covered

with water, and where also are mountaines and great plaines. In those

plaines wee kill'd stagges, and a great many Tourquies. Thence we came to a

great river of a mile wide which was not frozen, which made us stay there

10 or 12 dayes making skiffs of the rind of walnut trees. We made good

cheere and wished to stay there longer. We made 3 skiffs to hould 3 men,

and one to hould two. We imbarked though there weare ice in many places,

and yett no hinderance to us going small journeys, fearing least what

should befall us. In 4 dayes we came to a lake much frozen; covered in some

places with ice by reason of the tossing of the wind, and the ground all

covered with snow. Heere we did our best to save us from the rigour of the

aire, and must stay 15 dayes. The wild men admired that the season of the

yeare was so backward. Att the end the wind changes southerly, which made

the lake free from Ice and cleare over all the skirts of it, without either

snow or ice. There was such a thawing that made the litle brookes flow like

rivers, which made us imbarque to wander [over] that sweet sea. The weather

lovely, the wind fayre, and nature satisfied. Tending forwards, singing and

playing, not considering the contrary weather past, continued so 6 days

upon the lake and rested the nights ashore.

The more we proceeded in our journey, the more the pleasant country and

warmer. Ending the lake, we entered into a beautifull sweet river, a

stoan-cast wide. After halfe a day we rid on it, weare forced to bring both

barks and equipage uppon our backs to the next streame of that river. This

done above 20 times, hawling our boats after us all laden. We went up that

river att least 30 or 40 leagues. Att last [it] brought us to a lake of

some 9 miles in length. Being comed to the highest place of the lake, we

landed and hid our boats farr enough in the woods, [and] tooke our bundles.

We weare 3 dayes going through a great wildernesse where was no wood, not

so much as could make us fire. Then the thickned flower did serve us

instead of meate, mingling it with watter. We foorded many litle rivers, in

swiming & sayling. Our armes, which we putt uppon some sticks tyed together

of such wood as that desolat place could afford, to keepe them from the

weatt. The evening we came on the side of a violent river, uppon which we

made bridges of trees that we [made] to meet, to go over.

We left this place after being there 3 dayes. We went up that river in 2

dayes; there we killed stagges. After we came to a mouth of another river.

We made a litle fort, where it was commanded by our captayne to make no

noise. They desired me to be very quiet, which I observed strictly. After

refreshment we imbarked, though unseasonably, in the night, for to make som

discovery. Some went one way, some another. We went a great way, but not

farr off our fort. The next day we meet altogether & made some Councell,

where it was decreed that 2 should go to the furthermost part of a small

river in a boat, to make a discovery, and see if there weare tracks of

people there, whilst the other 9 should take notice of a villag, that they

knew'd to be nigh, and because it was lesse danger to make there a

discovery. The youngest of the company and me are pitched [upon] to goe

into the river. We tooke the lightest boat. It was well, [for] that in some

places of the river there was not watter enough to carry us. We weare

fained to draw the boat after us. I believe not that ever a wild man went

that way because of the great number of trees that stops the passage of the

river.

After we have gon the best part of the day, we found ourselves att the end

of a small lake some 4 mile in length, and seeing the woods weare not so

thick there as wheare wee passed, we hid our boat in some bushes, taking

onely our armes along, intending on still to pretend some discovery. We

scarce weare in the midle of the lake when we perceave 2 persons goeing on

the watter side, att the other side of the lake; so my comrade getts him up

a tree to discerne better if there weare any more. After he stayed there a

while [he] comes [down] & tells me that he thought they weare 2 women, and

that we might goe kill them. Doubtlesse, said I, if they are women the men

are not afarre from them, and we shall be forced to shoote. Wee are alone,

and should runne the hazzard of 2 women for to be discovered. Our breethren

also would be in danger that knowes nothing. Moreover it's night; what dost

thou intend to doe? You say well, replyes he; lett us hide ourselves in the

wood, for we cannot goe downe in the river in the night time. Att breake of

day we will [goe] back to our companions where we will finde them in the

fort.

Here we came without any provisions, where we must lie under a rotten

tree. That night it rayned sadly. We weare wett; but a naturall Exercise is

good fire. We weare in our boat early in the morning, and with great

diligence we came back better then we went up, for the river grewed mighty

high by reason of so much that fell of raine. I will not omitt a strange

accident that befell us as we came. You must know that as we past under the

trees, as before mentioned, there layd on one of the trees a snake with

foure feete, her head very bigg, like a Turtle, the nose very small att the

end, the necke of 5 thumbs wide, the body about 2 feet, and the tayle of a

foot & a halfe, of a blackish collour, onto a shell small and round, with

great eyes, her teeth very white but not long. That beast was a sleepe upon

one of the trees under which wee weare to goe; neither of us ever seeing

such a creature weare astonished. We could not tell what to doe. It was

impossible to carry our boat, for the thicknesse of the wood; to shoot att

her wee would att least be discovered, besides it would trouble our

Company. Att last we weare resolved to goe through att what cost soever,

and as we weare under that hellish beast, shee started as shee awaked, and

with that fell'd downe into our boat, there weare herbes that served [to

secure] us from that dreadfull animal. We durst not ventur to kill her, for

feare of breaking of our boat. There is the question who was most fearfull?

As for me, I quaked. Now seeing shee went not about to doe us hurt, and

that shee was fearfull, we lett her [be] quiet, hoping shortly to land and

to tourne upsid downe of our boat to be rid of such a devill. Then my

comrad began to call it, and before we weare out of the litle river our

feare was over; so we resolved to bring her to the fort, and when once

arrived att the great river, nothing but crosse over it to be neare our

fort. But in the mean while a squirrell made us good spoart for a quarter

of an houre. The squirrell would not leap into the water; did but runne,

being afraid of us, from one end of the boat to the other; every time he

came nearer, the snake opened her wide mouth & made a kind of a noise, &

rose up, having her 2 fore feet uppon the side of the boat, which persuaded

us that shee would leave us. We leaned on that side of the boat, so with

our owers thrusted her out; we seeing her swime so well, hasted to kill her

with our owers, which shee had for her paines. [Footnote: Radisson's

description of this reptile has been shown to one of the most eminent

herpetologists in America, who writes that "no such reptile has ever been

described by scientific writers."] The squirrell tooke the flight, soe we

went, longing to be with our comrades to tell them of what we have seene.

We found one of our company watching for us att the side of a woode, for

they weare in feare least wee should be taken, & expected us all night

long. As for their part they neither have seen nor heard anything.

Wherefore resolved to goe further, but the news we brought them made them

alter their resolution. Wee layd all night in our fort, where we made good

cheare and great fires, fearing nothing, being farr enough in the wood.

The next day before the breaking of the day we foorded the river, & leaving

our 3 boats in the wood, went a foot straight towards the place where we

have seene the 2 persons; & before we came to the lake we tooke notice of

some fresh trakes which made us look to ourselves, and followed the trakes,

which brought us to a small river, where no sooner came but we saw a woman

loaden with wood, which made us believ that some cottage or village was not

afar off. The Captaine alone takes notice of the place where abouts the

discovery was, who soone brought us [to see] that there weare 5 men & 4

women a fishing. We wagged [sic] att this the saffest [way] to come

unawarre uppon them, and like starved doggs or wolves devoured those poore

creatures who in a moment weare massacred. What we gott by this was not

much, onely stagges' skins with some guirdles made of goate's hair, of

their owne making. These weare in great estime among our wild men. Two of

ours goes to the cabban which was made of rushes, where they founde an old

woman. They thought it charity to send her into the other world, with two

small children whome also they killed; so we left that place, giving them

to the fishes their bodyes. Every one of us had his head, and my brother

two; our share being considerable [we] went on along the river till we came

to a small lake. Not desiring to be discovered, we found a faire road close

by a wood, withtooke ourselves out of it with all haste, and went towards a

village. There we came by night, where we visited the wildernesse to find

out a secure place for security to hide ourselves; but [finding] no

conveniencies we [went] into the wood in a very cleare place. Heere we layd

downe uppon our bellies. We did eat, among other things, the fish we gott

in the cabban of the fishermen. After dispatching one of the Company

bouldly into the village, being thirsty after eating, for heere we had no

water, [which] brings us [so] that we are all very quiett. The great desire

we had to catch and take made us to controule the Buissinesse.

Early in the morning we came to the side of the wildernesse, where we layd

in an ambush, but could see nobody that morning. Att two of the clock in

the after non we see 20, as well men as women, a great way from us. We went

to the wood, whence we perceived many att worke in the fields. Att evening

[they] passed by very nigh us, but they neither see nor perceived us. They

went to cutt wood; whilst they weare att worke there comes foure men and

three women, that tooke notice of our ambush. This we could not avoid, so

weare forced to appeare to their ruine. We tooke the 3 women and killed 2

men. The other 2 thought to escape, but weare stayed with our peeces; the

other 2 that weare aworking would runne away, but one was taken, the other

escaped. The news was brought over all those parts. Thence we runne away

with our 4 prisoners and the 4 new heads with all speed. The women could

not goe fast enough, and therefore killed them after they went a whole

night; their corps we threwed into the river; heere we found a boat which

Served us to goe over. We marched all that day without any delay; being

come to an open field we hid ourselves in bushes till thee next day. We

examined our Prisoners, who tould us no news; non could understand them,

although many Huron words weare in their language. In this place we

perceived 2 men a hunting afarre off; we thought [it] not convenient to

discover ourselves, least we should be discovered and passe our aime. We

tooke another day, 2 before and the rest after, thee prisoners in the

midle. We speedily went the rest of thee day through a burned country, and

the trees blowne downe with some great windes. The fire over came all, over

15 leagues in length and 10 in breadth. We layd in the very midle of that

country upon a faire sandy place where we could see 3 or 4 leagues off

round about us, and being secure we made the prisoners sing which is their

Acconroga before death. There we made a litle fire to make our Kettle boyle

a tourkey, with some meale that was left. Seeing no body persued, we

resolved to goe thence before daylight to seeke for more booty. We stayed

14 nights before we turned back to the village, during which time we mett

with nothing, and having gon on all sides with great paines without

victualls. Att last we came to kill 2 Stagges, but did not suffice 12 of

us. We weare forced to gather the dung of the stagges to boyle it with the

meat, which made all very bitter. But good stomachs make good favour.

Hunger forced us to kill our Prisoners, who weare chargeable in eating our

food, for want of which have eaten the flesh. So by that means we weare

freed from the trouble.

The next day we came neere a Village. Att our coming we killed a woman with

her child, & seeing no more for us that way we tourned backe againe for

feare of pursueing, and resolved to goe backe to the first village that was

3 days' journey; but on the way we mett with 5 and 20 or 30 men and women,

who discovered us, which made [us] go to it. They fought & defended

themselves lustily; but [there is] no resisting the Strongest party, for

our guns were a terrour to them, and made them give over. During the fight

the women ranne away. Five of the men weare wounded with arrowes and foure

escaped, but he that was sent with me att first to make a discovery was

horribly wounded with 2 arrowes and a blow of a club on the head. If he had

stuck to it as we, he might proceed better. We burned him with all speed,

that he might not languish long, to putt ourselves in safty. We killed 2 of

them, & 5 prisoners wee tooke, and came away to where we left our boats,

where we arrived within 2 days without resting, or eating or drinking all

the time, saveing a litle stagge's meate. We tooke all their booty, which

was of 2 sacks of Indian corne, stagges' skins, some pipes, some red and

green stoanes, and some tobacco in powder, with some small loaves of bread,

and some girdles, garters, necklaces made of goats' haire, and some small

coyne of that country, some bowes and arrowes, and clubbs well wrought. The

tournes of their heads weare of snakes' skin with bears' pawes. The hayre

of some of them very long, & all proper men. We went on the other side of

the river the soonest we could, and came to our fort. After we looked about

us least we should be surprised, and perceiving nothing, we went about to

gett meat for our wants & then to sleepe.

Att midnight we left that place. Six of us tooke a boate, 5 an other, and 2

the litle one. We row the rest of the night with all strength, & the

breaking of the day hid ourselves in very long rushes & our boats. The

litle boat went att the other side of the river, those hid it in the wood.

One of them went up a tree to spie about, in case he could perceive any

thing, to give notice to his comrades, & he was to come within sight of us

to warne us. We weare in great danger going downe the streame of that river

in the night time. We had trouble enough to carry all our baggage without

the least noise. Being come to the end of the river which empties it selfe

into a lake of some 8 or 9 leagues in compasse, we went into a small river

to kill salmons, as in deed we tooke great many with staves, and so

sturgeons, of which we made provision for a long while. Att last finding

our selves out of all feare & danger, we went freely a hunting about the

lake, where we tarried 3 dayes, and 2 of our Company mett with 2 women that

runned away from the Sanoutin's country, which is of the Iroquoit nation.

Those poore creatures having taken so much paines to sett themselves att

liberty to goe to their native country, found themselves besett in a

greater slavery then before, they being tyed [and] brought to us.

The next day we went from thence with the 5 prisoners & the 22 heads. So

much for the litlenesse of our boats as for the weight we had to putt upon

them, being in danger, which made us make the more hast to the place where

we intended to make new boats. For 9 days we went through dangerous places

which weare like so many precipices with horrible falling of watters. We

weare forced to carry our boats after the same maner as before, with great

paines. We came att last to a lake where we contrived other boats, and

there we parted our acquisited booty, and then each had care of his owne.

We ordered the biggest boat should hould 4 men and 2 prisoners; the next 3

men and the 2 women that last weare taken; the 3d should hould 3 and the

other prisoner. My brother and I had a man & woman with 4 heads to our

share, and so the rest accordingly without dispute or noise.

We wandered severall dayes on that lake. It was a most delightfull place,

and a great many islands. Here we killed great many bears. After we came to

a most delightfull place for the number of stagges that weare there. Thence

into a straight river. From thence weare forced to make many carriages

through many stony mountains, where we made severall trappes for castors.

We tooke above 200 castors there, and fleaced off the best skins. There

weare some skins so well dressed that [they] held the oyle of beares as

pure bottles. During that time we mett severall huntsmen of our country; so

we heard news of our friends. Only our father was not yett retourned from

the warrs against the french and algonquins. We left our small boats, that

weare purposely confected for our hunting, & tooke our great boats that

could carry us and all our luggage.

We went up the same river againe, not without great labour. Att last with

much ado we arrived at the landing place where wee made a stay of 4 days;

where many Iroquoites women came, and among others my 2 sisters, that

received me with great joy, with a thousand kindnesses and guifts, as you

may think. I gave them the 2 heads that I had, keeping the woman for my

mother, to be her slave. There was nothing but singing & dancing out of

meere joy for our safe retourne. I had 20 castors for my share, with 2

skins full of oyle of beare and another full of oriniack and stagge's

grease. I gave to each of my sisters 6 stagges' skins to make them coats. I

kept the grease for my mother, to whome it is convenient to give what is

necessary for the family. We made our slaves carry all our booty, & went on

to litle journeys through woods with ease, because the woods weare not

thick and the earth very faire and plaine. All the way the people made much

of me, till we came to the village, and especially my 2 sisters, that in

all they shewed their respects, giveing me meate every time we rested

ourselves, or painting my face or greasing my haire or combing my head. Att

night they tooke the paines to pull off my stokins, & when I supped they

made me lay downe by them and cover me with their coats, as if the weather

had ben cold.

This voyage being ended, albeit I came to this village, & twice with feare

& terror, the 3d time notwithstanding with joy & contentment. As we came

neare the village, a multitude of people came to meete us with great

exclamations, and for the most part for my sake, biding me to be cheerfull

& qualifying me dodcon, that is, devil, being of great veneration in that

country to those that shew any vallour. Being arrived within halfe a league

of the village, I shewed a great modesty, as usually warriors use to doe.

The whole village prepares to give the scourge to the captives, as you

[have] heard before, under which I myselfe I was once to undergoe. My

mother comes to meet mee, leaping & singing. I was accompanied with both

[of] my sisters. Shee takes the woman, slave that I had, and would not that

any should medle with her. But my brother's prisoner, as the rest of the

captives, weare soundly beaten. My mother accepted of my brother's 2 heads.

My brother's prisoner was burned the same day, and the day following I

received the sallery of my booty, which was of porcelaine necklaces, Tourns

of beads, pendants, and girdles.

There was but banqueting for a while. The greatest part of both young men &

women came to see me, & the women the choicest of meats, and a most dainty

and cordiall bit which I goe to tell you; doe not long for it, is the best

that is among them. First when the corne is greene they gather so much as

need requireth, of which leaves they preserve the biggest leaves for the

subject that followes. A dozen more or lesse old women meet together alike,

of whome the greatest part want teeth, and seeth not a jott, and their

cheeks hange downe like an old hunting-dogg, their eyes full of watter and

bloodshott. Each takes an eare of corne and putts in their mouths, which is

properly as milke, chawes it, and when their mouths are full, spitts it out

in their hands, which possibly they wash not once one yeare; so that their

hands are white inside by reason of the grease that they putt to their

haire & rubbing of it with the inside of their hands, which keeps them

pretty clean, but the outside in the rinknesse of their rinkled hands there

is a quarter of an ounze of filth and stinking grease.

And so their hands being full of that mince meate minced with their gumms

and [enough] to fill a dish. So they chaw chestnutts; then they mingle this

with bear's grease or oyle of flower (in french we call it Tourne Sol) with

their hands. So made a mixture, they tye the leaves att one end & make a

hodgepot & cover it with the same leaves and tye the upper end so that what

is within these leaves becomes a round ball, which they boile in a kettle

full of watter or brouth made of meate or fish. So there is the description

of the most delicious bitt of the world. I leave you taste of their Salmi

gondy, which I hope to tell you in my following discourses of my other

voyages in that country, and others that I frequented the space of tenne

years.

To make a period of this my litle voyage. After I stayed awhile in this

village with all joy & mirth, for feasts, dances, and playes out of meere

gladnesse for our small victorious company's hapy retourne, so after that

their heads had sufficiently danced, they begin to talke [of going] to

warre against the hollanders. Most of us are traited againe for the castors

we bestowed on them. They resolve unanimously to goe on their designe.

Every thing ready, we march along. The next day we arrived in a small

brough [Footnote: _Brough_ probably means borough, used, as the French

applied it to "bourgade," for a town of Indians or whites.] of the

hollanders, where we masters them, without that those beere-bellies had the

courage to frowne att us. Whether it was out of hope of lucre or otherwise,

we with violence tooke the meate out of their potts, and opening their

coubards [cupboards] we take and eat what we [can] gett. For drinking of

their wine we weare good fellowes. So much that they fought with swords

among themselves without the least offer of any misdeed to me. I drunk more

then they, but more soberly, letting them make their quarrells without any

notice.

The 4th day we come to the fort, of Orange, wher we weare very well

received, or rather our Castors, every one courting us; and was nothing but

pruins and reasins and tobbacco plentifully, and all for ho, ho, which is

thanks, adding _nianonnha_, thanke you. We went from house to house. I went

into the fort with my brother, and have not yett ben knowne a french. But a

french souldier of the fort speaks to me in Iroquois language, & demanded

if I was not a stranger, and did veryly believe I was french, for all that

I was all dabbled over with painting and greased. I answered him in the

same language, that no; and then he speaks in swearing, desiring me [to

tell him] how I fell in the hands of those people. And hearing him speake

french, amazed, I answered him, for which he rejoyced very much. As he

embraces me, he cryes out with such a stirre that I thought him senselesse.

He made a shame for all that I was wild but to blush red. I could be no

redder then what they painted me before I came there. All came about me,

ffrench as well as duch, every one makeing [me] drink out of the bottles,

offering me their service; but my time yett was not out, so that I wanted

not their service, for the onely rumour of my being a frenchman was enough.

The flemish women drawed me by force into their houses, striving who should

give, one bread, other meate, to drinke and to eate, and tobacco. I wanted

not for those of my nation, Iroquois, who followed me in a great squadroon

through the streets, as if I had bin a monster in nature or a rare thing to

be seen.

I went to see the Governor, & talked with me a long time, and tould him the

life that I lead, of which he admired. He offred me to buy me from them att

what prise so ever, or else should save me, which I accepted not, for

severall reasons. The one was for not to be behoulding to them, and the

other being loathsome to leave such kind of good people. For then I began

to love my new parents that weare so good & so favourable to me. The 3d

reason was to watch a better opportunity for to retyre to the french rather

then make that long circuit which after I was forced to doe for to retyre

to my country more then 2,000 leagues; and being that it was my destiny to

discover many wild nations, I would not to strive against destinie. I

remitted myselfe to fortune and adventure of time, as a thing ordained by

God for his greatest glorie, as I hope it will prove. Our treatis being

done, overladend with bootyes abundantly, we putt ourselves in the way that

we came to see againe our village, and to passe that winter with our wives,

and to eat with them our Cagaimtie in peece, hoping that nobody should

trouble us during our wintering, and also to Expect or finde our fathers

retourning home.

Leaving that place, many cryed to see me among a company of wolves, as that

souldier tould me who knowed me the first houre; and the poore man made the

tears come to my eyes. The truth is, I found many occasions to retire for

to save me, but have not yett souffred enough to have merited my

deliverence. In 2 dayes' journey we weare retourned to our cabbans, where

every one of us rendered himself to his dearest kindred or master. My

sisters weare charged of porcelaine, of which I was shure not to faile, for

they weare too liberall to mee and I towards them. I was not 15 dayes

retourned, but that nature itselfe reproached me to leade such a life,

remembering the sweet behaviour and mildnesse of the french, & considered

with meselfe what end should I expect of such a barbarous nation, enemy to

God and to man. The great effect that the flemings shewed me, and the litle

space was from us there; can I make that journey one day? The great belief

that that people had in me should make them not to mistrust me, & by that I

should have greater occasion to save me without feare of being pursued.

All these reasons made one deliberat to take a full resolution, without

further delay, of saving meselfe to the flemings; ffor I could be att no

safty among such a nation full of reveng. If in case the ffrench &

algonquins defeats that troupe of theirs, then what spite they will have

will reveng it on my boanes; ffor where is no law, no faith to undertake to

goe to the ffrench. I was once interrupted, nor have I had a desire to

venture againe for the second time. I should delight to be broyled as

before in pitifull torments. I repented of a good occasion I lett slippe,

finding meselfe in the place with offers of many to assist me. But he that

is of a good resolution must be of strong hopes of what he undertakes; & if

the dangers weare considered which may be found in things of importancy,

you ingenious men would become cooks. Finally, without expecting my

father's retourne, putting away all feare & apprehension, I constituted to

deliver meselfe from their hands at what ever rate it would come too. For

this effect I purposed to faine to goe a hunting about the brough; & for to

dissemble the better, I cutt long sticks to make handles for a kind of a

sword they use, that thereby they might not have the least suspition.

One day I tooke but a simple hattchett & a knife, if occasion presented to

cutt some tree, & for to have more defence, if unhappily I should be

rencountred, to make them believe that I was lost in the woods. Moreover,

as the whole nation tooke me for proud, having allways great care to be

guarnished with porcelaine, & that I would fly away like a beggar, a thing

very unworthy, in this deliberation I ventured. I inquired [of] my brother

if he would keepe me company. I knewed that he never thought, seeing that

he was courting of a young woman, who by the report of many was a bastard

to a flemish. I had no difficulty to believe, seeing that the colour of her

hayre was much more whiter then that of the Iroquoits. Neverthelesse, shee

was of a great familie. I left them to their love. In shorte, that without

any provision I tooke journey through the forests guided by fortune. No

difficulty if I could keepe the highway, which is greatly beatten with the

great concours of that people that comes & goes to trade with the flemings;

but to avoid all encounters I must prolong a farre off. Soe being assisted

by the best hope of the world, I made all diligence in the meene while that

my mother nor kindred should mistrust me in the least.

I made my departure att 8 of the clock in the morning the 29th 8bre, 1663

[1653]. I marched all that journey without eating, but being as accustomed

to that, without staying I continued my cours att night. Before the

breaking of the day I found myselfe uncapable because of my feeblenesse and

faintnesse for want of food and repose after such constraint. But the feare

of death makes vertu of necessity. The morning commanded me to goe, for

it's faire and could ayre, which [was] somewhat advantageous to keepe [me]

more cheerfull. Finally the resolution reterning my courage, att 4 of the

clocke att evening, the next daye I arrived in a place full of trees cutt,

which made mee looke to myselfe, fearing to approach the habitation, though

my designe was such. It is a strange thing that to save this life they

abhorre what they wish, & desire which they apprehend. Approaching nigher

and nigher untill I perceived an opening that was made by cutting of wood

where was one man cutting still wood, I went nearer and called him. [He]

incontinently leaves his work & comes to me, thinking I was Iroquoise. I

said nothing to him to the contrary. I kept him in that thought, promissing

him to treat with him all my castors att his house, if he should promise me

there should be non of my brother Iroquoise there, by reson we must be

liberall to one another. He assured me there was non then there. I tould

him that my castors were hidden and that I should goe for them to-morrow.

So satisfied [he] leads me to his cabban & setts before me what good cheare

he had, not desiring to loose time because the affaire concerned me much. I

tould him I was savage, but that I lived awhile among the ffrench, & that I

had something valuable to communicate to the governor. That he would give

me a peece of paper and Ink and pen. He wondered very much to see that,

what he never saw before don by a wildman. He charges himself with my

letter, with promise that he should tell it to nobody of my being there,

and to retourne the soonest he could possible, having but 2 litle miles to

the fort of Orange.

In the meane while of his absence shee shews me good countenance as much as

shee could, hoping of a better imaginary profit by me. Shee asked me if we

had so much libertie with the ffrench women to lye with them as they; but I

had no desire to doe anything, seeing myselfe so insnared att death's door

amongst the terrible torments, but must shew a better countenance to a

worse game. In the night we heard some wild men singing, which redoubled my

torments and apprehension, which inticed me to declare to that woman that

my nation would kill [me] because I loved the ffrench and the flemings more

than they, and that I resolved hereafter to live with the flemings. Shee

perceiving my reason hid me in a corner behind a sack or two of wheat.

Nothing was to me but feare. I was scarcely there an houre in the corner,

but the flemings came, 4 in number, whereof that french man [who] had

knowne me the first, who presently getts me out & gives me a suite that

they brought purposely to disguise me if I chanced to light upon any of the

Iroquoits. I tooke leave of my landlady & landlord, yett [it] grieved me

much that I had nothing to bestow upon them but thanks, being that they

weare very poore, but not so much [so] as I.

I was conducted to the fort of Orange, where we had no incounter in the

way, where I have had the honnour to salute the Governor, who spoake

french, and by his speech thought him a french man. The next day he caused

an other habit to be given me, with shoos & stokins & also linnen. A

minister that was a Jesuit [Footnote: "A minister that was a Jesuit." This

was the Jesuit father, Joseph Noncet. See Introduction, page 3.] gave me

great offer, also a Marchand, to whom I shall ever have infinit

obligations, although they weare satisfied when I came to france att

Rochel. I stayed 3 dayes inclosed in the fort & hidden. Many came there to

search me, & doubt not but my parents weare of the party. If my father had

ben there he would venture hard, & no doubt but was troubled att it, & so

was my mother, & my parents who loved me as if I weare their owne naturall

son. My poore sisters cryed out & lamented through the town of the

flemings, as I was tould they called me by my name, ffor they came there

the 3rd day after my flight. Many flemings wondered, & could not perceive

how those could love me so well; but the pleasure caused it, as it agrees

well with the Roman proverbe, "doe as they doe." I was imbarked by the

governor's order; after taking leave, and thanks for all his favours, I was

conducted to Menada, a towne faire enough for a new country, where after

some 3 weekes I embarked in one of their shipps for holland, where we

arrived after many boisterous winds and ill weather, and, after some six

weeks' sayle and some days, we landed att Amsterdam the 4th of January,

1664 [1654]. Some days after I imbarked myselfe for france and came to

Rochelle well & safe, not without blowing my fingers many times as well as

I [had] done before [when] I arrived in holland. I stayed till spring,

expecting the transporte of a shippe for new france.

_The Second Voyage made in the Upper Country of the Iroquoits._

The 15th day of may I embarked in a fisherboat to go for peerce Island,

which is 6 score leagues off Quebecq, being there arrived the 7th of may. I

search diligently the means possible for to end my voyage & render meselfe

neere my naturall parents & country people. Att last I found an occasion to

goe by some shallops & small boats of the wildernesse, which went up as

farre as the ffrench habitation, there to joyne with the Algonquins &

Mountaignaies to warre against the Iroquoits from all times, as their

histories mentions. Their memory is their Chronicle, for it [passes] from

father to son, & assuredly very excellent for as much as I know & many

others has remarked. I embarked into one of their shallops & had the wind

favorable for us N. E. In 5 dayes came to Quebecq, the first dwelling place

of the ffrench. I mean not to tell you the great joy I perceivd in me to

see those persons that I never thought to see more, & they in like maner

with me thought I was dead long since. In my absence peace was made

betweene the french & the Iroquoits, which was the reason I stayed not long

in a place. The yeare before, the French began a new plantation [Footnote:

"Began a new plantation," at Onondaga.] in the upper Country of the

Iroquoits, which is distant from the Low Iroquois Country som fourscore

leagues, where I was prisoner, & been in the warrs of that country. I tooke

great notice of it, as I mentioned in my formest voyage, which made me have

mind to goe thither againe, by the reason peace was concluded among them.

Friends, I must confesse I loved those poore people entirely well;

moreover, nothing was to be feared by reason of the great distance which

causes a difference in their speech, yett they understand one another. At

that very time the Reverend fathers Jesuits embarked themselves for a

second time to dwell there and teach Christian doctrin. I offered myselfe

to them, and was, as their custome is, kindly accepted. I prepare meselfe

for the journey, which was to be in June. You must know that the Hurrons

weare contained in the article of peace, but not the Algonquins, which

caused more difficulty; for those Iroquoits who imbarqued us durst not come

downe the 3 rivers where the french should embarque, because it is the

dwelling place of the Algonquin. To remedy this the ffrench and the

barbarrs that weare to march, must come to Mont Royall, the last french

inhabitation, in shalopps.

It will not be amisse to leave the following of the voyage for to repeat

the reasons why those poor hurrons ventured themselves into their hands,

who have bin ennemy one to another all their life time, and that naturally.

You must know that the Hurrons, so called by the ffrench, have a bush of a

hair rised up artificially uppon the heads like to a cock's comb. Those

people, I say, weare 20 or 30,000 by report of many not 20 years ago. Their

dwelling is neere the uper lake, so called by name of the ffrench. That

people tell us of their pedegree from the beginning, that their habitation

above the Lake, many years agoe, and as they increased, many, great many,

began to search out another country. For to tend towards the South they

durst not, for the multitude of people that was there, and besides some of

their owne nations had against them. Then [they] resolved to goe to the

north parts, for westward there was much watter, which was without end.

Moreover many inhabitants, monstruous for the greatnesse of body. We will

speake about this in another place more att large, where will give an exact

account of what came to our knowledge dureing our travells, and the land we

have discovered since. If eastward, they had found the Iroquoits who

possessed some parts of the river of Canada, and their dwelling was where

Quebecq is situated, and about that place, & att the upper end of

Montmerency 2 leagues from Quebecq, where was a great village where now is

seene a desolat country, that is, for woods and forests, nor more nor lesse

then what small bushes nigh the river's side in the place called the Cape

de Magdelaine. It's such a country that the ffrench calls it the burned

country 20 miles about, and in many places the same is to be seene where

there weare forests.

So seeing that the north regions weare not so peopled, they pursued [their]

route of that way, and for the purpose provided themselves provision for a

twelvemonth to live, with all their equipage imbarqued in the begining of

the Spring. After that they passed great wayes, coming to a lake which

conducts them into a great river, [Footnote: "Coming to a lake which

conducts them into a great river." Moose River, which leads into Hudson's

Bay.] which river leads them to a great extent of salt watter; so as they

being good fishers want no fish. They coasted this great watter for a long

time, finding allways some litle nation whose language they knew not,

haveing great feare of one another. Finally, finding but a fearfull country

full of mountains and rocks, they made great boats that might hould some 30

men to traverse with more assurance the great bay for to decline from the

tediousnesse of the highway, which they must doe, having but small boats;

whence they came to a country full of mountains of ice, which made us

believe that they descended to the goulden arme.

So, fearing the winter should come on, they made sayles wherein they made

greate way when the wind was behind; otherwyse they could not make use of

their sayles, and many of their boats weare lost, but still went on, hoping

of a better country. They wandered so many moons with great danger and

famine, ffor they began to misse such plenty as they [were] used [to]. Att

last [they] gott out, and coasting the skirts of the sea, and enters as it

weare into a country where the sumer begins againe, they weare incouraged

to greater hopes, insomuch that the poore people became from their first

origine to lead another life. Being only conducted by their imaginary idea

or instinct of nature ffor steering, they knewed nothing but towards the

roote of the Sun, and likewise by some starrs. Finally the coast brings

them to the great river St. Lawrence, river of Canada; knowing not that it

was a river till they came just opposit against the mounts of our blessed

lady, where they then perceaved to [be] betwixt 2 lands, albeit that litle

summer was past, and that the season of the yeare growing on somewhat

sharpe, which made them think to search for winter. [They] mounted allways

up the river, and finding one side most beautifull for the eye, they passed

it over, and planted their cabbans in many parts by reason of the many

streams there flowing with quantity of fish, whereof they made a good store

for their wintering. After a while that upon this undertaking they made

cognicence and commerced with the highlanders, inhabitants of that country,

who gave them notice that there weare a nation higher who should understand

them, being that they weare great travellers, that they should goe on the

other side and there should find another river named Tatousac.

They seeing the winter drawing on they made a fort and sent to discover the

said place a band of their men to Tatousac. They finde a nation that

understands them not more then the first, but by chance some that escaped

the hands of their ennemy Iroquoits, and doubts that there is great

difference of language between the Iroquoits and the Hurrons. They weare

heard; & further you must note that neere the lake of the Hurrons some 40

leagues eastward there is another lake belonging to the nation of the

Castors, which is 30 miles about. This nation have no other trafick nor

industry then huntsmen. They use to goe once a yeare to the furthest place

of the lake of the Hurrons to sell their Castors for Indian Corne, for some

collors made of nettles, for sacks, & such things, for which they weare

curious enough. So coming backe to their small lake againe, those

marchandises weare transported to a nation beyond that lake towards N. N.

E., and that nation had commerce with a people called the white fish, which

is norwest to the 3 rivers some 150 leagues in the land. That nation had

intelligence with the Saguenes, who are those that liveth about Tadousac,

so that the 2 nations have great correspondency with one another because of

their mutual language, saving that each one have a particular letter and

accent.

Finding that nation of the Castors, who for the most part understands the

Hurron idiom, they conversed together & weare supplied with meat by that

wandring nation that lives onely by what they may or can gett. Contrary

wise the Hurrons are seditious. We shall speak of them more amply in its

place. So those miserable adventurers had ayd during that winter, who

doubtlesse should souffer without this favor. They consulted together

often, seeing themselves renforced with such a succour of people for to

make warrs against the Iroqois.

The next spring their warre was conducted with success, ffor they chassed

the Iroquois out of their country which they lost some winters before. They

march up to the furthest part of the Lake Champlaine, to know if that was

their formest dwelling, but they speak no further of it. Those Iroquoits to

wander up and downe and spread themselves as you have heard to the lake

d'Ontario, of which I will after make mention. I heard all this from

frenchmen that knewed the Huron speech better then I myselfe, and after I

heard it from the wildmen, & it's strang (being if it be so as the french

as [well] as wildmen do already) that those people should have made a

circuit of that litle world.

The Iroquoits after being putt out of that country of Quebecq, the Hurrons

and Algonquins made themselves masters in it; that is to say, they went up

above monmorency after that they left the place of their wintring, which

was over against Tadousac, att the height of the Chaudiere (so called in

french), and after many years they retourned to live att the gape of their

lake, which is 200 Leagues long & 50 or 60 leagues large. Those hurrons

lived in a vast country that they found unhabited, & they in a great number

builded villages & they multiplied very many. The Iroquoits also gott a

great country, as much by sweetnesse as by force. They became warriors

uppon their owne dispences and cost. They multiplied so much, but they

became better souldiers, as it's seene by the following of this discourse.

The hurrons then inhabited most advantageously in that place, for as much

as for the abundance of dears and staggs, from whence they have the name

since of Staggy. It's certaine that they have had severall other callings,

according as they have builded villages. Fishing they have in abundance in

his season of every kind; I may say, more then wee have in Europe. In some

places in this lake where is an innumerable quantity of fish, that in 2

houres they load their boat with as many as they can carry.

At last [they] became so eminent strong that they weare of a minde to fight

against the neighbouring nation. Hearing that their sworne ennemys the

Iroquoits retired towards the nation called Andasstoueronom, which is

beyond the lake d'Ontario, between Virginia & that lake, they resolved to

goe & search them for to warre against them; but they shall find it to

their ruine, which I can affirme & assure, because the Iroquoits in the

most part of their speeches, which comes from father to son, says, we bears

(for it's their name) whilst we scraped the earth with our pawes, for to

make the wheat grow for to maintaine our wives, not thinking that the deare

shall leape over the lake to kill the Beare that slept; but they found that

the beare could scratch the stagge, for his head and leggs are small to

oppose. Such speeches have they commonly together, in such that they have

had warrs many years.

The Holanders being com'd to inhabit Menada, furnished that nation with

weopens, by which means they became conquerors. The ffrench planters in

Newfrance came up to live among this nation. In effect they doe live now

many years; but the ambition of the fathers Jesuits not willing to permitt

ffrench families to goe there, for to conserve the best to their profitt,

houlding this pretext that yong men should frequent the wild women, so that

the Christian religion by evil example could not be established. But the

time came that they have forsook it themselves. For a while after the

Iroquoits came there, the number of seaven hundred, on the snow in the

beginning of Spring, where they make a cruell slaughter as the precedent

years, where some ghostly fathers or brothers or their servants weare

consumed, taken or burnt, as their relation maks mention.

This selfesame yeare they tooke prisoners of 11 or 12,000 of those poore

people in a village att [in] sight of the Jesuits' Fort, which had the name

Saint, but [from] that houre it might have the name of feare. Heere follows

sicknesse, and famine also was gott among these people, flying from all

parts to escape the sword. They found a more rude and cruell enemy; for

some after being taken gott their lives, but the hunger and their treachery

made them kill one another, be it for booty or whatsoever other. None

escaped, saving some hundred came to Quebecq to recover their first

liberty, but contrary they found their end. So the ffathers left walls,

wildernesse, and all open wide to the ennemy and came to Quebecq with the

rest of the poore fugitives. They were placed in the wildernesse neere the

habitation of Quebecq; but being not a convenient place, they weare putt to

the Isle of Orleans, 3 leagues below Quebecq, in a fort that they made with

the succour of the ffrench, where they lived some years planting & sowing

Indian corne for their nourishment, and greased robes of Castors, of which

grease the profit came to the ffathers, the summe of 10,000 livres tournois

yearly.

In this place they weare catched when they least thought of it, not without

subject of conivance. God knoweth there weare escaped that time about 150

women and some 20 men. The rest are all killed, taken and brought away, of

which for the most part weare sett at liberty in the country of their

ennemy, where they found a great number of their kindred and relations who

lived with all sorte of liberty, and went along with the Iroquois to warre

as if they weare natives, in them was no trust to be given, ffor they weare

more cruell then the Iroquois even to their proper country, in soe much

that the rest resolved to surrender themselves then undergoe the hazard to

be taken by force. The peace was made by the instancy of the ffather

Jesuits. As before, some weare going there to live, as they have already

begun. They seeing our departure & transporting of our goods to Mount

Royall for to runne yea the hazard, they also must come. To lett you know

[if] our fortune or theirs be better or worse, it should be a hard thing

for me to declare; you may judge yourselfe.

Lett us come to our purpose and follow our voyage. Being arrived att the

last french habitation, where we must stay above 15 dayes, ffor to pass

that place without guide was a thing impossible, but after the time

expired, our guides arrived. It was a band of Iroquois that was appointed

to fetch us, and conduct us into their country. One day att 10 of the clock

in the morning, when we least thought of any, saw severall boats coming

from the point of St Louis, directly att the foot of a hill so called some

3 miles from mont Royall. Then rejoycing all to see coming those that they

never thought to have seene againe, ffor they promissed to come att the

beginning of Spring and should arrive 15 dayes before us, but seeing them,

every one speakes but of his imbarcation.

The Hurrons that weare present began to make speeches to encourage their

wives to make ready with all their stuffe and to feare nothing, being that

the heavans would have it so disposed, & that it was better to die in

Iroquois Country and peace with their brethren, then stay in the knott of

their nativity, that is their country, to be murthered, & better in the

Iroquois Country in warre for to be burned. All things so disposed, they

prepare themselves to receave the Iroquois, who weare no more then 3,000 in

number, [Footnote: "No more than 3,000 in number," meaning, no doubt, that

number at Onondaga and its vicinity.] and made a halt for to hold councell

to know what they must say that they thought of every one and of the

Hurrons. But those Barbars had an other designe, ffor their destiny was to

doe, and not to speake; but for to doe this, this must be a treachery in

which they are experted. You must know that that bande [of] Irokois [in]

descending the last streame or falling watter one of their skiffs made

shipwrake in which weare seaven, all drowned without none could souccour

them. A thing remarkable, that every one strive to help himselfe without

that they will give ayde or assistance to an other; uppon this, that

untoward army, those wild barbarous with vengence, held councell, as is

before said, for to be revenged of the losse of their Compagnions, where

they determined, being that they come to fetch the french and the hurrons,

to revenge this uppon them and kill them as soone as they should be in

their jurisdiction; but considering after that wee french had a fort in

their country with a good strong guard, and that that should cause affairs,

it was concluded that there furor should not be discharged but uppon the

poore hurrons.

Upon this deliberation they broke councell and arrived att the fort. Their

speech was cleare contrary to their designe, and promises inviolably

ffriendshipp. There was presents and guifts given of both party, but when

they pertooke the death of their Compagnions they must make other presents

perhaps that prevailed somewhat in their thoughts, and tourne them from

their perfidious undertakings. For often the liberalitie of those savage

was seene executed, but the desire brings great booty, and observance

causes that covetousnesse will prove deare to the ffrench as to the Hurrons

in few days. Presently they procure some boats, ffor the Iroquoits had but

eleven and the hurrons none, for they came in the ffrench shallope. So that

it must be contrivance for the one and other, which was soone done. In

lesse then 8 dayes parted the dwelling we found more then 30 boats, and all

very great, we being also so many in company, 80 Iroquoits, some hundred

huron women and some 10 or 12 men, 20 ffrench with two ffathers Jesuits. In

this manner we departed Mont royall, every one loaded with his burden. Wee

passed the same journie. Wee passed the gulfe of St Louis, and made cabbans

in the furthermost part of the streame. That day was laborious to us, so

much that the Iroquoits resolved to be backe againe, and make a company to

fight against the Algonquins of Quebecq. Upon this, 30 left us.

The next day we embarqued though not without confusion, because many weare

not content nor satisfied. What a pleasure the two ffathers to see them

trott up and downe the rocks to gett their menage into the boat, which with

much adoe they gott in. The boats weare so loaden that many could not

proceed if bad weather should happen. The journey but small came only to

the lake of St Louis, 3 leagues beyond the streame. There the savage

threwed the ffathers' bundle on the watter side, and would take no care for

them; seeing many of their men gone, the french as well as Hurrons, who

would have disputed their lives with them for their lives, and had

prevented them if their designe had bin discovered. So that after a great

debat we must yeeld to the strongest party for the next embarking.

The ffathers' merchandises weare left behind to oblige the ffrench to stay

with it, and seaven of us onely embarqued, one of the ffathers with 6 more,

and the rest stayed to bring what was left behind, so that ours weare

diminished above 40 men. Wee embarqued indifferently one with another,

ffrench, Iroquoits, and Hurrons. After we came to the highest of the Isle

of Montroyall; we saw the separation, or rather the great two rivers that

of Canada are composed; the one hath its origine from the west and the

other from South Southeast. It was the last that wee sayled, coming to the

end of that lake, which is 14 or 15 leagues long and 3 in breadth. We must

make carriages which are high withall, and the boats by lande because no

other way to passe. The trainage is where the watter is not so trepid. We

draw the boats loaden after us, and when there is not water enough, every

one his bundle by land.

Having proceeded 3 dayes' journey on the river, we entered another lake

somewhat bigger; it's called St. francis. This is delightfull to the eye as

the formost. I speak not of the goodnesse, for there are many things to be

spoaken off. I am satisfied to assure you that it is a delightfull &

beautifull country. We wanted nothing to the view passing those skirts,

killing staggs, auriniacks & fowles. As for the fish, what a thing it is to

see them in the bottom of the watter, & take it biting the hooke or lancing

it with lance or cramp iron. In this lake the Hurrons began to suspect the

treachery conspirated against them, ffor they observed that the Iroquoits

allways consulted privately together, not giving them the least notice,

which made a Hurron with 3 men & 2 women goe away & run away to the ffrench

of Quebecq; & for this intent one very morning, after being imbarqued as

the rest, went in to the midle of the river, where they began to sing &

take their leave, to the great astonishment of the rest & to the great

discontent of the Iroquoits, that saw themselves so frustrated of so much

booty that they exspected. But yett they made no signe att the present, but

lett them goe without trouble for feare the rest would doe the same, & so

be deprived of the conspiracy layde for the death of their compagnions. To

that purpose knowing the place where they weare to land, which was in an

island in the midle of the river, a league long & a quarter broade, they

resolved to murder them in the said place, which was promptly executed in

this maner following:--

They embarqued both hurron men and women in their boats, and among them

made up som 20 that embarked themselves in 2 of their boats, in a posture

as if they should goe to the warrs, & went before the breake of day. We

weare but 7 frenchmen, & they put us 7 [in] several boats. I find meselfe

with 3 Iroquoits & one Hurron man. Coming within sight of the Isle where

they weare to play their game, one of the Iroquoits in the same boate as I

landed, takes his gunne & charges it. The hurron and I saw this, but

neither dreamed of the tragedy that was att hand. After goes into the

woode, & the Iroquois that governed the boat takes up a hattchett & knocks

downe the poore hurron, that never thought to be so ended, and the other

that charged his musket in the wood shoots him and fell downe uppon my

heels. My feet soone swims in the miserable hurron's bloode. He did quiver

as if he had an ague, and was wounded with great many wounds, that still

they doubled. Both Iroquoits came to me and bid [me have] courage, ffor

they would not hurt me; but [as] for him that was killed, he was a dogg,

good for nothing. The small knowledge that I have had of their speech made

of a better hope; but one that could not have understood them would have

ben certainly in a great terror. This murder could not be committed so but

that the rest of the boats should heare it, and therefore in that very time

we heard sad moans and cryes horidly by hurron women. They threwed the

corps immediately into the water and went the other side of the river into

the abovesaid isle. Being landed together, the poore women went in a flock

like sheep that sees the wolves ready to devour them. There were 8 hurron

men that tooke theire armes. The Iroquoits not hindering them in the least,

but contrarily the Captayne of the Iroquoits appeared to defend their

cause, giving sharp apprehensions to those that held up armes, and so farr

that he did beat those that offered to hurt them.

In this example you may perceive the dissimulation & vengence of this

cursed people. So that the Company, reassured in some respects, the

affrighted company, made them goe up to the toppe of the hill and there

errect cottages some 40 paces from them; during the while I walked on the

side where they weare hard at work and firmly believed that the poore

hurron was killed by the Iroquoit out of malice, so much trust I putt in

the traiterous words. As I was directly coming where the hurrons weare,

what should I see? A band of Iroquoits all daubed, rushing out of a wood

all painted, which is the signe of warre. I thought they weare those that I

have seene in [the] morning before, as effectually they weare. I came to

the place where weare all those poore victims. There was the good ffather

comforting the poore innocent women. The chief of them satt by a valliant

huron who all his life time killed many Iroquoits, and by his vallour

acquired the name of great Captayne att home and abroad. The Iroquoit spake

to him, as the ffather told us, and as I myself have heard. "Brother,

cheare up," says he, "and assure yourselfe you shall not be killed by

doggs; thou art both man and captayne, as I myselfe am, and will die in thy

defence." And as the afforesaid crew shewed such a horrid noise, of a

sudaine the captayne tooke hold of the chaine that was about him, thou

shalt not be killed by another hand then by mine. Att that instant the

cruell Iroquoits fell upon those hurrons, as many wolves, with hattchetts,

swords, and daggers, & killed as many [as] there weare, save onely one man.

That hurron captayne seeing himselfe so basly betrayed, he tooke hold of

his hattchett that hunged downe his side, and strook downe a Iroquoit; but

the infinit deale tooke his courage and life away. This that was saved was

an old man, who in his time had ben att the defeat and taking of severall

Iroquoits. He in authority by his means saved some. This news brought to

them and his name as benefactor, which deed then saved his life. Heere you

see a good example, that it is decent to be good to his Ennemy.

After this was done & their corps throwne into the watter, the women weare

brought together. I admired att them, seeing them in such a deepe silence,

looking on the ground with their coverletts uppon their heads, not a sigh

heard, where a litle before they made such a lamentable noise for the losse

of their companyion that was killed in my boate. Some 2 howers all was

pacified & the kettle almost ready for [to] goe to worke. In this very

moment there calls a councell. The ffather was called as a statsman to that

councell, where he hears their wild reasons; that what they had done was in

reveng of their deare comrades that weare drowned in coming for them, and

also to certifie the ffrench of their good will. So done, the meate was

dressed, we weare invited. The ffather comes to take his dish, and finds us

all 5 in armes, resolving to die valiently, thinking the councell was

called to conclud our death as the Hurron's. The 6th was not able to menage

armes, being a litle boy. The ffather gave us a brother of his company who

had invincible good looke and a stout heart. We waited onely for his

shooting. The ffather could not persuade him to draw. We told him if he

would not fight, to leave our company; which perceived by the Iroquoits,

made them looke to themselves. They came & assured us of their good will.

The 4 frenchmen that understood not longed for the schermish & die for it.

Att last the ffather prevailed with us, & tould us what was done in

Councell. Two Iroquoits came to us with weapons, who signifies there is

nothing layd against you, & commanded their compagnions to put by their

armes, that they weare our brethren. The agreement was made. Some went to

the feast, some stayed. Having eaten, the ffather calls them againe to

councell, & for that purpose borrows some porcelaine from the captayne to

make 3 guifts.

All being together the ffather begins his speech, throwing the first guift

into the midle of the place, desiring that it might be accepted for the

conservation of the ffriendshipe that had ben long between them and us, and

so was accepted with a ho, ho, which is an assurance & a promise, as

thanks. The 2nd was for the lives of the women which weare in their hands,

& to conduct them with saftie into their country, which was accepted in

like manner. The 3rd was to encourage them to bring us to their owne

country & carry our Marchandises in such [manner] that they may not be

wett, nor leave them behind, which was, as abovesaid, punctually observed.

The councell being ended, the captaynes made speeches to encourage the

masters of the boats to take a bundle to his care & charge, & give an

account of it in the country. I wish the lotts weare so distributed before

we came from mont royall, but that it is the miserable comfort, better late

then never. Att night every one to his cabben, and the women dispersed into

every cabban with their children, which was a sight of compassion. The day

following being the 8th day of our departure, some went a hunting, some

stayed att home. The next day to that we embarqued all a sunder, a boat for

each. I was more chearfull then the rest, because I knewed a litle of their

language, and many saw me in the low country. Wherefore [they] made me

embarque with a yong man, taller & properer then myselfe. We had paines and

toyles enough; especially my sperit was grieved, and have souffred much

troubles 6 weeks together. I thought we should come to our journey's end &

so help one another by things past; ffor a man is glad to drive away the

time by honest, ingenuous discours, and I would rejoyce very much to be

allwayes in company uppon my journey. It was contrary to me all the voyage,

ffor my boat and an other, wherein weare 2 men & a woman Iroquoit, stayed

behind without seeing or hearing from one another. I leave with you to

think if they weare troubled for me or I for them. There was a great

alteration a litle before; a whole fleete of boats, now to be reduced [to]

2 onely. But patience perforce.

We wandered on that gay river by the means of high and low gulfs that are

in it; ffor since I made reflection of the quantity of water that comes in

that river that comes from off the top of the high mountains with such a

torrent that it causes a mighty noise which would make the bouldest men

afraid. We went on some journeys with a deale of paines and labour becaus

for our weeknesse, and moreover a man of the other boat fell sick of the

ague, soe that one of us must helpe him either in the carriag or drawing

the boat; and, which was wors, my compagnion was childish and yong as I.

The long familiarity we had with one another breeded contempt, so that we

would take nothing from one another, which made us goe together by the

ears, and fought very often till we weare covered in blood. The rest tooke

delight to see us fight; but when they saw us take either gun or sword,

then came they to putt us a sunder. When we weare in the boat we could not

fight but with our tongues, flying water att one another. I believe if the

fathers' packet had ben there, the guift could not keepe it from wetting.

As for meat we wanted none, and we had store of large staggs along the

watter side. We killed some almost every day, more for sport then for

neede. We finding them sometimes in islands, made them goe into the watter

and after we killed about a score, we clipped the ears of the rest and hung

a bell to it, and then let them loose. What a sporte to see the rest flye

from that that had the bell!

As I satt with my compagnion I saw once of an evening a very remarquable

thing. There comes out of a vast forest a multitud of bears, 300 att least

together, making a horrid noise, breaking small trees, throwing the rocks

downe by the watter side. We shot att them but [they] stirred not a step,

which frightned us that they slighted our shooting. We knewed not whether

we killed any or no, because of the darke, neither dare we venter to see.

The wild men tould me that they never heard their father speake of so many

together.

We went to the other side to make cabbans, where being arrived, where we

made fire & put the kettle on. When it was ready we eat our belly full.

After supper the sick wild man tould me a story and confirmed it to be

true, which happened to him, being in warre in the upper Country of the

Iroquoits neere the great river that divides it self in two. "Brother,"

sayes he, "it's a thing to be admired to goe afar to travell. You must

know, although I am sick I am [a] man, and fought stoutly and invaded many.

I loved alwayes the ffrench for their goodnesse, but they should [have]

given us [to] kill the Algonkins. We should not warre against the ffrench,

but traited with them for our castors. You shall know I am above 50 years

(yett the fellow did not looke as if he had 40). I was once a Captayne,"

says he, "of 13 men, against the nation of the fire & against the Stairing

hairs, our Ennemys. We stayed 3 whole winters from our country, and most of

that time among our ennemy, but durst not appeare because of the small

number we had against a multitude, which made us march in the night and

hide ourselves in the daytime in forests. Att last we are weary to be so

long absent from our wives & countrey. We resolved some more execution, &

take the first nation that we should incountre. We have allready killed

many. We went some dayes on that river, which is bordered of fine sands; no

rocks there to be seene. Being landed one morning to goe out of the way

least we should be discovered, and for [to] know the place that we weare,

sent two of our men to make a discovery, who coming back brought us [word]

that they have seen devils, and could not believe that they weare men. We

presently putt ourselves on our gards, and looke to our armes, thought to

have ben lost, but tooke a strong resolution to die like men, and went to

meet those monsters. We weare close to one an other, saveing they that made

a discovery, that went just before us, tould us, being neere the waterside,

that they have seene afar off (as they thought) a great heape of stoanes.

We needing them mightily we went to gett some. Within 200 paces nigh we

found them converted into men, who weare of an extraordinary height, lying

all along the strand asleepe. Brother, you must know that we weare all in

feare to see Such a man and woman of a vast length. They weare by two feete

taller then I, and big accordingly. They had by them two basquetts, a bow

and arrows. I came nigh the place. Their arrows weare not so long as ours,

but bigger, and their bows the same; each had a small stagg's skin to cover

their nakednesse. They have noe winter in their country. After being gone

we held a councell to consider what was to be done. We weare two boats; the

one did carry 8 men, the other 5. That of 8 would goe back againe, but that

of 5 would goe forward into another river. So we departed. The night being

come, as precedent nights, we saw fires in severall places on the other

side of the river, which made us goe there att the breake of day, to know

what it was, which was men as tall as the other man and woman, and great

many of them together a fishing. We stealed away without any noise and

resolved not to stay longer in them parts, where every thing was so bigg.

The fruits of trees are as bigg as the heart of an horiniac, which is

bigger then that of an oxe.

"The day after our retourne, being in cottages covered with bushes, we

heard a noise in the wood, which made us speedily take our weopens, every

one hiding himselfe behind a tree the better to defend himselfe, but

perceaved it was a beast like a Dutch horse, that had a long & straight

horne in the forehead, & came towards us. We shott twice at him; [he] falls

downe on the ground, but on a sudaine starts up againe and runs full boot

att us; and as we weare behind the trees, thrusts her home very farr into

the tree, & so broak it, and died. We would eat non of her flesh, because

the flemings eat not their horses' flesh, but tooke off the skin, which

proved heavy, so we left it there. Her horne 5 feet long, and bigger then

the biggest part of an arme." [Footnote: In O'Callaghan's _Documentary

History of New York_, Vol. IV. p. 77, 1851, is given an engraving of this

animal, with the title, "Wild Animals of New Netherlands," taken from a

Dutch work published in Amsterdam in 1671. In this work it is thus

described: "On the borders of Canada animals are now and again seen

somewhat resembling a horse; they have cloven hoofs, shaggy manes, a horn

right out of the forehead, a tail like that of the wild hog, black eyes, a

stag's neck, and love the gloomiest wildernesses, are shy of each other. So

that the male never feeds with the female except when they associate for

the purpose of increase. Then they lay aside their ferocity. As soon as the

rutting season is past, they again not only become wild but even attack

their own."]

We still proceeded in our journey. In 7 dayes we overtook the boat that

left us. Now whether it was an unicorne, or a fibbe made by that wild man,

yet I cannot tell, but severall others tould me the same, who have seene

severall times the same beast, so that I firmly believe it. So his story

ended, which lasted a great while; ffor having an excellent memory, tould

me all the circumstances of his rencounters.

We [went] from thence the next morning. We came to a beatifull river, wide

one league and a halfe, which was not violent nor deepe, soe that we made

no carriages for 15 or 20 leagues, where we had the view of eagles and

other birds taking fishes, which we ourselves have done, & killed salmons

with staves. One of my compagnions landed a sturgeon six fadoms deepe and

brought it. Going along the woodside we came where a greate many trees

weare cutt, as it weare intended for a fort. At the end of it there was a

tree left standing, but the rind taken away from it. Upon it there was

painted with a coale 6 men hanged, with their heads at their feete, cutt

off. They weare so well drawen, that the one of them was father by the

shortnesse of his haire, which lett us know that the french that was before

us weare executed. A litle further an other was painted of 2 boats, one of

3 men, an other of 2, whereof one was standing with a hattchett in his

hands striking on the head. Att an other weare represented 7 boats,

pursueing 3 bears, a man drawn as if he weare on land with his gune

shooting a stagge. I considering these things, troubled me very much, yea,

caused my heart to tremble within me; and moreover when those that weare

with me certified me of what I was too sure, telling me the 6 ffrenchmen

weare dead, but tould me to be cheerfull, that I should not die. After I

found so much treachery in them I could but trust litle in their words or

promisses, yett must shew good countenance to a wors game then I had a

minde, telling me the contrary of what they told me of the death of the

frenchmen, to shew them that I was in no feare.

Being embarqued, the wild men tould me we should goe on the other side of

that broad river. It was extreamly hott, no wind stiring. I was ready that

both should be together for the better assurance of my life. I perceived

well that he alone was not able to performe the voyage; there was the other

sick of the other boat, that did row but very slowly. I thought to meselfe

they must needs bring me into their countrey if they meet non by the way,

and so I comforted meselfe with better hope. We soone came to the other

side of the river. The other boat followed not, being nigh the land. My

comrade perceaved an eagle on a tree, the feathers of which are in esteeme

among them. He lands and takes his gunne, charges it, and goes into the

wood. I was in feare, without blame, for I knewed not what he meant. I

remembered how the poore Hurron was served so a litle before in his boat,

and in like manner. As he went about, I could not imagine what was best,

but resolved to kill [rather] then be killed. Upon this I take my gunne,

which the other saw, desires me not to make any noise, shewing me the

eagle, that as yett I have not seene. To obey him I stoope downe like a

monkey, visiting my weopon that he should not suspect. My eyes

neverthelesse followed for feare. I see at last the truth of his designe;

he shoots and kills the eagle.

[We] after imbarqued ourselves, the night drawing on, and must think to goe

to the other boat or he to us, which he did. I admired the weather, cleare

and calme that we could scarce see him, yet that we should heare them

speake, and understand, as if they weare but 20 or 30 paces from us. He

being come, we sought for conveniency to make cottages, which soone was

done. The others sooner landed then we. They came to receive us att our

landing. One tooke my gunne, the other a litle bondle of mine. I was

surprised att this. Then they asked me [for] my powder and shott, and

opened my bagge, began to partage my combs & other things that I had. I

thought it the consultest way to submitt to the strongest party, therefore

I tooke [no] notice of what they did. The woman kindled the fire. Seeing

myselfe out of care of my fright, satt me selfe downe by the woman. Shee

looked now and then uppon me, which made me more and more mistrust. In the

meane while he that was sick calls me. I came and asked him what he

pleased. "I will," sayd he, "that you imbarque your selfe by me," and

throws his cappot away, bidding me also to leave my capot. He takes his

hattchett, and hangs it to his wrest, goes into the boat, & I with him. I

would have carryed my gunne. I tooke it from the place where they layd it.

They, seeing, laughed & gave a shout, as many beasts, yett it was not in

their power to make me goe to the boat without my weapon; so lett me have

it, and went straight as if we weare to goe on the other side of the river.

About the midle the wild man bids mee goe out, to which I would not

consent. I bid him goe. After we disputed awhile, I not obeying, began to

consider if he had a minde to drowne me, that he himselfe would not go in

the water. Being come a litle to myselfe I perceaved that the water was not

2 foote deepe. It was so darke, yett one might perceive the bottom covered

with muskles. Having so much experience, I desired him to have patience; so

gott of my shirt & lep't into the watter & gathered about half a bushell of

those shells or mussells. I made sure that the boat should not leave me,

for I fastened my girdle to it, and held the end. Mistrust is the mother of

safety. We came back againe. We found the kettle ready; they gave me meat

and a dish of broth, which exercised me a while. Having done, the man comes

and makes me pull of my shirt, having then nothing but my drawers to cover

my nackednesse. He putts on my shirt on his back, takes a knif and cutts a

medail that hung to my necke. He was a great while searching me and feeling

if I was fatt. I wished him farr enough. I looked [for] an opportunity to

be from him, thinking to be better sheltered by the woman. I thought every

foot he was to cutt my troat. I could [not] beare [it]. I had rather dye

[at] once then being so often tormented. I rose and satt me downe by the

woman, in whome was all my trust. Shee perceived I was in great feare,

whether by collour of my face or other, I know not. Shee putts her hands

uppon my head & combs it downe with her fingers. "My son," says shee, "be

chearfull. It is my husband; he will not hurt thee; he loves me and knoweth

that I love thee, and have a mind to have thee to our dwelling." Then shee

rose and takes my shirt from her husband and brings it me. Shee gave me one

of her covers. "Sleepe," said shee. I wanted not many persuasions. So chuse

rather the fatall blow sleeping then awake, for I thought never to escape.

The next morning I finding meselfe freed, which made me hope for the

future. I have reason to remember that day for two contrary things; first,

for my spirits being very much perplexed, and the other for that the

weather was contrary though very lovely. That morning they rendered all my

things againe, & filled my bagge with victualls. We left this place, which

feared me most then hurt was done. Some laughed att me afterwards for my

feares wherein I was, which I more & more hoped for better intertainment.

The weather was fair all that day, but the next wee must make a waynage,

which [was] not very hard; but my comrade drew carelessly, and the boat

slipps from his hands, which turned with such force that it had me along if

I had not lett my hould goe, chusing [rather] that then venter my selfe in

danger. Soe that it [no] sooner gott downe then we gott it up againe; but

by fortune was not hurted, yett it runn'd aground among rocks. We must goe

downe the river. I was driven to swime to it, where I found it full of

watter, and a hole that 2 fists might goe through it, so that I could not

drive it to land without mending it. My compagnion must also in the water

like a watter dogg, comes and takes hould of the foure oares. All the wild

men swims like watter doggs, not as we swime. We mende the boat there

neatly, not without miscalling one another. They spoake to me a word that I

understood not because of the difference betweene the low Iroquoits and

their speech, and in the anger and heat we layde the blame uppon one

another to have lett the boat flippe purposely. I tooke no heed of what he

alleadged. He comes sudainly uppon me & there cuffed one another untill we

weare all in bloode. Being weary, att last, out of breath, we gave over

like 2 cocks over tyred with fighting. We could not fight longer, but must

find strength to draw up the boat against the streame and overtake the

other, which was a good way from us. It was impossible to overtake the day,

nor the next. So that we must lay 3 nights by our selves.

The third day we arrived to a vast place full of Isls, which are called the

Isles of Toniata, where we overtooke our compagnions, who stayd for us.

There they killed a great bigg and fatt beare. We tooke some of it into our

boats & went on our journey together. We came thence to a place like a

bazon, made out of an Isle like a halfe moone. Here we caught eeles five

fadoms or more deepe in the waiter, seeing cleerly the bottome in abundance

of fishes. We finde there 9 low country Iroquoits in their cabbans that

came back from the warre that was against the nation of the Catts. They had

with them 2 women with a young man of 25 years & a girle of 6 years, all

prisoners. They had a head with short haire of one of that nation, that

uses to have their hair turned up like the prickles of an headg hogge. We

cottaged ourselves by them. Some of them knewed me & made much of mee. They

gave me a guirland of porcelaine & a girdle of goat's haire. They asked

when should I visit my ffriends. I promissed to come there as soone as I

could arrive att the upper village. I gave them my hattchett to give to my

ffather, and 2 dozen of brass rings & 2 shooting-knives for my sisters,

promissing to bring a cover for my mother. They inquired what was it that

made me goe away, and how. I tould them through woods & arrived att the 3

rivers in 12 dayes, and that I souffred much hunger by the way. I would not

tell them that I escaped by reason of the Duch. They called me often Devill

to have undertaken such a task. I resolved to goe along with them. Heere I

found certainty, and not till then, of the 6 ffrenchmen, whom they have

seene seaven dayes before att the coming in of the great Lake D'ontario;

and that undoubtedly the markes we have seene on the trees weare done by

seaven other boats of their owne nation that came backe from the warres in

the north, that mett 2 hurron boats of 8 men, who fought & killed 3

Iroquoits and wounded others. Of the hurrons 6 weare slained, one taken

alive, and the other escaped. Those 2 boats weare going to the ffrench to

live there. That news satisfied much my wild men, and much more I rejoiced

at this. We stayed with them the next day, feasting one another. They cutt

and burned the fingers of those miserable wretches, making them sing while

they plucked out some of their nailes, which done, wee parted well

satisfied for our meeting. From that place we came to lye att the mouth of

a lake in an island where we have had some tokens of our frenchmen by the

impression of their shooes on the sand that was in the island. In that

island our wild men hid 10 caskes of Indian Corne, which did us a

kindnesse, ffor there was no more veneson pye to be gotten.

The next day we make up our bundles in readinesse to wander uppon that

sweet sea, as is the saying of the Iroquoits, who rekens by their daye's

journey. This was above 100 leagues in length & 30 in breadth. Seeing the

water so calme and faire, we ventured some 3 leagues, to gaine a point of

the firme land, that by that means we should shorten 7 or 8 leagues in our

way. We went on along the lake in that maner with great delight, sometimes

with paine and labour. As we went along the water side, the weather very

faire, it comes to my mind to put out a cover instead of a saile. My

companion liked it very well, for generally wild men are given to

leasinesse. We seeing that our sayle made us goe faster then the other

boat, not perceiving that the wind came from the land, which carried us far

into the lake, our compagnions made a signe, having more experience then

wee, and judged of the weather that was to come. We would not heare them,

thinking to have an advantage.

Soone after the wind began to blow harder, made us soone strike sayle, and

putt our armes to worke. We feeled not the wind because it was in our

backs, but turning aside we finde that we had enough to doe. We must gett

ourselves to a better element then that [where] we weare. Instantly comes a

shower of raine with a storme of winde that was able to perish us by reason

of the great quantity of watter that came into our boat. The lake began to

vapour and make a show of his neptune's sheep. Seeing we went backwards

rather then forwards, we thought ourselves uterly lost. That rogue that was

with me sayd, "See thy God that thou sayest he is above. Will you make me

believe now that he is good, as the black-coats [the ffather Jesuits] say?

They doe lie, and you see the contrary; ffor first you see that the sun

burns us often, the raine wetts us, the wind makes us have shipwrake, the

thundering, the lightnings burns and kills, and all come from above, and

you say that it's good to be there. For my part I will not goe there.

Contrary they say that the reprobats and guilty goeth downe & burne. They

are mistaken; all is goode heare. Doe not you see the earth that nourishes

all living creatures, the water the fishes, and the yus, and that corne and

all other seasonable fruits for our foode, which things are not soe

contrary to us as that from above?" As he said so he coursed vehemently

after his owne maner. He tooke his instruments & shewed them to the

heavens, saying, "I will not be above; here will [I] stay on earth, where

all my friends are, and not with the french, that are to be burned above

with torments." How should one think to escape this torments and storms,

but God who through his tender mercy ceas'd the tempest and gave us

strength to row till we came to the side of the water? I may call it a

mighty storme by reason of the litlenesse of the boat, that are all in

watter to the breadth of 5 fingers or lesse. I thought uppon it, and out of

distress made a vertue to seeke the means to save ourselves. We tyed a sack

full of corne in the fore end of our boat, & threw it into the watter,

which hung downe some foure fathoms, and wee putt our selves in the other

end, so that the end that was towards the wind was higher then the other,

and by that means escaped the waves that without doubt, if we had not used

that means, we had sunk'd. The other boat landed to lett that storme [pass]

over. We found them in the even att their cottages, and thought impossible

for us to escape.

After severall dayes' travell we came to an isle where we made cottages. We

went so farre that evening that we might be so much the neerer to take a

broader passage which should shorten our voyage above 20 leagues. Att night

wee saw severall fires uppon the land. We all judged that it was our

company that went before us. Before brake of day we did what we could to

overtake them, not without hazard, by reason the winds that blewed hard,

which we could not perceive before. Being come to the bay of the isle we

could not turne back without greater danger, so resolved to proceede. We

came to the very place where we saw the fires, & found that we weare not

mistaken in our opinions. By good looke they weare there, else we had

perished for all being so neere the land, for the lake swelled by reason of

the great wind that blew, which stayed them there above 14 nights. Neither

for this reason was there any landing, because of a great banck or heape of

rocks, untill those that weare ashore came to us into the watter to their

oxtars [Footnote: _Oxtars_, up to their armpits.] and stoped our boats. We

then cast our selves and all that we had overboord, leaving our boats

there, which weare immediately in thousands [of] peaces.

Being arrived, we placed our cottages by a most pleasant delicat river,

where for delightfullnesse was what man's heart could wish. There weare

woods, forests, meddows. There we stayed 3 dayes by reason of the weather.

One night I layd neare a faire comely lasse that was with us. There they

take no notice, for they live in so great liberty that they are never

jealous one of another. I admired of a sudaine to heare new musick. Shee

was in travell and immediately delivered. I awaked all astonished to see

her drying her child by the fire side. Having done, [she] lapt the child in

her bosome and went to bed as if that had ben nothing, without moan or cry,

as doe our Europian women. Before we left the place that babe died. I had

great mind to baptize him, but feared least they should accuse me to be the

cause of his death.

Being come to the above named place, where weare the ghostly ffathers with

8 other french, 3 came to meet us from the fort, which weare but 30 leagues

off, where I have receaved a censure for being so timidous, [in] not

dareing to ffling watter on the head of that poore innocent to make him

happy. We frenchmen began to tell our adventures, having ben out of hopes

of ever to see one another, being exceeding glad that we weare deceaved in

our opinions. Some leaves us & went by land to their cabbans. The rest

stayes for faire weather to come to our journey's ende. We wanted not

slaves from that place to carry our packs. We came into a river towards the

fort which was dangerous for its swiftnesse. From that river that brought

us within 30 leagues of the lake we came into a narrower river from a small

lake where a french fort was built. This river was 2 leagues long & the

lake 5 in compasse. About it a most pleasant country, very fruitfull.

Goeing up that same river we meet 2 french that weare fishing a kind of

fish called dab, which is excellent, & have done us great kindnesse, having

left no more provision then what we needed much.

Having come to the landing place att the foot of the fort, we found there a

most faire castle very neatly built, 2 great & 2 small ones. The bottom was

built with great trees & well tyed in the topp with twiggs of ashure,

strengthened with two strong walles & 2 bastions, which made the fort

imppregnable of the wild men. There was also a fine fall of woods about it.

The french corne grewed there exceeding well, where was as much as covered

half a league of land. The country smooth like a boord, a matter of some 3

or 4 leagues about. Severall fields of all sides of Indian corne, severall

of french tournaps, full of chestnutts and oakes of accorns, with thousand

such like fruit in abundance. A great company of hoggs so fatt that they

weare not able to goe. A plenty of all sortes of fowles. The ringdoves in

such a number that in a nett 15 or 1600 att once might be taken. So this

was not a wild country to our imagination, but plentyfull in every thing.

We weare humanly receaved by the Reverend ffathers Jesuits and some other

40 frenchmen, as well domestiques as volontiers. We prepared ourselves to

take the country's recreation, some to hunt, some to fish, but prevented by

a feaver that seised on us all. Some continued a month, some more and some

lesse, which is the tribut that one must pay for the changment of climat.

Some dayes after we had news that another company of Iroquoits weare

arrived att mont Royall. As soone [as] we went from thence the father & the

rest of the ffrench that did stay behind did imbark themselves with them

and followed us so close that ere long would be at us. As they went up to

make cottages in the island of the massacre, which was 16 dayes before our

departure, one of the company goes to shute for his pleasure, finds a woman

half starved for hunger, lying on a rock by a water. He brings her to the

cottages & made so much by giving her some luckwarme water, which he boyled

with flower & grease, that she came to herselfe entirely againe. Shee was

examined. Shee told them what is above said, and when it happened. Shee hid

her selfe in a rotten tree during the slaughter, where shee remained 3

dayes; after we weare gone shee came foorth for to gett some food, and

found nothing, but founde onely some small grapes, of roots the 3 first

dayes, & nothing else. Shee finding her selfe feeble and weake, not able to

sustaine such, resolved for death. The father, knowing her to be a

Christian, had a singular care for her, & brought her where I overtooke the

said father with the 8 french. Being brought [she] was frightened againe

for seeing a man charging his gunne to kill her, as shee said, so went away

that night, & non knowes what became of her. Being weake, not thoroughly

healed, shee fancied that such a thing might be done. By this, we poore,

many have recovered. The father arrives, that affirmes this newes to us,

being very sorry for the losse of this poore creature that God has so long

preserved without any subsistance, which shews us apparently that wee ought

not to despaire, & that keeps those that lives in his feare. We went to

meete the father, I meane those that weare able, to bid the father welcome

& his company. Being come safe & in a good disposition together, we

rendered God thanks.

There weare many that waited for us, desiring to tourne back againe to

Quebecq, obtaining their desier from the fathers & the governour of the

fort. They weare 13 in number & one father. After 6 weeks end we recovered

our health. So we went to bring them a part of the way, some to the water

side, some to the laksende, where we tooke of one another farewell, with

such ceremonys as are used when friends depart. Some dayes after we heare

that the poore woman was in the woods; not that shee knew'd which way to

tourne, but did follow her owne fancy whersoever it lead her, & so wandered

6 dayes, getting some times for her subsistance wild garlick, yong buds of

trees, & roots. Shee was seene in an evening by a river, whereby shee was

for 3 dayes, by 3 hurrons renegades. They tooke her, but in a sad

condition. They not considering that shee was of their owne nation, stript

her. It is the custom to strip whomsoever is lost in the woods. They

brought her to the village, where the father was that brought her from the

place of murdering to that place whence shee runned away the second time.

This father, knowing her, brings her to our fort, that we might see her as

a thing incredible but by the mercy of God. I was in the village with the

father and with another frenchman, where we see the crudest thing in nature

acted. Those Iroquoits that came along the river with us, some weare about

fishing, some a hunting, they seeing this woman makes her [their] slave.

One day a man or theirs was forwearned for his insolency, for not referring

to the Governor, doing all out of his owne head. [He him] selfe was to come

that day, leading 2 women with their 2 children, he not intending to give

an account of anything but by his owne authority. The elders, heering this,

goes and meets him some 50 paces out of the village for to maintaine their

rights. They stayed this man. What weare those beasts? He answered they

weare his; he no sooner had spoaken, but one old man spoak to him thus:

"Nephew, you must know that all slaves, as well men as women, are first

brought before the Councell, and we alone can dispose [of] them." So said,

& turned to the other side, and gave a signe to some soldiers that they

brought for that purpose, to knock those beasts in the head, who executed

their office & murdered the women. One tooke the child, sett foot on his

head, taking his leggs in his hands, wrought the head, by often turning,

from off the body. An other souldier tooke the other child from his

mother's brest, that was not yett quite dead, by the feete and knocks his

head against the trunck of a tree. This [is] a daily exercise with them,

nor can I tell the one half of their cruelties in like sortes. Those with

many others weare executed, some for not being able to serve, and the

children for hindering their mothers to worke. So they reckne a trouble to

lett them live. O wicked and barbarious inhumanity! I forgott to tell that

the day the woman layed in, some houres before, shee and I roasted some

Indian Corn in the fire: being ready, shee pulled out the grains one by one

with a stick, and as shee was so doing, shee made a horrid outcry, shewing

me a toad, which was in the breadth of a dish, which was in the midle of

the redd ashes striving to gett out. We wondered, for the like was never

seene before. After he gott out of the fire we threwed stoanes & staves att

him till it was killed. That toad lived 2 dayes in or under the fire.

Having remained in that village 6 dayes, we have seene horrible cruelties

committed. Three of us resolved to turne back to our fort, which was 5

miles off. We brought above 100 women, hurron slaves & others, all loadened

with corne. We weare allwayes in scarcity for pollicy, though we had

enough, ffor certainty is farre better then the incertainry. Before we

departed this base place we received [news] that the hurron who was saved

by the consent of the rest in the Isle of Massacre, as is above said, 2

dayes after his deliverance run'd away by night towards the lower country

of the Iroquoits, where he arrived safe, not without sufferings in the way,

ffor such long voyages cannot be performed otherwise, having gon through

vast forests, finding no inn in the way, neither having the least

provision. Att his coming there he spoake whatever the reveng, wrath, and

indignation could provoke or utter against the ffrench, especially against

the ffathers, saying that it was they that have sold and betrayed them; and

that he would bestow the same uppon them if ever he should meet with them.

As for him, he gave heaven thanks that he was yett living; that he had his

life saved by them to whome he would render like service, warning them not

to lett the french build a fort, as the upper Iroquoits had done; that he

could tell them of it by experience; that they should remember the nation

of the Stagges so bigg. As soone as the french came there, nothing but

death and slaughter was expected, having caused their death by sorcery,

which brought a strange sicknesse amongst them. Such things can prevaile

much uppon such a wild, credulous nation; their minds alltogether for the

warrs in which they delight most of any thing in the world. We came our

way; this news troubled us very much, knowing the litle fidelity that is

[in] that wild nation, that have neither faith nor religion, neither law

nor absolut government, as we shall heare the effects of it.