INTRODUCTION.

The author of the narratives contained in this volume was Peter Esprit

Radisson, who emigrated from France to Canada, as he himself tells us, on

the 24th day of May, 1651. He was born at St. Malo, and in 1656, at Three

Rivers, in Canada, married Elizabeth, the daughter of Madeleine Hainault.

[Footnote: Vide _History of the Ojibways_, by the Rev. E. D. Neill, ed.

1885.] Radisson says that he lived at Three Rivers, where also dwelt "my

natural parents, and country-people, and my brother, his wife and

children." [Footnote: The Abbe Cyprian Tanguay, the best genealogical

authority in Canada, gives the following account of the family: Francoise

Radisson, a daughter of Pierre Esprit, married at Quebec, in 1668, Claude

Volant de St. Claude, born in 1636, and had eight children. Pierre and

Claude, eldest sons, became priests. Francoise died in infancy: Marguerite

married Noel le Gardeur; Francoise died in infancy; Etienne, born October

29, 1664, married in 1693 at Sorel, but seems to have had no issue. Jean

Francois married Marguerite Godfrey at Montreal in 1701. Nicholas, born in

1668, married Genevieve Niel, July 30, 1696, and both died in 1703, leaving

two of their five sons surviving.

There are descendants of Noel le Gardeur who claim Radisson as their

ancestor, and also descendants of Claude Volant, apparently through

Nicholas. Among these descendants of the Volant family is the Rt. Rev.

Joseph Thomas Duhamel, who was consecrated Bishop of Ottawa, Canada,

October 28, 1874.

Of Medard Chouart's descendants, no account of any of the progeny of his

son Jean Baptiste, born July 25, 1654, can be found.] This brother, often

alluded to in Radisson's narratives as his companion on his journeys, was

Medard Chouart, "who was the son of Medard and Marie Poirier, of Charly St.

Cyr, France, and in 1641, when only sixteen years old, came to Canada."

[Footnote: Chouart's daughter Marie Antoinette, born June 7, 1661, married

first Jean Jalot in 1679. He was a surgeon, born in 1648, and killed by the

Iroquois, July 2, 1690. He was called Des Groseilliers. She had nine

children by Jalot, and there are descendants from them in Canada. On the

19th December, 1695, she married, secondly, Jean Bouchard, by whom she had

six children. The Bouchard-Dorval family of Montreal descends from this

marriage. Vide _Genealogical Dictionary of Canadian Families_, Quebec,

1881.] He was a pilot, and married, 3rd September, 1647, Helen, the

daughter of Abraham Martin, and widow of Claude Etienne. Abraham Martin

left his name to the celebrated Plains of Abraham, near Quebec. She dying

in 1651, Chouart married, secondly, at Quebec, August 23, 1653, the sister

of Radisson, Margaret Hayet, the widow of John Veron Grandmenil. In Canada,

Chouart acted as a donne, or lay assistant, in the Jesuit mission near Lake

Huron. He left the service of the mission about 1646, and commenced trading

with the Indians for furs, in which he was very successful. With his gains

he is supposed to have purchased some land in Canada, as he assumed the

seigneurial title of "Sieur des Groseilliers."

Radisson spent more than ten years trading with the Indians of Canada and

the far West, making long and perilous journeys of from two to three years

each, in company with his brother-in-law, Des Groseilliers. He carefully

made notes during his wanderings from 1652 to 1664, which he afterwards

copied out on his voyage to England in 1665. Between these years he made

four journeys, and heads his first narrative with this title: "The

Relation of my Voyage, being in Bondage in the Lands of the Irokoits, which

was the next year after my coming into Canada, in the yeare 1651, the 24th

day of May." In 1652 a roving band of Iroquois, who had gone as far north

as the Three Rivers, carried our author as a captive into their country, on

the banks of the Mohawk River. He was adopted into the family of a "great

captayne who had killed nineteen men with his own hands, whereof he was

marked on his right thigh for as many as he had killed." In the autumn of

1653 he accompanied the tribe in his village on a warlike incursion into

the Dutch territory. They arrived "the next day in a small brough of the

Hollanders," Rensselaerswyck, and on the fourth day came to Fort Orange.

Here they remained several days, and Radisson says: "Our treaty's being

done, overladened with bootyes abundantly, we putt ourselves in the way

that we came, to see again our village."

At Fort Orange Radisson met with the Jesuit Father, Joseph Noncet, who had

also been captured in Canada by the Mohawks and taken to their country. In

September he was taken down to Fort Orange by his captors, and it is

mentioned in the Jesuit "Relations" of 1653, chapter iv., that he "found

there a young man captured near Three Rivers, who had been ransomed by the

Dutch and acted as interpreter." A few weeks after the return of the

Indians to their village, Radisson made his escape alone, and found his way

again to Fort Orange, from whence he was sent to New Amsterdam, or Menada,

as he calls it. Here he remained three weeks, and then embarked for

Holland, where he arrived after a six weeks' voyage, landing at Amsterdam

"the 4/7 of January, 1654. A few days after," he says, "I imbarqued myself

for France, and came to Rochelle well and safe." He remained until Spring,

waiting for "the transport of a shipp for New France."

The relation of the second journey is entitled, "The Second Voyage, made in

the Upper Country of the Irokoits." He landed in Canada, from his return

voyage from France, on the 17th of May, 1654, and on the 15th set off to

see his relatives at Three Rivers. He mentions that "in my absence peace

was made betweene the French and the Iroquoits, which was the reson I

stayed not long in a place. The yeare before the ffrench began a new

plantation in the upper country of the Iroquoits, which is distant from the

Low Iroquoits country some four score leagues, wher I was prisoner and been

in the warrs of that country.... At that very time the Reverend Fathers

Jesuits embarked themselves for a second time to dwell there and teach

Christian doctrine. I offered myself to them and was, as their custome is,

kindly accepted. I prepare meselfe for the journey, which was to be in

June, 1657." Charlevoix [Footnote: _Charlevoix's History of New France_,

Shea's ed., Vol. II. p. 256.] says: "In 1651 occurred the almost complete

destruction of the Huron nation. Peace was concluded in 1653. Father Le

Moyne went in 1654, to ratify the treaty of peace, to Onondaga, and told

the Indians there he wished to have his cabin in their canton. His offer

was accepted, and a site marked out of which he took possession. He left

Quebec July 2, 1654, and returned September 11. In 1655 Fathers Chaumont

and Dablon were sent to Onondaga, and arrived there November 5, and began

at once to build a chapel. [Footnote: _Charlevoix's Hist. of New France_,

Shea's ed., Vol. II. p. 263.]

"Father Dablon, having spent some months in the service of the mission at

Onondaga, was sent back to Montreal, 30 March, 1656, for reinforcements. He

returned with Father Francis le Mercier and other help. They set out from

Quebec 7 May, 1656, with a force composed of four nations: French,

Onondagas, Senecas, and a few Hurons. About fifty men composed the party.

Sieur Dupuys, an officer of the garrison, was appointed commandant of the

proposed settlement at Onondaga. On their arrival they at once proceeded to

erect a fort, or block-house, for their defence.

"While these things were passing at Onondaga, the Hurons on the Isle

Orleans, where they had taken refuge from the Iroquois, no longer deeming

themselves secure, sought an asylum in Quebec, and in a moment of

resentment at having been abandoned by the French, they sent secretly to

propose to the Mohawks to receive them into their canton so as to form only

one people with them. They had no sooner taken this step than they

repented; but the Mohawks took them at their word, and seeing that they

endeavored to withdraw their proposition, resorted to secret measures to

compel them to adhere to it." [Footnote: _Ibid._, Vol. II. p.278.] The

different families of the Hurons held a council, and "the Attignenonhac or

Cord family resolved to stay with the French; the Arendarrhonon, or Rock,

to go to Onondaga; and the Attignaonanton, or Bear, to join the Mohawks."

[Footnote: _Relation Nouvelle France_, 1657 and _Charlevoix_, Shea's ed.,

Vol. II. p 280.] "In 1657 Onondagas had arrived at Montreal to receive the

Hurons and take them to their canton, as agreed upon the year previous."

[Footnote: _Charlevoix_, Shea's ed., Vol. III. p. 13.] Some Frenchmen and

two Jesuits were to accompany them. One of the former was Radisson, who had

volunteered; and the two Jesuits were Fathers Paul Ragueneau and Joseph

Inbert Duperon. The party started on their journey in July, 1657.

The relation of this, the writer's second voyage, is taken up entirely with

the narrative of their journey to Onondaga, his residence at the mission,

and its abandonment on the night of the 20th of March, 1658. On his way

thither he was present at the massacre of the Hurons by the Iroquois, in

August, 1657. His account of the events of 1657 and 1658, concerning the

mission, will be found to give fuller details than those of Charlevoix,

[Footnote: _Ibid_., Vol. III. p. 13.] and the Jesuit relations written for

those years by Father Ragueneau. Radisson, in concluding his second

narrative, says: "About the last of March we ended our great and incredible

dangers. About fourteen nights after we went downe to the Three Rivers,

where most of us stayed. A month after, my brother and I resolves to

travell and see countreys. Wee find a good opportunity in our voyage. We

proceeded three years; during that time we had the happiness to see very

faire countreys." He says of the third voyage: "Now followeth the

Auxoticiat, or Auxotacicae, voyage into the great and filthy lake of the

hurrons upper sea of the East and bay of the North." He mentions that

"about the middle of June, 1658, we began to take leave of our company and

venter our lives for the common good."

Concerning the third voyage, Radisson states above, "wee proceeded three

years." The memory of the writer had evidently been thrown into some

confusion when recording one of the historical incidents in his relation,

as he was finishing his narrative of the fourth journey. At the close of

his fourth narrative, on his return from the Lake Superior country, where

he had been over three years, instead of over two, as he mentions, he says:

"You must know that seventeen ffrenchmen made a plott with four Algonquins

to make a league with three score Hurrons for to goe and wait for the

Iroquoits in the passage." This passage was the Long Sault, on the Ottawa

river, where the above seventeen Frenchmen were commanded by a young

officer of twenty-five, Adam Dollard, Sieur des Ormeaux. The massacre of

the party took place on May 21, 1660, and is duly recorded by several

authorities; namely, Dollier de Casson [Footnote: _Histoire de Montreal,

Relation de la Nouvelle France_, 1660, p. 14.], M. Marie [Footnote: _De

l'Incarnation_, p. 261.], and Father Lalemont [Footnote: _Journal_, June 8,

1660.]. As Radisson has placed the incident in his manuscript, he would

make it appear as having occurred in May, 1664. He writes: "It was a

terrible spectacle to us, for wee came there eight dayes after that defeat,

which saved us without doubt." He started on this third journey about the

middle of June, 1658, and it would therefore seem he was only absent on it

two years, instead of over three, as he says. Charlevoix gives the above

incident in detail. [Footnote: Shea's edition, Vol. III. p. 33, n.]

During the third voyage Radisson and his brother-in-law went to the

Mississippi River in 1658/9. He says, "Wee mett with severall sorts of

people. Wee conversed with them, being long time in alliance with them. By

the persuasion of som of them wee went into the great river that divides

itself in two where the hurrons with some Ottanake and the wild men that

had warrs with them had retired.... The river is called the forked, because

it has two branches: the one towards the West, the other towards the South,

which we believe runs towards Mexico, by the tokens they gave." They also

made diligent inquiry concerning Hudson's Bay, and of the best means to

reach that fur-producing country, evidently with a view to future

exploration and trade. They must have returned to the Three Rivers about

June 1, 1660. Radisson says: "Wee stayed att home att rest the yeare. My

brother and I considered whether we should discover what we have seen or

no, and because we had not a full and whole discovery which was that we

have not ben in the bay of the north (Hudson's Bay), not knowing anything

but by report of the wild Christinos, we would make no mention of it for

feare that those wild men should tell us a fibbe. We would have made a

discovery of it ourselves and have an assurance, before we should discover

anything of it."

In the fourth narrative he says: "The Spring following we weare in hopes to

meet with some company, having ben so fortunat the yeare before. Now during

the winter, whether it was that my brother revealed to his wife what we had

seene in our voyage and what we further intended, or how it came to passe,

it was knowne so much that the ffather Jesuits weare desirous to find out a

way how they might gett downe the castors from the bay of the North, by the

Sacques, and so make themselves masters of that trade. They resolved to

make a tryall as soone as the ice would permitt them. So to discover our

intentions they weare very earnest with me to ingage myselfe in that

voyage, to the end that my brother would give over his, which I uterly

denied them, knowing that they could never bring it about." They made an

application to the Governor of Quebec for permission to start upon this

their fourth voyage; but he refused, unless they agreed to certain hard

conditions which they found it impossible to accept. In August they

departed without the Governor's leave, secretly at midnight, on their

journey, having made an agreement to join a company of the nation of the

Sault who were about returning to their country, and who agreed to wait for

them two days in the Lake of St. Peter, some six leagues from Three Rivers.

Their journey was made to the country about Lake Superior, where they

passed much of their time among the nations of the Sault, Fire, Christinos

(Knisteneux), Beef, and other tribes.

Being at Lake Superior, Radisson says they came "to a remarkable place.

It's a banke of Rocks that the wild men made a Sacrifice to,... it's like a

great portall by reason of the beating of the waves. The lower part of that

opening is as bigg as a tower, and grows bigger in the going up. There is,

I believe, six acres of land above it; a shipp of 500 tuns could passe by,

soe bigg is the arch. I gave it the name of the portail of St. Peter,

because my name is so called, and that I was the first Christian that ever

saw it." Concerning Hudson's Bay, whilst they were among the Christinos at

Lake Assiniboin, Radisson mentions in his narrative that "being resolved to

know what we heard before, we waited untill the Ice should vanish."

The Governor was greatly displeased at the disobedience of Radisson and his

brother-in-law in going on their last voyage without his permission. On

their return, the narrative states, "he made my brother prisoner for not

having obeyed his orders; he fines us L. 4,000 to make a fort at the three

rivers, telling us for all manner of satisfaction that he would give us

leave to put our coat of armes upon it; and moreover L. 6,000 for the

country, saying that wee should not take it so strangely and so bad, being

wee were inhabitants and did intend to finish our days in the same country

with our relations and friends.... Seeing ourselves so wronged, my brother

did resolve to go and demand justice in France." Failing to get

restitution, they resolved to go over to the English. They went early in

1665 to Port Royal, Nova Scotia, and from thence to New England, where they

engaged an English or New England ship for a trading adventure into

Hudson's Straits in 61 deg. north.

This expedition was attempted because Radisson and Des Groseilliers, on

their last journey to Lake Superior, "met with some savages on the lake of

Assiniboin, and from them they learned that they might go by land to the

bottom of Hudson's Bay, where the English had not been yet, at James Bay;

upon which they desired them to conduct them thither, and the savages

accordingly did it. They returned to the upper lake the same way they

came, and thence to Quebec, where they offered the principal merchants to

carry ships to Hudson's Bay; but their project was rejected. Des

Groseilliers then went to France in hopes of a more favorable hearing at

Court; but after presenting several memorials and spending a great deal of

time and money, he was answered as he had been at Quebec, and the project

looked upon as chimerical." [Footnote: Oldmixon, Vol. I. p. 548.] This

voyage to Hudson's Straits proved unremunerative. "Wee had knowledge and

conversation with the people of those parts, but wee did see and know that

there was nothing to be done unlesse wee went further, and the season of

the year was far spent by the indiscretion of our Master." Radisson

continues: "Wee were promissed two shipps for a second voyage." One of

these ships was sent to "the Isle of Sand, there to fish for Basse to make

oyle of it," and was soon after lost.

In New England, in the early part of the year 1665, Radisson and Des

Groseilliers met with two of the four English Commissioners who were sent

over by Charles II in 1664 to settle several important questions in the

provinces of New York and New England. They were engaged in the prosecution

of their work in the different governments from 1664 to 1665/6. The two

Frenchmen, it appears, were called upon in Boston to defend themselves in a

lawsuit instituted against them in the courts there, for the annulling of

the contract in the trading adventure above mentioned, whereby one of the

two ships contracted for was lost. The writer states, that "the expectation

of that ship made us loose our second voyage, which did very much

discourage the merchants with whom wee had to do; they went to law with us

to make us recant the bargaine that wee had made with them. After wee had

disputed a long time, it was found that the right was on our side and wee

innocent of what they did accuse us. So they endeavoured to come to an

agreement, but wee were betrayed by our own party.

"In the mean time the Commissioners of the King of Great Britain arrived in

that place, & one of them would have us goe with him to New York, and the

other advised us to come to England and offer ourselves to the King, which

wee did." The Commissioners were Colonel Richard Nicolls, Sir Robert Carr,

Colonel George Cartwright, and Samuel Mavericke. Sir Robert Carr wished the

two Frenchmen to go with him to New York, but Colonel George Cartwright,

erroneously called by Radisson in his manuscript "Cartaret," prevailed upon

them to embark with him from Nantucket, August 1, 1665. On this voyage

Cartwright carried with him "all the original papers of the transactions of

the Royal Commissioners, together with the maps of the several colonies."

They had also as a fellow passenger George Carr, presumably the brother of

Sir Robert, and probably the acting secretary to the Commission. Colonel

Richard Nicolls, writing to Secretary Lord Arlington, July 31, 1665, Says,

"He supposes Col. Geo. Cartwright is now at sea." George Carr, also writing

to Lord Arlington, December 14, 1665, tells him that "he sends the

transactions of the Commissioners in New England briefly set down, each

colony by itself. The papers by which all this and much more might have

been demonstrated were lost in obeying His Majesty's command by keeping

company with Captain Pierce, who was laden with masts; for otherwise in

probability we might have been in England ten days before we met the Dutch

'Caper,' who after two hours' fight stripped and landed us in Spain.

Hearing also some Frenchmen discourse in New England of a passage from the

West Sea to the South Sea, and of a great trade of beaver in that passage,

and afterwards meeting with sufficient proof of the truth of what they had

said, and knowing what great endeavours have been made for the finding out

of a North Western passage, he thought them the best present he could

possibly make His Majesty, and persuaded them to come to England. Begs His

Lordship to procure some consideration for his loss, suffering, and

service." Colonel Cartwright, upon his capture at Sea by the Dutch "Caper,"

threw all his despatches and papers overboard.

No doubt the captain of the Dutch vessel carefully scrutinized the papers

of Radisson and his brother-in-law, and, it may be, carried off some of

them; for there is evidence in one part at least of the former's narration

of his travels, of some confusion, as the writer has transposed the date of

one important and well-known event in Canadian history. It is evident that

the writer was busy on his voyage preparing his narrative of travels for

presentation to the King. Towards the conclusion of his manuscript he says:

"We are now in the passage, and he that brought us, which was one of the

Commissioners called Collonell George Cartaret, was taken by the

Hollanders, and wee arrived in England in a very bad time for the plague

and the warrs. Being at Oxford, wee went to Sir George Cartaret, who spoke

to His Majesty, who gave good hopes that wee should have a shipp ready for

the next Spring, and that the King did allow us forty shillings a week for

our maintenance, and wee had chambers in the town by his order, where wee

stayed three months. Afterwards the King came to London and sent us to

Windsor, where wee stayed the rest of the winter."

Charles II., with his Court, came to open Parliament and the Courts of Law

at Oxford, September 25, 1665, and left for Hampton Court to reside,

January 27, 1666. Radisson and Des Groseilliers must have arrived there

about the 25th of October. DeWitt, the Dutch statesman, and Grand

Pensionary of the States of Holland from 1652, becoming informed by the

captain of the Dutch "Caper" of the errand of Radisson and his companion

into England, despatched an emissary to that country in 1666 to endeavor to

entice them out of the English into the service of the Dutch. Sir John

Colleton first brought the matter before the notice of Lord Arlington in a

letter of November 12th. The agent of DeWitt was one Elie Godefroy Touret,

a native of Picardy, France, and an acquaintance of Groseilliers. Touret

had lived over ten years in the service of the Rhinegrave at Maestricht.

Thinking it might possibly aid him in his design, he endeavored to pass

himself off in London as Groseilliers' nephew. One Monsieur Delheure

deposed that Groseilliers "always held Touret in suspicion for calling

himself his nephew, and for being in England without employment, not being

a person who could live on his income, and had therefore avoided his

company as dangerous to the State. Has heard Touret say that if his uncle

Groseilliers were in service of the States of Holland, he would be more

considered than here, where his merits are not recognised, and that if his

discovery were under the protection of Holland, all would go better with

him."

On the 21st of November a warrant was issued to the Keeper of the Gate

House, London, "to take into custody the person of Touret for corresponding

with the King's enemies." On the 23d of December Touret sent in a petition

to Lord Arlington, bitterly complaining of the severity of his treatment,

and endeavored to turn the tables upon his accuser by representing that

Groseilliers, Radisson, and a certain priest in London tried to persuade

him to join them in making counterfeit coin, and for his refusal had

persecuted and entered the accusation against him.

To Des Groseilliers and Radisson must be given the credit of originating

the idea of forming a settlement at Hudson's Bay, out of which grew the

profitable organization of the Hudson's Bay Company. They obtained through

the English Ambassador to France an interview with Prince Rupert, and laid

before him their plans, which had been before presented to the leading

merchants of Canada and the French Court. Prince Rupert at once foresaw the

value of such an enterprise, and aided them in procuring the required

assistance from several noblemen and gentlemen, to fit out in 1667 two

ships from London, the "Eagle," Captain Stannard, and the "Nonsuch," ketch,

Captain Zechariah Gillam. This Gillam is called by Oldmixon a New

Englander, and was probably the same one who went in 1664/5 with Radisson

and Groseilliers to Hudson's Strait on the unsuccessful voyage from Boston.

Radisson thus alludes to the two ships that were fitted out in London by

the help of Prince Rupert and his associates. The third year after their

arrival in England "wee went out with a new Company in two small vessels,

my brother in one and I in another, and wee went together four hundred

leagues from the North of Ireland, where a sudden greate storme did rise

and put us asunder. The sea was soe furious six or seven hours after, that

it did almost overturne our ship. So that wee were forced to cut our masts

rather then cutt our lives; but wee came back safe, God be thanked; and the

other, I hope, is gone on his voyage, God be with him."

Captain Gillam and the ketch "Nonsuch," with Des Groseilliers, proceeded on

their voyage, "passed thro Hudson's Streights, and then into Baffin's Bay

to 75 deg. North, and thence Southwards into 51 deg., where, in a river

afterwards called Prince Rupert river, He had a friendly correspondence

with the natives, built a Fort, named it Charles Fort, and returned with

Success." [Footnote: Oldmixon, _British Empire_, ed. 1741, Vol. I. p. 544]

When Gillam and Groseilliers returned, the adventurers concerned in fitting

them out "applied themselves to Charles II. for a patent, who granted one

to them and their successors for the Bay called Hudson's Streights."

[Footnote: _Ibid._, Vol. I. p. 545.] The patent bears date the 2d of May,

in the twenty-second year of Charles II., 1670.

In Ellis's manuscript papers [Footnote: _Ibid_., Vol. V. p.319] has been

found the following original draft of an "answer of the Hudson's Bay

Company to a French paper entitled Memoriall justifieing the pretensions of

France to Fort Bourbon." 1696/7.

"The French in this paper carrying their pretended right of Discovery and

settlement no higher then the year 1682, and their being dispossessed in

1684. Wee shall briefly shew what sort of possession that was, and how

those two actions were managed. Mr. Radisson, mentioned in the said paper

to have made this settlement for the French at Port Nelson in 1682, was

many years before settled in England, and marryed an English wife, Sir John

Kirke's daughter, and engaged in the interest and service of the English

upon private adventure before as well as after the Incorporation of the

Hudson's Bay Company. In 1667, when Prince Rupert and other noblemen set

out two shipps, Radisson went in the Eagle, Captain Stannard commander, and

in that voyage the name of Rupert's river was given. Again in 1668 and in

1669, and in this voyage directed his course to Port Nelson, and went on

shore with one Bayly (designed Governor for the English), fixed the King of

England's arms there, & left some goods for trading. In 1671 three ships

were set out from London by the Hudson's Bay Company, then incorporated,

and Radisson went in one of them in their service, settled Moose River, &

went to Port Nelson, where he left some goods, and wintered at Rupert's

River. In 1673, upon some difference with the Hudson's Bay Company,

Radisson returned into France and was there persuaded to go to Canada. He

formed severall designs of going on private accounts for the French into

Hudson's Bay, which the Governor, Monsr. Frontenac, would by no means

permitt, declaring it would break the union between the two Kings."

Oldmixon says [Footnote: Oldmixon, Vol. I. p. 549.] that the

above-mentioned Charles Baily, with whom went Radisson and ten or twenty

men, took out with him Mr. Thomas Gorst as his secretary, who at his

request kept a journal, which eventually passed into the possession of

Oldmixon. The following extracts give some idea of the life led by the

fur-traders at the Fort: "They were apprehensive of being attacked by some

Indians, whom the French Jesuits had animated against the English and all

that dealt with them. The French used many artifices to hinder the natives

trading with the English; they gave them great rates for their goods, and

obliged Mr Baily to lower the price of his to oblige the Indians who dwelt

about Moose river, with whom they drove the greatest trade. The French, to

ruin their commerce with the natives, came and made a settlement not above

eight days' journey up that river from the place where the English traded.

'Twas therefore debated whether the Company's Agents should not remove from

Rupert's to Moose river, to prevent their traffick being interrupted by the

French. On the 3d of April, 1674, a council of the principal persons in the

Fort was held, where Mr Baily, the Governor, Captain Groseilliers, and

Captain Cole were present and gave their several opinions. The Governor

inclined to move. Captain Cole was against it, as dangerous, and Captain

Groseilliers for going thither in their bark to trade. [Footnote: Oldmixon,

Vol. I. p. 552.] ... The Governor, having got everything ready for a voyage

to Moose river, sent Captain Groseilliers, Captain Cole, Mr Gorst, and

other Indians to trade there. They got two hundred and fifty skins, and the

Captain of the Tabittee Indians informed them the French Jesuits had bribed

the Indians not to deal with the English, but to live in friendship with

the Indian nations in league with the French.... The reason they got no

more peltry now was because the Indians thought Groseilliers was too hard

for them, and few would come down to deal with him." [Footnote: Oldmixon,

Vol. I. p. 554.] After Captain Baily [Footnote: _Ibid._, Vol. I. p. 555.]

had returned from a voyage in his sloop to trade to the fort, "on the 30th

Aug a missionary Jesuit, born of English parents, arrived, bearing a letter

from the Governor of Quebec to Mr Baily, dated the 8th of October, 1673.

"The Governor of Quebec desired Mr Baily to treat the Jesuit civilly, on

account of the great amity between the two crowns. Mr Baily resolved to

keep the priest till ships came from England. He brought a letter, also,

for Capt Groseilliers, which gave jealousy to the English of his

corresponding with the French. His son-in-law lived in Quebec, and had

accompanied the priest part of the way, with three other Frenchmen, who,

being afraid to venture among strange Indians, returned.... Provisions

running short, they were agreed, on the 17th Sept, they were all to depart

for Point Comfort, to stay there till the 22d, and then make the best of

their way for England. In this deplorable condition were they when the

Jesuit, Capt Groseilliers, & another papist, walking downwards to the

seaside at their devotions, heard seven great guns fire distinctly. They

came home in a transport of joy, told their companions the news, and

assured them it was true. Upon which they fired three great guns from the

fort to return the salute, though they could ill spare the powder upon such

an uncertainty." The ship "Prince Rupert" had arrived, with Captain Gillam,

bringing the new Governor, William Lyddel, Esq.

Groseilliers and Radisson, after remaining for several years under the

Hudson's Bay Company, at last in 1674 felt obliged to sever the connection,

and went over again to France. Radisson told his nephew in 1684 that the

cause was "the refusal, that showed the bad intention of the Hudson's Bay

Company to satisfy us." Several influential members of the committee of

direction for the Company were desirous of retaining them in their employ;

among them the Duke of York, Prince Rupert their first Governor, Sir James

Hayes, Sir William Young, Sir John Kirke, and others; but it is evident

there was a hostile feeling towards Radisson and his brother-in-law on the

part of several members of the committee, for even after his successful

expedition in 1684 they found "some members of the committee offended

because I had had the honour of making my reverence to the King and to his

Royal Highness."

From 1674 to 1683, Radisson seems to have remained stanch in his allegiance

to Louis XIV. In his narrative of the years 1682 and 1683 he shews that

Colbert endeavored to induce him to bring his wife over into France, it

would appear to remain there during his absence in Hudson's Bay, as some

sort of security for her husband's fidelity to the interests of the French

monarch. After his return from this voyage in 1683 he felt himself again

unfairly treated by the French Court, and in 1684, as he relates in his

narrative, he "passed over to England for good, and of engaging myself so

strongly to the service of his Majesty, and to the interests of the Nation,

that any other consideration was never able to detach me from it."

We again hear of Radisson in Hudson's Bay in 1685; and this is his last

appearance in public records or documents as far as is known. A Canadian,

Captain Berger, states that in the beginning of June, 1685, "he and his

crew ascended four leagues above the English in Hudson's Bay, where they

made a Small Settlement. On the 15th of July they set out to return to

Quebec. On the 17th they met with a vessel of ten or twelve guns, commanded

by Captain Oslar, on board of which was the man named Bridgar, the

Governor, who was going to relieve the Governor at the head of the Bay. He

is the same that Radisson brought to Quebec three years ago in the ship

Monsieur de la Barre restored to him. Berger also says he asked a parley

with the captain of Mr Bridgar's bark, who told him that Radisson had gone

with Mr Chouart, his nephew, fifteen days ago, to winter in the River Santa

Theresa, where they wintered a year." [Footnote: _New York Colonial

Documents_, Vol. IX.]

After this date the English and the French frequently came into hostile

collision in Hudson's Bay. In 1686 King James demanded satisfaction from

France for losses inflicted upon the Company. Then the Jesuits procured

neutrality for America, and knew by that time they were in possession of

Fort Albany. In 1687 the French took the "Hayes" sloop, an infraction of

the treaty. In 1688 they took three ships, valued, in all, at L. 15,000; L.

113,000 damage in time of peace. In 1692 the Company set out four ships to

recover Fort Albany, taken in 1686. In 1694 the French took York, alias

Fort Bourbon. In 1696 the English retook it from them. On the 4th

September, 1697, the French retook it and kept it. The peace was made

September 20, 1697. [Footnote: _Minutes Relating to Hudson's Bay Company_.]

In 1680 the stock rose from L. 100 to near L. 1,000. Notwithstanding the

losses sustained by the Company, amounting to L. 118,014 between 1682 and

1688, they were able to pay in 1684 the shareholders a dividend of fifty

per cent. Radisson brought home in 1684 a cargo of 20,000 beaver skins.

Oldmixon says, "10,000 Beavers, in all their factories, was one of the best

years of Trade they ever had, besides other peltry." Again in 1688 a

dividend of fifty per cent was made, and in 1689 one of twenty-five per

cent. In 1690, without any call being made, the stock was trebled, while at

the same time a dividend of twenty-five per cent was paid on the increased

or newly created stock. At the Peace of Utrecht, in 1713, the forts

captured by the French in 1697 were restored to the Company, who by 1720

had again trebled their capital, with a call of only ten per cent. After a

long and fierce rivalry with the Northwest Fur Company, the two companies

were amalgamated in 1821. [Footnote: Encyclopaedia Britannica.]

Radisson commences his narrative of 1652 in a reverent spirit, by

inscribing it "a la plus grande gloire de Dieu." All his manuscripts have

been handed down in perfect preservation. They are written out in a clear

and excellent handwriting, showing the writer to have been a person of good

education, who had also travelled in Turkey and Italy, and who had been in

London, and perhaps learned his English there in his early life. The

narrative of travels between the years 1652 and 1664 was for some time the

property of Samuel Pepys, the well-known diarist, and Secretary of the

Admiralty to Charles II. and James II. He probably received it from Sir

George Cartaret, the Vice-Chamberlain of the King and Treasurer of the

Navy, for whom it was no doubt carefully copied out from his rough notes by

the author, So that it might, through him, be brought under the notice of

Charles II. Some years after the death of Pepys, in 1703, his collection of

manuscripts was dispersed and fell into the hands of various London

tradesmen, who bought parcels of it to use in their shops as waste-paper.

The most valuable portions were carefully reclaimed by the celebrated

collector, Richard Rawlinson, who in writing to his friend T. Rawlins,

from. "London house, January 25th, 1749/50," says: "I have purchased the

best part of the fine collection of Mr Pepys, Secretary to the Admiralty

during the reigns of Charles 2d and James 2d. Some are as old as King Henry

VIII. They were collected with a design for a Lord High Admiral such as he

should approve; but those times are not yet come, and so little care was

taken of them that they were redeemed from _thus et adores vendentibus_."

The manuscript containing Radisson's narrative for the years 1682 and 1683

was "purchased of Rodd, 8th July, 1839," by the British Museum. The

narrative in French, for the year 1684, was bought by Sir Hans Sloane from

the collection of "Nicolai Joseph Foucault, Comitis Consistoriani," as his

bookplate informs us. With the manuscript this gentleman had bound up in

the same volume a religious treatise in manuscript, highly illuminated, in

Italian, relating to some of the saints of the Catholic Church. [Footnote:

I am under obligations to Mr. John Gilmary Shea for valuable information.]

VOYAGES

OF

PETER ESPRIT RADISSON.

_The Relation of my Voyage, being in Bondage in the Lands of the Irokoits,

which was the next yeare after my coming into Canada, in the yeare 1651,

the 24th day of May._

Being persuaded in the morning by two of my comrades to go and recreat

ourselves in fowling, I disposed myselfe to keepe them Company; wherfor I

cloathed myselfe the lightest way I could possible, that I might be the

nimbler and not stay behinde, as much for the prey that I hoped for, as for

to escape the danger into which wee have ventered ourselves of an enemy the

cruelest that ever was uppon the face of the Earth. It is to bee observed

that the french had warre with a wild nation called Iroquoites, who for

that time weare soe strong and so to be feared that scarce any body durst

stirre out either Cottage or house without being taken or kill'd,

[Footnote: In 1641-1645 Father Vimont writes: "I had as lief be beset by

goblins as by the Iroquois. The one are about as invisible as the other.

Our people on the Richelieu and at Montreal are kept in a closer

confinement than ever were monks or nuns in our smallest convents in

France."] saving that he had nimble limbs to escape their fury; being

departed, all three well armed, and unanimiously rather die then abandon

one another, notwithstanding these resolutions weare but young mens

deboasting; being then in a very litle assurance and lesse security.

At an offspring of a village of three Rivers we consult together that two

should go the watter side, the other in a wood hardby to warne us, for to

advertise us if he accidentaly should light [upon] or suspect any Barbars

in ambush, we also retreat ourselves to him if we should discover any thing

uppon the River. Having comed to the first river, which was a mile distant

from our dwellings, wee mett a man who mett a man who kept cattell, and

asked him if he had knowne any appearance of Ennemy, and likewise demanded

which way he would advise us to gett better fortune, and what part he spied

more danger; he guiding us the best way he could, prohibiting us by no

means not to render ourselves att the skirts of the mountains; ffor, said

he, I discovered oftentimes a multitude of people which rose up as it weare

of a sudaine from of the Earth, and that doubtless there weare some enemys

that way; which sayings made us looke to ourselves and charge two of our

fowling peeces with great shot the one, and the other with small. Priming

our pistols, we went where our fancy first lead us, being impossible for us

to avoid the destinies of the heavens; no sooner tourned our backs, but my

nose fell ableeding without any provocation in the least. Certainly it was

a warning for me of a beginning of a yeare and a half of hazards and of

miseryes that weare to befall mee. We did shoot sometime and killed some

Duks, which made one of my fellow travellers go no further. I seeing him

taking such a resolution, I proferred some words that did not like him,

giving him the character of a timourous, childish humor; so this did

nothing prevaile with him, to the Contrary that had with him quite another

isue then what I hoped for; ffor offending him with my words he prevailed

so much with the others that he persuaded them to doe the same. I lett them

goe, laughing them to scorne, beseeching them to helpe me to my fowles, and

that I would tell them the discovery of my designes, hoping to kill meat to

make us meate att my retourne.

I went my way along the wood some times by the side of the river, where I

finde something to shute att, though no considerable quantitie, which made

me goe a league off and more, so I could not go in all further then

St. Peeter's, which is nine mile from the plantation by reason of the river

Ovamasis, which hindered me the pasage. I begun'd to think att my retourne

how I might transport my fowle. I hide one part in a hollow tree to keep

them from the Eagles and other devouring fowles, so as I came backe the

same way where before had no bad incounter. Arrived within one halfe a mile

where my comrades had left me, I rested awhile by reason that I was

looden'd with three geese, tenn ducks, and one crane, with some teales.

After having layd downe my burden uppon the grasse, I thought to have heard

a noise in the wood by me, which made me to overlook my armes; I found one

of my girdle pistols wette. I shott it off and charged it againe, went up

to the wood the soffliest I might, to discover and defend myselfe the

better against any surprise. After I had gone from tree to tree some 30

paces off I espied nothing; as I came back from out of the wood to an

adjacent brooke, I perceived a great number of Ducks; my discovery

imbouldened me, and for that there was a litle way to the fort, I

determined to shute once more; coming nigh preparing meselfe for to shute,

I found another worke, the two young men that I left some tenne houres

before heere weare killed. Whether they came after mee, or weare brought

thither by the Barbars, I know not. However [they] weare murthered. Looking

over them, knew them albeit quite naked, and their hair standing up, the

one being shott through with three boulletts and two blowes of an hatchett

on the head, and the other runne thorough in severall places with a sword

and smitten with an hatchett. Att the same instance my nose begun'd to

bleed, which made me afraid of my life; but withdrawing myselfe to the

watter side to see if any body followed mee, I espied twenty or thirty

heads in a long grasse. Mightily surprized att the view, I must needs passe

through the midst of them or tourne backe into the woode. I slipped a

boullet uppon the shott and beate the paper into my gunne. I heard a noise,

which made me looke on that side; hopeing to save meselfe, perswading

myselfe I was not yet perceived by them that weare in the medow, and in the

meane while some gunns weare lett off with an horrid cry.

Seeing myselfe compassed round about by a multitude of dogges, or rather

devils, that rose from the grasse, rushesse, and bushesse, I shott my

gunne, whether un warrs or purposly I know not, but I shott with a pistolle

confidently, but was seised on all sids by a great number that threw me

downe, taking away my arme without giving mee one blowe; ffor afterwards I

felt no paine att all, onely a great guidinesse in my heade, from whence it

comes I doe not remember. In the same time they brought me into the wood,

where they shewed me the two heads all bloody. After they consulted

together for a while, retired into their boats, which weare four or five

miles from thence, and wher I have bin a while before. They layed mee

hither, houlding me by the hayre, to the imbarking place; there they began

to errect their cottages, which consisted only of some sticks to boyle

their meate, whereof they had plenty, but stuncke, which was strange to mee

to finde such an alteration so sudaine. They made [me] sitt downe by. After

this they searched me and tooke what I had, then stripped me naked, and

tyed a rope about my middle, wherin I remained, fearing to persist, in the

same posture the rest of the night. After this they removed me, laughing

and howling like as many wolves, I knowing not the reason, if not for my

skin, that was soe whit in respect of theirs. But their gaping did soone

cease because of a false alarme, that their Scout who stayed behind gave

them, saying that the ffrench and the wild Algongins, friends to the

ffrench, came with all speed. They presently put out the fire, and tooke

hould of the most advantageous passages, and sent 25 men to discover what

it meant, who brought certaine tydings of assurance and liberty.

In the meanewhile I was garded by 50 men, who gave me a good part of my

cloathes. After kindling a fire againe, they gott theire supper ready,

which was sudenly don, ffor they dresse their meat halfe boyled, mingling

some yallowish meale in the broath of that infected stinking meate; so

whilst this was adoing they combed my head, and with a filthy grease

greased my head, and dashed all over my face with redd paintings. So then,

when the meat was ready, they feeded me with their hod-pot, forcing me to

swallow it in a maner. My heart did so faint at this, that in good deede I

should have given freely up the ghost to be freed from their clawes,

thinking every moment they would end my life. They perceived that my

stomach could not beare such victuals. They tooke some of this stinking

meate and boyled it in a cleare watter, then mingled a litle Indian meale

put to it, which meale before was tossed amongst bourning sand, and then

made in powder betwixt two rocks. I, to shew myselfe cheerfull att this,

swallowed downe some of this that seemed to me very unsavoury and clammie

by reason of the scume that was upon the meat. Having supped, they untyed

mee, and made me lye betwixt them, having one end of one side and one of

another, and covered me with a red Coverlet, thorough which I might have

counted the starrs. I slept a sound sleep, for they awaked me uppon the

breaking of the day. I dreamed that night that I was with the Jesuits at

Quebuc drinking beere, which gave me hopes to be free sometimes, and also

because I heard those people lived among Dutch people in a place called

Menada [Footnote: _Menada_, Manhattan, or New Netherlands, called by the

French of Canada "Manatte."], and fort of Orang, where without doubt I

could drinke beere. I, after this, finding meselfe somewhat altered, and my

body more like a devil then anything else, after being so smeared and burst

with their filthy meate that I could not digest, but must suffer all

patiently.

Finally they seemed to me kinder and kinder, giving me of the best bitts

where lesse wormes weare. Then they layd [me] to the watter side, where

there weare 7 and 30 boats, ffor each of them imbark'd himselfe. They tyed

me to the barre in a boat, where they tooke at the same instance the heads

of those that weare killed the day before, and for to preserve them they

cutt off the flesh to the skull and left nothing but skin and haire,

putting of it into a litle panne wherein they melt some grease, and gott it

dry with hot stones. They spread themselves from off the side of the river

a good way, and gathered together againe and made a fearfull noise and

shott some gunns off, after which followed a kind of an incondit singing

after nots, which was an oudiousom noise. As they weare departing from

thence they injoyned silence, and one of the Company, wherein I was, made

three shouts, which was answered by the like maner from the whole flocke;

which done they tooke their way, singing and leaping, and so past the day

in such like. They offered mee meate; but such victuals I reguarded it

litle, but could drinke for thirst. My sperit was troubled with infinite

deale of thoughts, but all to no purpose for the ease of my sicknesse;

sometimes despairing, now againe in some hopes. I allwayes indeavoured to

comfort myselfe, though half dead. My resolution was so mastered with

feare, that at every stroake of the oares of these inhumans I thought it to

be my end.

By sunsett we arrived att the Isles of Richelieu, a place rather for

victors then for captives most pleasant. There is to be seen 300 wild Cowes

together, a number of Elks and Beavers, an infinit of fowls. There we must

make cottages, and for this purpose they imploy all together their wits and

art, ffor 15 of these Islands are drowned in Spring, when the floods begin

to rise from the melting of the snow, and that by reason of the lowness of

the land. Here they found a place fitt enough for 250 men that their army

consisted [of]. They landed mee & shewed mee great kindnesse, saying

Chagon, which is as much [as] to say, as I understood afterwards, be

cheerfull or merry; but for my part I was both deafe and dumb. Their

behaviour made me neverthelesse cheerfull, or att least of a smiling

countenance, and constraine my aversion and feare to an assurance, which

proved not ill to my thinking; ffor the young men tooke delight in combing

my head, greasing and powdering out a kinde of redd powder, then tying my

haire with a redd string of leather like to a coard, which caused my haire

to grow longer in a short time.

The day following they prepared themselves to passe the adjacent places and

shoote to gett victualls, where we stayed 3 dayes, making great cheere and

fires. I more and more getting familiarity with them, that I had the

liberty to goe from cottage, having one or two by mee. They untyed mee, and

tooke delight to make me speake words of their language, and weare earnest

that I should pronounce as they. They tooke care to give me meate as often

as I would; they gave me salt that served me all my voyage. They also tooke

the paines to put it up safe for mee, not takeing any of it for themselves.

There was nothing else but feasting and singing during our abode. I tooke

notice that our men decreased, ffor every night one other boate tooke his

way, which persuaded mee that they went to the warrs to gett more booty.

The fourth day, early in the morning, my Brother, viz., he that tooke me,

so he called me, embarked me without tying me. He gave me an oare, which I

tooke with a good will, and rowed till I sweate againe. They, perceaving,

made me give over; not content with that I made a signe of my willingnesse

to continue that worke. They consent to my desire, but shewed me how I

should row without putting myselfe into a sweat. Our company being

considerable hitherto, was now reduced to three score. Mid-day wee came to

the River of Richlieu, where we weare not farre gon, but mett a new gang of

their people in cottages; they began to hoop and hollow as the first day of

my taking. They made me stand upright in the boat, as they themselves,

saluting one another with all kindnesse and joy. In this new company there

was one that had a minde to doe me mischiefe, but prevented by him that

tooke me. I taking notice of the fellow, I shewed him more friendshipe. I

gott some meate roasted for him, and throwing a litle salt and flower over

it, which he finding very good tast, gave it to the rest as a rarity, nor

did afterwards molest mee.

They tooke a fancy to teach mee to sing; and as I had allready a beginning

of their hooping, it was an easy thing for me to learne, our Algonquins

making the same noise. They tooke an exceeding delight to heare mee. Often

have I sunged in French, to which they gave eares with a deepe silence. We

passed that day and night following with litle rest by reason of their joy

and mirth. They lead a dance, and tyed my comrades both their heads att the

end of a stick and hopt it; this done, every one packt and embarked

himselfe, some going one way, some another. Being separated, one of the

boats that we mett before comes backe againe and approaches the boat

wherein I was; I wondered, a woman of the said company taking hould on my

haire, signifying great kindnesse. Shee combs my head with her fingers and

tyed my wrist with a bracelett, and sunged. My wish was that shee would

proceed in our way. After both companys made a shout wee separated, I was

sorry for this woman's departure, ffor having shewed me such favour att her

first aspect, doubtlesse but shee might, if neede required, saved my life.

Our journey was indifferent good, without any delay, which caused us to

arrive in a good and pleasant harbour. It was on the side of the sand where

our people had any paine scarce to errect their cottages, being that it was

a place they had sejourned [at] before. The place round about [was] full of

trees. Heare they kindled a fire and provided what was necessary for their

food. In this place they cutt off my hair in the front and upon the crowne

of the head, and turning up the locks of the haire they dab'd mee with some

thicke grease. So done, they brought me a looking-glasse. I viewing myselfe

all in a pickle, smir'd with redde and black, covered with such a cappe,

and locks tyed up with a peece of leather and stunked horridly, I could not

but fall in love with myselfe, if not that I had better instructions to

shun the sin of pride. So after repasting themselves, they made them ready

for the journey with takeing repose that night. This was the time I thought

to have escaped, ffor in vaine, ffor I being alone feared least I should be

apprehended and dealt with more violently. And moreover I was desirous to

have seene their country.

Att the sun rising I awaked my brother, telling him by signes it was time

to goe. He called the rest, but non would stirre, which made him lye downe

againe. I rose and went to the water side, where I walked awhile. If there

weare another we might, I dare say, escape out of their sight. Heere I

recreated myselfe running a naked swoord into the sand. One of them seeing

mee after such an exercise calls mee and shews me his way, which made me

more confidence in them. They brought mee a dish full of meate to the water

side. I began to eat like a beare.

In the mean time they imbark'd themselves, one of them tooke notice that I

had not a knife, brings me his, which I kept the rest of the voyage,

without that they had the least feare of me. Being ready to goe, saving my

boat that was ammending, which was soone done. The other boats weare not as

yett out of sight, and in the way my boat killed a stagg. They made me

shoot att it, and not quite dead they runed it thorough with their swoords,

and having cutt it in peeces, they devided it, and proceeded on their way.

At 3 of the clock in the afternoone we came into a rappid streame, where we

weare forced to land and carry our Equipages and boats thorough a dangerous

place. Wee had not any encounter that day. Att night where we found

cottages ready made, there I cutt wood as the rest with all dilligence. The

morning early following we marched without making great noise, or singing

as accustomed. Sejourning awhile, we came to a lake 6 leagues wide, about

it a very pleasant country imbellished with great forests. That day our

wild people killed 2 Bears, one monstrous like for its biggnesse, the other

a small one. Wee arrived to a fine sandy bancke, where not long before many

Cabbanes weare errected and places made where Prisoners weare tyed.

In this place our wild people sweated after the maner following: first

heated stones till they weare redd as fire, then they made a lantherne with

small sticks, then stoaring the place with deale trees, saving a place in

the middle whereinto they put the stoanes, and covered the place with

severall covers, then striped themselves naked, went into it. They made a

noise as if the devil weare there; after they being there for an hour they

came out of the watter, and then throwing one another into the watter, I

thought veryly they weare insensed. It is their usual Custome. Being comed

out of this place, they feasted themselves with the two bears, turning the

outside of the tripes inward not washed. They gave every one his share; as

for my part I found them [neither] good, nor savory to the pallet. In the

night they heard some shooting, which made them embark themselves speedily.

In the mean while they made me lay downe whilst they rowed very hard. I

slept securely till the morning, where I found meselfe in great high

rushes. There they stayed without noise.

From thence wee proceeded, though not without some feare of an Algonquin

army. We went on for some dayes that lake. Att last they endeavoured to

retire to the woods, every one carrying his bundle. After a daye's march we

came to a litle river where we lay'd that night. The day following we

proceeded on our journey, where we mett 2 men, with whome our wild men

seemed to be acquainted by some signes. These 2 men began to speake a longe

while. After came a company of women, 20 in number, that brought us dry

fish and Indian corne. These women loaded themselves, after that we had

eaten, like mules with our baggage. We went through a small wood, the way

well beaten, untill the evening we touched a place for fishing, of 15

Cabbans. There they weare well received but myselfe, who was stroaken by a

yong man. He, my keeper, made a signe I should to him againe. I tourning to

him instantly, he to me, taking hould of my haire, all the wild men came

about us, encouraging with their Cryes and hands, which encouraged me most

that non helpt him more then mee. Wee clawed one another with hands,

tooth, and nailes. My adversary being offended I have gotten the best, he

kick't me; but my french shoes that they left mee weare harder then his,

which made him [give up] that game againe. He tooke me about the wrest,

where he found himselfe downe before he was awarre, houlding him upon the

ground till some came and putt us asunder. My company seeing mee free,

began to cry out, giving me watter to wash me, and then fresh fish to

relish me. They encouraged me so much, the one combing my head, the other

greasing my haire. There we stayed 2 dayes, where no body durst trouble me.

In the same Cabban that I was, there has bin a wild man wounded with a

small shott. I thought I have seen him the day of my taking, which made me

feare least I was the one that wounded him. He knowing it to be so had

shewed me as much charity as a Christian might have given. Another of his

fellowes (I also wounded) came to me att my first coming there, whom I

thought to have come for reveng, contrarywise shewed me a cheerfull

countenance; he gave mee a box full of red paintings, calling me his

brother. I had not as yett caryed any burden, but meeting with an ould man,

gave me a sacke of tobacco of 12 pounds' weight, bearing it uppon my head,

as it's their usuall custome. We made severall stayes the day by reason of

the severall encounters of their people that came from villages, as warrs

others from fishing and shooting. In that journey our company increased,

among others a great many Hurrons that had bin lately taken, and who for

the most part are as slaves. We lay'd in the wood because they would not

goe into their village in the night time.

The next day we marched into a village where as wee came in sight we heard

nothing but outcryes, as from one side as from the other, being a quarter

of a mile from the village. They satt downe and I in the midle, where I saw

women and men and children with staves and in array, which put me in feare,

and instantly stripped me naked. My keeper gave me a signe to be gone as

fast as I could drive. In the meane while many of the village came about

us, among which a good old woman, and a boy with a hatchet in his hand came

near mee. The old woman covered me, and the young man tooke me by the hand

and lead me out of the company. The old woman made me step aside from

those that weare ready to stricke att mee. There I left the 2 heads of my

comrades, and that with comforted me yet I escaped the blowes. Then they

brought me into their Cottage; there the old woman shewed me kindnesse.

Shee gave me to eate. The great terror I had a litle before tooke my

stomack away from me. I stayed an hower, where a great company of people

came to see mee. Heere came a company of old men, having pipes in their

mouthes, satt about me.

After smoaking, they lead me into another cabban, where there weare a

company all Smoaking; they made [me] sitt downe by the fire, which made

[me] apprehend they should cast me into the said fire. But it proved

otherwise; for the old woman followed mee, Speaking aloud, whom they

answered with a loud ho, then shee tooke her girdle and about mee shee tyed

it, so brought me to her cottage, and made me sitt downe in the same place

I was before. Then shee began to dance and sing a while, after [she] brings

downe from her box a combe, gives it to a maide that was neare mee, who

presently comes to greas and combe my haire, and tooke away the paint that

the fellows stuck to my face. Now the old woman getts me some Indian Corne

toasted in the fire. I tooke paines to gether it out of the fire; after

this shee gave me a blew coverlett, stokins and shoos, and where with to

make me drawers. She looked in my cloathes, and if shee found any lice shee

would squeeze them betwixt her teeth, as if they had ben substantiall

meate. I lay'd with her son, who tooke me from those of my first takers,

and gott at last a great acquaintance with many. I did what I could to gett

familiarity with them, yeat I suffered no wrong att their hands, taking all

freedom, which the old woman inticed me to doe. But still they altered my

face where ever I went, and a new dish to satisfy nature.

I tooke all the pleasures imaginable, having a small peece at my command,

shooting patriges and squerells, playing most part of the day with my

companions. The old woman wished that I would make meselfe more familiar

with her 2 daughters, which weare tolerable among such people. They weare

accustomed to grease and combe my haire in the morning. I went with them

into the wilderness, there they would be gabling which I could not

understand. They wanted no company but I was shure to be of the number. I

brought all ways some guifts that I received, which I gave to my

purse-keeper and refuge, the good old woman. I lived 5 weeks without

thinking from whence I came. I learned more of their maners in 6 weeks then

if I had bin in ffrance 6 months. Att the end I was troubled in minde,

which made her inquire if I was Anjonack, a Huron word. Att this I made as

if I weare subported for speaking in a strang language, which shee liked

well, calling me by the name of her son who before was killed, Orinha,

[Footnote: Called _Orimha_, over-leaf.] which signifies ledd or stone,

without difference of the words. So that it was my Lordshippe. Shee

inquired [of] mee whether I was Asserony, a french. I answering no, saying

I was Panugaga, that is, of their nation, for which shee was pleased.

My father feasted 300 men that day. My sisters made me clean for that

purpos, and greased my haire. My mother decked me with a new cover and a

redd and blew cappe, with 2 necklace of porcelaine. My sisters tyed me with

braceletts and garters of the same porcelaine. My brother painted my face,

and [put] feathers on my head, and tyed both my locks with porcelaine. My

father was liberall to me, giving me a garland instead of my blew cap and a

necklace of porcelaine that hung downe to my heels, and a hattchet in my

hand. It was hard for me to defend myselfe against any encounter, being so

laden with riches. Then my father made a speech shewing many demonstrations

of vallor, broak a kettle full of Cagamite [Footnote: _Cagamite, Cagaimtie,

Sagamite_, a mush made of pounded Indian corn boiled with bits of meat or

fish.] with a hattchett So they sung, as is their usual coustom. They weare

waited on by a sort of yong men, bringing downe dishes of meate of

Oriniacke, [Footnote: _Oriniacke, Auriniacks, horiniac_, the moose, the

largest species of deer. Called by the French writers-- Sagard-Theodat, La

Hontan, and Charlevoix--_Eslan, Orinal_, or _Orignal_.] of Castors, and of

red deer mingled with some flowers. The order of makeing was thus: the

corne being dried between 2 stones into powder, being very thick, putt it

into a kettle full of watter, then a quantity of Bear's grease. This

banquett being over, they cryed to me Shagon, Orimha, that is, be hearty,

stone or ledd. Every one withdrew into his quarters, and so did I.

But to the purpose of my history. As I went to the fields once, where I

mett with 3 of my acquaintance, who had a designe for to hunt a great way

off, they desired me to goe along. I lett them know in Huron language (for

that I knew better then that of the Iroquoits) I was content, desiring them

to stay till I acquainted my mother. One of them came along with mee, and

gott leave for me of my kindred. My mother gott me presently a sack of

meale, 3 paire of shoos, my gun, and tourned backe where the 2 stayed for

us. My 2 sisters accompanied me even out of the wildernesse and carried my

bundle, where they tooke leave.

We marched on that day through the woods till we came by a lake where we

travelled without any rest. I wished I had stayed att home, for we had sad

victualls. The next day about noone we came to a River; there we made a

skiffe, so litle that we could scarce go into it. I admired their skill in

doing of it, ffor in lesse then 2 hours they cutt the tree and pulled up

the Rind, of which they made the boat. We embarked ourselves and went to

the lower end of the river, which emptied it selfe into a litle lake of

about 2 miles in length and a mile in breadth. We passed this lake into

another river broader then the other; there we found a fresh track of a

stagge, which made us stay heere a while. It was five of the clock att

least when 2 of our men made themselves ready to looke after that beast;

the other and I stayed behind. Not long after we saw the stagge crosse the

river, which foarding brought him to his ending. So done, they went on

their cours, and came backe againe att 10 of the clocke with 3 bears, a

castor, and the stagge which was slaine att our sight. How did wee rejoice

to see that killed which would make the kettle boyle. After we have eaten,

wee slept.

The next day we made trappes for to trapp castors, whilst we weare bussie,

one about one thing, one about another. As 3 of us retourned homewards to

our cottage we heard a wild man singing. He made us looke to our selves

least he should prove an ennemy, but as we have seene him, called to him,

who came immediately, telling us that he was in pursuite of a Beare since

morning, and that he gave him over, having lost his 2 doggs by the same

beare. He came with us to our Cottage, where we mett our companion after

having killed one beare, 2 staggs, and 2 mountain catts, being 5 in number.

Whilst the meat was a boyling that wild man spoake to me the Algonquin

language. I wondred to heare this stranger; he tould me that he was taken 2

years agoe; he asked me concerning the 3 rivers and of Quebuck, who wished

himselfe there, and I said the same, though I did not intend it. He asked

me if I loved the french. I inquired [of] him also if he loved the

Algonquins? Mary, quoth he, and so doe I my owne nation. Then replyed he,

Brother, cheare up, lett us escape, the 3 rivers are not a farre off. I

tould him my 3 comrades would not permitt me, and that they promissed my

mother to bring me back againe. Then he inquired whether I would live like

the Hurrons, who weare in bondage, or have my owne liberty with the

ffrench, where there was good bread to be eaten. Feare not, quoth he, shall

kill them all 3 this night when they will bee a sleepe, which will be an

easy matter with their owne hatchetts.

Att last I consented, considering they weare mortall ennemys to my country,

that had cutt the throats of so many of my relations, burned and murdered

them. I promissed him to succour him in his designe. They not understanding

our language asked the Algonquin what is that that he said, but tould them

some other story, nor did they suspect us in the least. Their belly full,

their mind without care, wearyed to the utmost of the formost day's

journey, fell a sleepe securely, leaning their armes up and downe without

the least danger. Then my wild man pushed me, thinking I was a sleepe. He

rises and sitts him downe by the fire, behoulding them one after an other,

and taking their armes a side, and having the hattchetts in his hand gives

me one; to tell the truth I was loathsome to do them mischif that never did

me any. Yett for the above said reasons I tooke the hattchet and began the

Execution, which was soone done. My fellow comes to him that was nearest to

the fire (I dare say he never saw the stroake), and I have done that like

to an other, but I hitting him with the edge of the hattchett could not

disingage [it] presently, being so deep in his head, rises upon his breast,

butt fell back sudainly, making a great noise, which almost waked the

third; but my comrade gave him a deadly blow of a hattchet, and presently

after I shott him dead.

Then we prepared our selves with all speed, throwing their dead corps,

after that the wild man took off their heads, into the watter. We tooke 3

guns, leaving the 4th, their 2 swoords, their hattchetts, their powder and

shott, and all their porselaine; we tooke also some meale and meate. I was

sorry for to have ben in such an incounter, but too late to repent. Wee

tooke our journey that night alongst the river. The break of day we landed

on the side of a rock which was smooth. We carryed our boat and equippage

into the wood above a hundred paces from the watter side, where we stayed

most sadly all that day tormented by the Maringoines; [Footnote:

_Musquetos_.] we tourned our boat upside downe, we putt us under it from

the raine. The night coming, which was the fitest time to leave that place,

we goe without any noise for our safty. Wee travelled 14 nights in that

maner in great feare, hearing boats passing by. When we have perceaved any

fire, left off rowing, and went by with as litle noise as could [be]

possible. Att last with many tournings by lande and by watter, wee came to

the lake of St. Peeter's.

We landed about 4 of the clock, leaving our skiff in among rushes farr out

of the way from those that passed that way and doe us injury. We retired

into the wood, where we made a fire some 200 paces from the river. There we

roasted some meat and boyled meale; after, we rested ourselves a while from

the many labours of the former night. So, having slept, my companion awaks

first, and stirrs me, saying it was high time that we might by day come to

our dweling, of which councel I did not approve. [I] tould him the Ennemys

commonly weare lurking about the river side, and we should doe very well

[to] stay in that place till sunnsett. Then, said he, lett us begon, we

[are] passed all feare. Let us shake off the yoake of a company of whelps

that killed so many french and black-coats, and so many of my nation. Nay,

saith he, Brother, if you come not, I will leave you, and will go through

the woods till I shall be over against the french quarters. There I will

make a fire for a signe that they may fetch me. I will tell to the Governor

that you stayed behind. Take courage, man, says he. With this he tooke his

peece and things. Att this I considered how if [I] weare taken att the

doore by meere rashnesse; the next, the impossibility I saw to go by

myselfe if my comrad would leave me, and perhaps the wind might rise, that

I could [only] come to the end of my journey in a long time, and that I

should be accounted a coward for not daring to hazard myselfe with him that

so much ventured for mee. I resolved to go along through the woods; but the

litle constancy that is to be expected in wild men made me feare he should

[take] to his heels, which approved his unfortunate advice; ffor he hath

lost his life by it, and I in great danger have escaped by the helpe of the

Almighty. I consent to goe by watter with him.

In a short time wee came to the lake. The watter very calme and cleare. No

liklyhood of any storme. We hazarded to the other side of the lake,

thinking ffor more security. After we passed the third part of the lake, I

being the foremost, have perceaved as if it weare a black shaddow, which

proved a real thing. He at this rises and tells mee that it was a company

of buzards, a kinde of geese in that country. We went on, where wee soone

perceaved our owne fatall blindnesse, ffor they weare ennemys. We went back

againe towards the lande with all speed to escape the evident danger, but

it was too late; ffor before we could come to the russhes that weare within

halfe a league of the waterside we weare tired. Seeing them approaching

nigher and nigher, we threw the 3 heads in the watter. They meet with these

3 heads, which makes them to row harder after us, thinking that we had runn

away from their country. We weare so neere the lande that we saw the bottom

of the watter, but yett too deepe to step in. When those cruel inhumans

came within a musquett shott of us, and fearing least the booty should gett

a way from them, shott severall times att us, and deadly wounding my

comrade, [who] fell dead. I expected such another shott. The litle skiff

was pierced in severall places with their shooting, [so] that watter ran in

a pace. I defended me selfe with the 2 arms. Att last they environed me

with their boats, that tooke me just as I was a sinking. They held up the

wild man and threw him into one of their boats and me they brought with all

diligence to land. I thought to die without mercy.

They made a great fire and tooke my comrade's heart out, and choped off his

head, which they put on an end of a stick and carryed it to one of their

boats. They cutt off some of the flesh of that miserable, broyled it and

eat it. If he had not ben so desperately wounded they had don their best to

keepe him alive to make him suffer the more by bourning him with small

fires; but being wounded in the chin, and [a] bullet gon through the troat,

and another in the shoulder that broake his arme, making him incurable,

they burned some parte of his body, and the rest they left there. That was

the miserable end of that wretch.

Lett us come now to the beginning of my miseries and calamities that I was

to undergo. Whilst they weare bussie about my companion's head, the others

tyed me safe and fast in a strang maner; having striped me naked, they tyed

me above the elbows behind my back, and then they putt a collar about me,

not of porcelaine as before, but a rope wrought about my midle. So [they]

brought me in that pickle to the boat. As I was imbarqued they asked mee

severall questions. I being not able to answer, gave me great blowes with

their fists. [They] then pulled out one of my nailes, and partly untied me.

What displeasure had I, to have seen meselfe taken againe, being almost

come to my journey's end, that I must now goe back againe to suffer such

torments, as death was to be expected. Having lost all hopes, I resolved

alltogether to die, being a folly to think otherwise. I was not the [only]

one in the clawes of those wolves. Their company was composed of 150 men.

These tooke about Quebucq and other places 2 frenchmen, one french woman,

17 Hurrons, men as [well as] women. They had Eleven heads which they sayd

weare of the Algonquins, and I was the 33rd victime with those cruels.

The wild men that weare Prisners sang their fatal song, which was a

mornfull song or noise. The 12 couleurs (which weare heads) stood out for a

shew. We prisoners weare separated, one in one boat, one in an other. As

for me, I was put into a boat with a Huron whose fingers weare cutt and

bourned, and very [few] amongst them but had the markes of those inhuman

devils. They did not permitt me to tarry long with my fellow prisoner,

least I should tell him any news, as I imagine, but sent me to another

boat, where I remained the rest of the voyage by watter, which proved

somewhat to my disadvantage.

In this boat there was an old man, who having examined me, I answered him

as I could best; tould him how I was adopted by such an one by name, and as

I was a hunting with my companions that wildman that was killed came to us,

and after he had eaten went his way. In the evening [he] came back againe

and found us all a sleepe, tooke a hattchett and killed my 3 companions,

and awaked me, and so embarked me and brought me to this place. That old

man believed me in some measure, which I perceived in him by his kindnesse

towards me. But he was not able to protect me from those that [had] a will

to doe me mischief. Many slandred me, but I tooke no notice.

Some 4 leagues thence they erected cottages by a small river, very

difficult to gett to it, for that there is litle watter on a great sand

[bank] a league wide. To this very houre I tooke notice how they tyed their

captives, though att my owne cost. They planted severall poastes of the

bignesse of an arme, then layd us of a length, tyed us to the said poasts

far a sunder from one another. Then tyed our knees, our wrists, and elbows,

and our hairs directly upon the crowne of our heads, and then cutt 4 barrs

of the bignesse of a legge & used thus. They tooke 2 for the necke, puting

one of each side, tying the 2 ends together, so that our heads weare fast

in a hole like a trappe; likewayes they did to our leggs. And what

tormented us most was the Maringoines and great flyes being in abundance;

did all night but puff and blow, that by that means we saved our faces from

the sting of those ugly creatures; having no use of our hands, we are

cruelly tormented. Our voyage was laborious and most miserable, suffering

every night the like misery.

When we came neere our dwellings we mett severall gangs of men to our

greatest disadvantage, for we weare forced to sing, and those that came to

see us gave porcelaine to those that most did us injury. One cutt of a

finger, and another pluck'd out a naile, and putt the end of our fingers

into their bourning pipes, & burned severall parts in our bodyes. Some

tooke our fingers and of a stick made a thing like a fork, with which

[they] gave severall blowes on the back of the hands, which caused our

hands to swell, and became att last insensible as dead. Having souffred all

these crueltyes, which weare nothing to that they make usually souffer

their Prisoners, we arrived att last to the place of execution, which is

att the coming in to their village, which wheere not [long] before I

escaped very neere to be soundly beaten with staves and fists. Now I must

think to be no lesse traited by reason of the murder of the 3 men, but the

feare of death takes away the feare of blowes.

Nineteen of us prisoners weare brought thither, and 2 left behind with the

heads. In this place we had 8 coulours. Who would not shake att the sight

of so many men, women, and children armed with all sorte of Instruments:

staves, hand Irons, heelskins wherein they putt halfe a score [of] bullets?

Others had brands, rods of thorne, and all suchlike that the Crueltie could

invent to putt their Prisoners to greater torments. Heere, no help, no

remedy. We must passe this dangerous passage in our extremity without

helpe. He that is the fearfullest, or that is observed to stay the last,

getts nothing by it butt more blowes, and putt him to more paine. For the

meanest sort of people commonly is more cruell to the fearfullest then to

the others that they see more fearfull, being att last to suffer chearfuly

and with constancy.

They begun to cry to both sides, we marching one after another, environed

with a number of people from all parts to be witnesse to that hidious

sight, which seriously may be called the Image of hell in this world. The

men sing their fatall song, the women make horrible cryes, the victores

cryes of joy, and their wives make acclamations of mirth. In a word, all

prepare for the ruine of these poore victimes who are so tyed, having

nothing saving only our leggs free, for to advance by litle and litle

according [to] the will of him that leades; ffor as he held us by a long

rope, he stayed us to his will, & often he makes us falle, for to shew them

cruelty, abusing you so for to give them pleasure and to you more torment.

As our band was great, there was a greater crew of people to see the

prisoners, and the report of my taking being now made, and of the death of

the 3 men, which afflicted the most part of that nation, great many of

which came through a designe of revenge and to molest me more then any

other. But it was altogether otherwise, for among the tumult I perceaved my

father & mother with their 2 daughters. The mother pushes in among the Crew

directly to mee, and when shee was neere enough, shee clutches hould of my

haire as one desperat, calling me often by my name; drawing me out of my

ranck, shee putts me into the hands of her husband, who then bid me have

courage, conducting me an other way home to his Cabban, when he made me

sitt downe. [He] said to me: You senselesse, thou was my son, and thou

rendered thyselfe enemy, and thou rendered thyself enemy, thou lovest not

thy mother, nor thy father that gave thee thy life, and thou

notwithstanding will kill me. Bee merry; Conharrassan, give him to eate.

That was the name of one of the sisters. My heart shook with trembling and

feare, which tooke away my stomach. Neverthelesse to signifie a bould

countenance, knowing well a bould generous minde is allwayes accounted

among all sort of nations, especially among wariors, as that nation is very

presumptious and haughty. Because of their magnanimity and victories

opposing themselves into all dangers and incounters what ever, running over

the whole land for to make themselves appeere slaining and killing all they

meete in exercising their cruelties, or else shewing mercy to whom they

please to give liberty. God gave mee the grace to forgett nothing of my

duty, as I tould my father the successe of my voyage in the best tearme I

could, and how all things passed, mixturing a litle of their languag with

that of the Hurrons, which I learned more fluently then theirs, being

longer and more frequently with the Hurrons.

Every one attentively gave ears to me, hoping by this means to save my

life. Uppon this heere comes a great number of armed men, enters the

Cabban, where finding mee yett tyed with my cords, fitting by my parents,

made their addresses to my father, and spak to him very loud. After a while

my father made me rise and delivers me into their hands. My mother seeing

this, cryes and laments with both my sisters, and I believing in a terrible

motion to goe directly on to the place of execution. I must march, I must

yeeld wheere force is predominant att the publique place.

I was conducted where I found a good company of those miserable wretches,

alltogether beaten with blowes, covered with blood, and bourned. One

miserable frenchman, yett breathing, having now ben consumed with blowes of

sticks, past so through the hands of this inraged crew, and seeing he could

[bear] no more, cutt off his head and threw it into the fire. This was the

end of this Execrable wofull body of this miserable.

They made me goe up the scaffold where weare 5 men, 3 women, and 2 children

captives, and I made the Eleventh. There weare severall scaffolds nigh one

an other, where weare these wretches, who with dolefull singings

replenished the heavens with their Cryes. For I can say that an houre

before the weather approved very faire, and in an instant the weather

changed and rayned Extremely. The most part retired for to avoid this

hayle, and now we must expect the full rigour of the weather by the

retiration of those perfidious [persons], except one part of the Band of

hell who stayed about us for to learn the trade of barbary; ffor those

litle devils seeing themselves all alone, continued [a] thousand inventions

of wickednesse. This is nothing strang, seeing that they are brought up,

and suck the crueltie from their mother's brest.

I prolong a litle from my purpose of my adventure for to say the torments

that I have seen souffred att Coutu, after that they have passed the

sallett, att their entering in to the village, and the rencounters that

they meet ordinarily in the wayes, as above said. They tie the prisoners to

a poast by their hands, their backs tourned towards the hangman, who hath a

bourning fire of dry wood and rind of trees, which doth not quench easily.

They putt into this fire hattchets, swords, and such like instruments of

Iron. They take these and quench them on human flesh. They pluck out their

nailes for the most part in this sort. They putt a redd coale of fire uppon

it, and when it is swolen bite it out with their teeth. After they stop the

blood with a brand which by litle and litle drawes the veines the one after

another from off the fingers, and when they draw all as much as they can,

they cutt it with peeces of redd hott Iron; they squeeze the fingers

between 2 stones, and so draw the marrow out of the boanes, and when the

flesh is all taken away, they putt it in a dishfull of bourning sand. After

they tye your wrist with a corde, putting two for this effect, one drawing

him one way, another of another way. If the sinews be not cutt with a

stick, putting it through & tourning it, they make them come as fast as

they can, and cutt them in the same way as the others. Some others cutt

peeces of flesh from all parts of the body & broyle them, gett you to eat

it, thrusting them into yor mouth, puting into it a stick of fire. They

breake your teeth with a stoane or clubbs, and use the handle of a kettle,

and upon this do hang 5 or 6 hattchetts, red hott, which they hang about

their neck and roast your leggs with brands of fire, and thrusting into it

some sticks pointed, wherein they put ledd melted and gunnepowder, and then

give it fire like unto artificiall fire, and make the patient gather it by

the stumps of his remalning fingers. If he cannot sing they make him quack

like a henne.

I saw two men tyed to a rope, one att each end, and hang them so all night,

throwing red coales att them, or bourning sand, and in such like bourne

their feet, leggs, thighs, and breech. The litle ones doe exercise

themselves about such cruelties; they deck the bodyes all over with hard

straw, putting in the end of this straw, thornes, so leaves them; now &

then gives them a litle rest, and sometimes gives them fresh watter and

make them repose on fresh leaves. They also give them to eat of the best

they have that they come to themselves againe, to give them more torments.

Then when they see that the patient can no more take up his haire, they

cover his head with a platter made of rind full of bourning sand, and often

getts the platter a fire. In the next place they cloath you with a suit

made of rind of a tree, and this they make bourne out on your body. They

cutt off your stones and the women play with them as with balles. When they

See the miserable die, they open him and pluck out his heart; they drink

some of his blood, and wash the children's heads with the rest to make them

valient. If you have indured all the above said torments patiently and

without moanes, and have defied death in singing, then they thrust burning

blades all along your boanes, and so ending the tragedie cutt off the head

and putt it on the end of a stick and draw his body in quarters which they

hawle about their village. Lastly [they] throw him into the watter or leave

[him] in the fields to be eaten by the Crowes or doggs.

Now lett me come to our miserable poore captives that stayed all along

[through] the raine upon the scaffold to the mercy of 2 or 300 rogues that

shott us with litle arrowes, and so drew out our beards and the haire from

those that had any. The showre of rayne being over, all come together

againe, and having kindled fires began to burne some of those poore

wretches. That day they pluckt 4 nailes out of my fingers, and made me

sing, though I had no mind att that time. I became speechlesse oftentimes;

then they gave me watter wherin they boyled a certain herbe that the

gunsmiths use to pollish their armes. That liquour brought me to my speech

againe. The night being come they made me come downe all naked as I was, &

brought to a strang Cottage. I wished heartily it had ben that of my

parents. Being come, they tyed me to a poast, where I stayed a full houre

without the least molestation.

A woman came there with her boy, inticed him to cutt off one of my fingers

with a flint stoan. The boy was not 4 yeares old. This [boy] takes my

finger and begins to worke, but in vaine, because he had not the strength

to breake my fingers. So my poore finger escaped, having no other hurt don

to it but the flesh cutt round about it. His mother made him suck the very

blood that runn from my finger. I had no other torment all that day. Att

night I could not sleepe for because of the great paine. I did eat a litle,

and drunk much watter by reason of a feaver I caught by the cruel torment I

suffred.

The next morning I was brought back againe to the scaffold, where there

were company enough. They made me sing a new, but my mother came there and

made [me] hould my peace, bidding me be cheerfull and that I should not

die. Shee brought mee some meate. Her coming comforted me much, but that

did not last long; ffor heare comes severall old people, one of which being

on the scaffold, satt him downe by me, houlding in his mouth a pewter pipe

burning, tooke my thumb and putt it on the burning tobacco, and so smoaked

3 pipes one after another, which made my thumb swell, and the nayle and

flesh became as coales. My mother was allwayes by me to comfort me, but

said not what I thought. That man having finished his hard worke, but I am

sure I felt it harder to suffer it. He trembled, whether for feare or for

so much action I cannot tell. My mother tyed my fingers with cloath, and

when he was gon shee greased my haire and combed my haire with a wooden

comb, fitter to combe a horse's tayle then anything else. Shee goes back

againe.

That day they ended many of those poore wretches, flinging some all alive

into the midle of a great fire. They burned a frenchwoman; they pulled out

her breasts and tooke a child out of her belly, which they broyled and made

the mother eat of it; so, in short, [she] died. I was not abused all that

day till the night. They bourned the soales of my feet and leggs. A

souldier run through my foot a swoord red out of the fire, and plucked

severall of my nailes. I stayed in that maner all night. I neither wanted

in the meane while meate nor drinke. I was supplied by my mother and

sisters. My father alsoe came to see me & tould me I should have courage.

That very time there came a litle boy to gnaw with his teeth the end of my

fingers. There appears a man to cutt off my thumb, and being about it

leaves me instantly & did no harme, for which I was glad. I believe that my

father dissuaded him from it.

A while after my father was gon 3 came to the scaffold who swore they would

me a mischiefe, as I thinke, for yet he tied his leggs to mine, called for

a brand of fire, and layd it between his leggs and mine, and sings: but by

good lucke it was out on my side, and did no other effect then bourne my

skin, but bourned him to some purpos. In this posture I was to follow him,

& being not able to hould mee, draweth mee downe. One of the Company Cutt

the rope that held us with his knife, and makes mee goe up againe the

scaffold and then went their way.

There I stayed till midday alone. There comes a multitude of people who

make me come downe and led mee into a cottage where there weare a number of

sixty old men smoaking tobacco. Here they make mee sitt downe among them

and stayed about halfe an houre without that they asked who and why I was

brought thither, nor did I much care. For the great torments that I

souffred, I knew not whether I was dead or alive. And albeit I was in a

hott feavor & great pain, I rejoyced att the sight of my brother, that I

have not seene since my arrivement. He comes in very sumptuously covered

with severall necklaces of porcelaine,[Footnote: _Porcelaine_, the French

for wam-pum, or shell beads.] & a hattchett in his hand, satt downe by the

company and cast an eye on me now and then. Presently and comes in my

father with a new and long cover, and a new porcelaine about him, with a

hatchett in his hands, likewise satt downe with the company. He had a

calumet of red stoane in his hands, a cake [Footnote: _Cake_, meaning a

medicine-bag.] uppon his shoulders, that hanged downe his back, and so had

the rest of the old men. In that same cake are incloased all the things in

the world, as they tould me often, advertising mee that I should [not]

disoblige them in the least nor make them angry, by reason they had in

their power the sun, and moone, and the heavans, and consequently all the

earth. You must know in this cake there is nothing but tobacco and roots to

heale some wounds or sores; some others keepe in it the bones of their

deceased friends; most of them wolves' heads, squirrels', or any other

beast's head. When there they have any debatement among them they sacrifice

to this tobacco, that they throw into the fire, and make smoake, of that

they puff out of their pipes; whether for peace or adversity or prosperity

or warre, such ceremonies they make very often.

My father, taking his place, lights his pipe & smoaks as the rest. They

held great silence. During this they bring 7 prisoners; to wit, 7 women and

2 men, more [then] 10 children from the age of 3 to 12 years, having placed

them all by mee, who as yett had my armes tyed. The others all att liberty,

being not tyed, which putt me into some despaire least I should pay for

all. Awhile after one of the company rises and makes a long speech, now

shewing the heavens with his hands, and then the earth, and fire. This good

man putt himselfe into a sweate through the earnest discours. Having

finished his panigerique, another begins, and also many, one after another.

They gave then liberty to some, butt killed 2 children with hattchetts, and

a woman of 50 years old, and threw them out of the cottage (saving onely

myselfe) att full liberty. I was left alone for a stake, they contested

together [upon] which my father rose and made a speech which lasted above

an houre, being naked, having nothing on but his drawers and the cover of

his head, and putt himselfe all in a heate. His eyes weare hollow in his

head; he appeared to me like [as if] mad, and naming often the Algonquins

in their language [that is, Eruata], which made me believe he spoake in my

behalfe. In that very time comes my mother, with two necklaces of

porcelaine, one in her armes, and another about her like a belt. As soone

as shee came in shee began to sing and dance, and flings off one of her

necklaces in the midle of the place, having made many tourns from one end

to the other. Shee takes the other necklace and gives it mee, then goes her

way. Then my brother rises and holding his hattchett in his hand sings a

military song. Having finished [he] departs. I feared much that he was

first to knock me in the head; and happy are those that can escape so well,

rather then be bourned. My father rises for a second time and sings; so

done, retired himselfe. I thought all their guifts, songs, and speeches

should prevaile nothing with mee.

Those that stayed held a councell and spoake one to an other very long,

throwing tobacco into the fire, making exclamations. Then the Cottage was

open of all sides by those that came to view, some of the company retires,

and place was made for them as if they weare Kings. Forty staye about me,

and nigh 2000 about my cottage, of men, women, and children. Those that

went their way retourned presently. Being sett downe, smoaked againe

whilest my father, mother, brother, and sisters weare present. My father

sings a while; so done, makes a speech, and taking the porcelaine necklace

from off me throws it att the feet of an old man, and cutts the cord that

held me, then makes me rise. The joy that I receaved att that time was

incomparable, for suddenly all my paines and griefs ceased, not feeling the

least paine. He bids me be merry, makes me sing, to which I consented with

all my heart. Whilst I did sing they hooped and hollowed on all sids. The

old man bid me "ever be cheerfull, my son!" Having don, my mother, sisters,

and the rest of their friends [sung] and danced.

Then my father takes me by the arme and leads me to his cabban. As we went

along nothing was heard but hooping and hollowing on all parts, biding me

to take great courage. My mother was not long after me, with the rest of

her friends. Now I see myselfe free from death. Their care att this was to

give me meate. I have not eaten a bitt all that day, and for the great joy

I had conceaved, caused me to have a good stomach, so that I did eat

lustily. Then my mother begins to cure my sores and wounds. Then begins my

paines to [break out] a new; ffor shee cleans my wounds and scrapes them

with a knife, and often thrusts a stick in them, and then takes watter in

her mouth, and spouts it to make them cleane. The meanwhile my father goes

to seeke rootes, and my sister chaws them, and my mother applyes them to my

sores as a plaster. The next day the swelling was gone, but worse then

before; but in lesse then a fortnight my sores weare healed, saving my

feete, that kept [me] more then a whole month in my Cabban. During this

time my nailes grewed a pace. I remained onely lame of my midle finger,

that they have Squeezed between two stoanes. Every one was kind to mee as

beforesaid, and [I] wanted no company to be merry with.

I should [be] kept too long to tell you the particulars that befell me

during my winter. I was beloved of my Parents as before. My exercise was

allwayes a hunting without that any gave me the least injury. My mother

kept me most brave, and my sisters tooke great care of mee. Every moneth I

had a white shirt, which my father sent for from the Flemeings, who weare

not a farr off our village. I could never gett leave to goe along with my

brother, who went there very often. Finally, seeing myselfe in the former

condition as before, I constituted as long as my father and fortune would

permitt mee to live there. Dayly there weare military feasts for the South

nations, and others for the Algonquins and for the French. The

exclamations, hoopings and cryes, songs and dances, signifies nothing but

the murdering and killing, and the intended victory that they will have the

next yeare, which is in the beginning of Spring. In those feasts my father

heaves up his hattchett against the Algonquins. For this effect [he] makes

great preparations for his next incamping. Every night [he] never failes to

instruct and encourage the young age to take armes and to reveng the death

of so many of their ennemy that lived among the french nation. The desire

that I had to make me beloved, for the assurance of my life made me resolve

to offer myselfe for to serve, and to take party with them. But I feared

much least he should mistrust me touching his advis to my resolution.

Neverthelesse I finding him once of a good humour and on the point of

honnour encourages his son to break the kettle and take the hattchett and

to be gon to the forraigne nations, and that was of courage and of great

renowne to see the father of one parte and the son of another part, & that

he should not mispraise if he should seperat from him, but that it was the

quickest way to make the world tremble, & by that means have liberty

everywhere by vanquishing the mortall enemy of his nation; uppon this I

venture to aske him what I was. [He] presently answers that I was a

Iroquoite as himselfe. Lett me revenge, said I, my kindred. I love my

brother. Lett me die with him. I would die with you, but you will not

because you goe against the ffrench. Lett me a gaine goe with my brother,

the prisoners & the heads that I shall bring, to the joy of my mother and

sisters, will make me undertake att my retourne to take up the hattchett

against those of Quebecq, of the 3 rivers, and Monteroyall in declaring

them my name, and that it's I that kills them, and by that you shall know I

am your son, worthy to beare that title that you gave me when you adopted

me. He sett [up] a great crye, saying, have great courage, son Oninga, thy

brother died in the warrs not in the Cabban; he was of a courage not of a

woman. I goe to aveng his death. If I die, aveng you mine. That one word

was my leave, which made me hope that one day I might escape, having soe

great an opportunity; or att least I should have the happinesse to see

their country, which I heard so much recommended by the Iroquoites, who

brought wondrous stories and the facilitie of killing so many men.