fruitful and agreeable country, which was totally destitute of
inhabitants, all the Indians having fled to the mountains for fear of
the Spaniards. They came at length to the top of a hill where a great
number of Indians had withdrawn, who presented them with a vast quantity
of corn, which they gave to the poor famished natives who had escorted
them thither. Continuing their journey, they observed many indications
of Spaniards having been in the country, and they pressed onwards giving
praise to God that their long and miserable captivity seemed near a
close. One day, while Cabeza and Estevanillo were in advance,
accompanied by eleven Indians, they overtook four Spanish horsemen, who
were much astonished at being accosted in their own language by persons
in their strange garb and appearance. Cabeza requested to be conducted
to their commander, Diego de Alcaraz, who informed him they were now in
_New Galicia_, and about thirty leagues from the town of San Miguel.
Castillo and Orantes then came up, attended by above six hundred of the
Indians who had deserted their habitations from fear of the Spaniards.
By their means all the others were induced to return to their houses in
peace and to sow the land. Cabeza and his three companions having taken
leave of the Indians who accompanied them with many thanks for their
protection, travelled twenty-five leagues farther to a place called
_Culiacan_[142], where they arrived much spent with long fatigue and
after having endured much hunger and thirst during their arduous and
anxious peregrinations through the vast wilderness from Florida to New
Galicia.
[Footnote 142: Culiacan, or Hueicolhuacan, on a river of the same name
which discharges itself into the Vermilion Sea or Gulf of California, is
in lat. 24° 50' N. long. 106° 40' W. in the province of Cinaloa. Cabeza
de Vaca and his companions had therefore followed an oblique course from
the north-east in the south of Louisiana entirely across the continent,
to the south-west, from about the latitude of 31° to 25° both north; a
journey in all probability exceeding 1200 English miles in a straight
line. The beginning of their journey seems to have been to the west of
the Missisippi, as that great river is not mentioned; neither indeed do
we find any indications of the Rio Bravo del Norte, which they must
necessarily have crossed.--E.]
Melchior Diaz, who was captain and alcalde of the province, received
them with singular humanity, giving praise to God for having delivered
them out of their tedious and miserable captivity, and requested them to
use their endeavours to appease the Indians of that part of the country,
who were in arms against the Spaniards. This they most readily
undertook, and sent messages by some of the Indians to the neighbouring
caciques, three of whom came to Culiacan attended by thirty Indians,
bringing presents of feathers and emeralds. In conversation with these
Indians about their religious belief, they said they believed in a being
named _Aguar_, the lord of all things, who resided in heaven and sent
them rain when they prayed to him for it; such being the tradition they
had learnt from their fathers. Cabeza told them that _Aguar_ was GOD the
Creator of heaven and earth, who disposed all things according to his
holy will, and who, after this life, rewarded the good and punished the
wicked. He exhorted them therefore to believe henceforwards in this only
true God, to return to their houses and live in peace, to build a house
for the worship of God after the manner of the Christians, and when any
Spaniards came to visit them, that they should meet them with crosses in
their hands, and not with bows and arrows; promising, if they did this,
that the Spaniards would be their good friends and would teach them
every thing they ought to know, that God might make them happy in the
next life. All this the Indians engaged to perform. Cabeza de Vaca and
his companions went on from Culiacan for San Miguel[143], attended by a
few Indians, the natives by the way coming out to meet them in great
numbers with presents, whom they exhorted to become Christians as they
were now subjects to the king of Spain. They all received these advices
in the most friendly manner, requesting to have their children baptized.
While on the road they were overtaken by Alcaraz, by whom they were
informed that all the deserted country through which they had lately
travelled was again well peopled and in peace, and that the Indians were
all occupied in sowing their lands.
[Footnote 143: San Miguel is not to be found in the most recent map of
New Spain by M. de Humboldt; that name may possibly have been given to
the city of Mazatlan, in lat. 23° 15' N. on the coast of Cinaloa.--E.]
Cabeza de Vaca and his companions judged that the extent of country
through which they had travelled, from Florida on the Atlantic to San
Miguel on the South Sea, could not be less than two hundred
leagues[144], as they declared upon oath before a notary at San Miguel
on the 15th of May 1536, before whom likewise they subscribed a
narrative of all the incidents of their weary pilgrimage. After resting
fifteen days in San Miguel, they proceeded to the city of
Compostella[145], a distance of an hundred leagues, where Nunno de
Guzman then was, by whom they were kindly received and furnished with
clothes and all other necessaries. From thence they went to Mexico,
where they arrived on the 22d of July, and met with a courteous
reception from the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza. Leaving Castillo and
Estevanillo at Mexico, Cabeza de Vaca and Orantes proceeded to Vera
Cruz, whence they passed over into Spain in 1537.
[Footnote 144: Two hundred Spanish leagues of 17-1/2 to the degree, or
about 800 English miles. It has been already stated in a former note
that the direct distance they had travelled could not be less than 1200
miles, probably 1600 allowing for deflections.--E.]
[Footnote 145: San Miguel and Compostella are both omitted in the most
recent map of New Spain by Humboldt, though both are inserted in
Governor Pownalls map of North America; in which San Miguel is placed
about 27 miles S.E. from Culiacan, and Compostella 230 miles S.S.E. from
San Miguel; all three near the western coast of New Spain, the former in
the province of Culiacan, the latter in that of Guadalaxara--E.]
We learn from Herrera[146], that Alvar Nunnez Cabeza de Vaca was sent
out in 1540 as governor of the incipient Spanish settlements on the Rio
Plata, in which expedition he was accompanied by his former companion in
distress Orantes. In the year 1545, he was made prisoner by some
mutinous officers of the colony and sent into Spain, where his conduct
was cleared by the council of the Indies, yet he was not restored to his
government.
[Footnote 146: Herrera, V. 342, 390, 402.]
SECTION IV.
_Narrative of a new attempt to Conquer Florida, by Ferdinand de
Soto_[147].
[Footnote 147: Herrera, V. 223--239.--This narrative, as will be seen by
the series of quotations from Herrera, is broken down by that writer
into detached fragments, in consequence of rigid attention to
chronological order. In the present instance these are arranged into one
unbroken journal, but with no other alteration in the text. It is one of
the most curious of our early expeditions of discovery, bearing strong
internal evidence of having been taken by Herrera from an original
journal, and so far as we know has never been adopted into any former
Collection.--E.]
Ferdinand De Soto, had served with much reputation in Castilla del Oro
and Nicaragua, and went with Pizarro upon the conquest of Peru, being
even promoted for his worth and valour to the distinguished office of
lieutenant-general under Pizarro. On the breaking out of the
disturbances between the factions of Pizarro and Almagro, he was so much
disgusted that he returned into Spain, without having acquired the
riches that his services and good qualities deserved, considering the
immense wealth which was found in Peru. Aspiring to undertake some
brilliant enterprise suited to his lofty genius, he petitioned the king
to be allowed to undertake the conquest of Florida, which was readily
granted to him, as he was a person of experience, of a fine presence and
graceful carriage, and well fitted by the strength of his constitution
to encounter the hardships incident to such hazardous enterprises. Since
the entire failure and destruction of Panfilo de Narvaez and his
armament, as already related, no one had hitherto offered to attempt the
reduction of that country till now. Among the terms granted to Soto on
this occasion, he was appointed governor of the island of Cuba, which
was to serve as a place of arms from whence to conduct the intended
conquest of Florida. On the design of this enterprise being made public,
near a thousand men were soon raised for the expedition, among whom were
many gentlemen of good birth, encouraged by the reputation of the
commander, and the hopes of acquiring wealth.
Ten ships were fitted out at San Lucar for carrying out the troops and
all the necessary stores, which set sail on the 6th of April 1538,
accompanying the fleet for New Spain, the whole being under the supreme
command of the adelantado Ferdinand de Soto so far as the island of
Cuba, after which the _flota_ was to be commanded by Gonzalo de Salazar,
the factor of New Spain. To shew his proud and turbulent disposition, on
the first night after going to sea, Salazar pushed a cannon shot a-head
of all the fleet to affront the admiral, who immediately ordered a shot
to be fired at him. The ball went through all the sails of Salazars ship
from the poop to the head; and by a second shot, all the side of his
ship was torn immediately above the deck. Salazars ship became
unmanageable from the injury done to her sails, and on the admiral
pushing forwards the two ships ran foul of each other and were both in
imminent danger of perishing in the dark, but by cutting all the rigging
of the other ship the admiral got clear. Soto was so highly incensed by
this haughty conduct of Salazar that he had well nigh ordered him to be
beheaded; but forgave him on submission and promise of better behaviour
in future.
The fleet arrived safe at Santiago in Cuba. Not long before this a
Spanish ship commanded by Diego Perez had an engagement of four days
continuance with a French privateer, separating courteously by mutual
consent every night, and recommencing furiously every morning; but the
Frenchmen slipped off during the fourth night. Immediately on his
arrival in Cuba, Soto sent orders to repair the Havannah, which had been
burnt by some French privateers, and he ordered a fort to be built for
the protection of that place. Having sent some persons of skill to
discover and examine the harbours along the coast of Florida, and
appointed his lady to administer the government of Cuba in his absence,
he prepared to enter upon the great object of his expedition.
Accordingly, having embarked nine hundred men and three hundred and
thirty horses, he sailed from the Havannah on the 12th of May 1539, and
came to anchor on the last day of that month in the Bay of _Espiritu
Santo_ on the coast of Florida[148]. He immediately landed three hundred
men, who lay on shore all night without seeing a single native. About
day-break next day the Spanish detachment was attacked by a prodigious
multitude of Indians, and compelled to retreat precipitously to the
shore. Basco Porcallo de Figuero was sent with a party to their relief,
as the Indians pressed hard upon them with incessant flights of arrows,
and the Spaniards being raw soldiers unaccustomed to arms or discipline
knew not how to resist. On the approach of Porcallo the Indians were
obliged to retire in their turn; yet killed that commanders horse with
an arrow, which pierced through the saddle lap and penetrated a span
deep into the horses body. All the forces were now landed, and marched
about two leagues inland to a town belonging to the cacique
_Harrihiagua_[149], who had fled to the mountains lest he should be
called to account for his cruelty to the Spaniards who had been here
formerly along with Panfilo de Narvaez. None of these were now alive in
the country except one man named Juan Ortiz, who had been saved by the
wife of the cacique, who abhorred the cruel disposition of her husband.
By her assistance, Ortiz had been enabled to make his escape to another
cacique named _Mucozo_, who protected him and used him well. Having
learned where this man was, Soto sent Baltasar de Gallegos with sixty
horsemen to bring him to the camp, wishing him to act as interpreter
with the natives. At the same time Mucozo was sending Ortiz with an
escort of fifty Indians to offer peace to the Spaniards. These Indians
were all stark naked, except that each wore a small clout, but their
heads were ornamented with great plumes of feathers. They all carried
bows in their hands, and all had quivers well filled with arrows.
[Footnote 148: It has been already mentioned that there are two bays of
this name, one in _East_, and the other _West_ Florida. There can be no
doubt that the one here mentioned in the text is the former of these, in
lat. 27° 48' N. long. 83° 20' W. It lies on the western coast of East
Florida, and runs about 35 miles into the land, dividing at its head
into two coves or bays named Hillsborough and Tampa.--E.]
[Footnote 149: This name considerably resembles the names of men and
places in Hispaniola and Cuba, hence we may conjecture Harrihiagua to
have been cacique over some of the emigrants said to have gone from Cuba
to Florida, as mentioned in the first section of this chapter.--E.]
Immediately on seeing the horsemen, the Indians ran for shelter into the
wood, being afraid of an attack, and the raw Spaniards went full speed
after them in spite of their commander. Ortiz alone remained in the open
plain, and was assaulted by Alvaro Nieto with his lance. Ortiz leaped to
one side to avoid the lance, and called out in the Indian language
having forgot his own by long disuse, but fortunately made the sign of
the cross, on which Nieto asked if he were Juan Ortiz. Answering in the
affirmative, Nieto took him up behind him on his horse and carried him
to his captain Gallegos, who was gathering his men that had dispersed in
pursuit of the Indians. Some of the natives never stopped till they
reached the town of their cacique, but others were appeased, and seeing
one of their companions wounded they exclaimed bitterly against Ortiz,
as it had happened through his inadvertence. Soto was much pleased that
he had got Ortiz, whom he greatly caressed. He was likewise very kind to
the Indians who had accompanied him, and ordered the one who had been
wounded to be carefully dressed; and sent by them a message to the
cacique Mucozo, thanking him for his kind usage of Ortiz, and offering
his friendship.
Ortiz could give very little account of the country, as his whole
employment under his first master had been to carry wood and water, and
he had never ventured to go out of sight of the other who used him well,
lest he might be suspected of endeavouring to escape; but he had been
told that the interior of the country was pleasant and fertile. Mucozo
came to visit Soto, who entertained him and gave him some Spanish
trinkets to secure his friendship. Soon afterwards the mother of the
cacique came weeping to the Spaniards, demanding to have her son
restored, and begging that he might not be slain. Soto endeavoured to
sooth and reassure her, yet she ate of such victuals as were offered
with much hesitation, asking Ortiz whether she might eat in safety, as
she was fearful of being poisoned, and insisting that Ortiz should taste
every thing in the first place. Mucozo remained a week among the
Spaniards, amusing himself with the novelty of every thing he saw, and
making many inquiries respecting the customs of Spain. During this time
Soto endeavoured to learn some particulars respecting the country,
remaining always with his troops at the town belonging to Harrihiagua,
because near the Bay of the Holy Ghost. At this time he dismissed the
ships, that his men might have no hopes of getting away from the
country, following in this measure the example of many ancient and
modern commanders, and among these Cortes on his invasion of Mexico. He
reserved however four of his ships to serve upon particular occasions.
Soto used every means to acquire the friendship of Harrihiagua, giving
strict charges that no damage should be done in his country, being
extremely unwilling to give the first cause of offence, but nothing
could prevail on that cacique to enter into any friendly connection. As
some of the men were sent out daily, under a strong escort, to bring in
forage for the horses, they were one day suddenly assailed by a
multitude of Indians, making such hideous yells as scared them for some
time. Before the Spaniards could recover from their panic, the Indians
laid hold of a soldier named Grajal, whom they carried off without doing
any other harm. More Spaniards coming out on this alarm, the Indians
were pursued on the track for two leagues by twenty horsemen, when they
were found among some tall reeds eating, drinking, and making merry with
their women, and bidding Grajal eat, as they told him they would use him
better than Ortiz. On hearing the trampling of the horses all the men
fled, leaving the women and children with Grajal, whom they had
stripped naked. The Spaniards returned well pleased with Grajal and the
women and children, all of whom Soto set free along with some men who
had been made prisoners formerly, on purpose if possible to conciliate
the cacique and his subjects.
After remaining three weeks in that place, Soto sent a detachment of
sixty horse and an equal number of foot under Gallegos to explore the
country beyond the districts belonging to Harrihiagua and Mucozo, which
belonged to a cacique named _Urribarracuxi_. On asking guides from
Mucozo for this expedition, he refused it saying that it would be
treacherous to furnish guides for doing injury to his friend and
brother-in-law. The Spaniards answered that they meant no injury, and he
might send his friend notice of their intended visit, as they were
resolved at all events to go. In that part of the country they found
many wild vines, walnut-trees, mulberry, plum, oak, pine, and other
trees resembling those which grow in Spain, and the open fields appeared
pleasant and fertile. But they found Urribarracuxi's town, which was at
the distance of seventeen leagues, entirely abandoned, and could by no
means prevail upon him to come out of the woods or to contract any
friendship with them, though he likewise entirely refrained from doing
them any harm. Gallegos sent back word to inform Soto of the nature of
the country he had explored, and that there were plenty of provisions in
the town to which he had penetrated. Being anxious to take Harrihiagua
prisoner, his lieutenant Vasco Porcallo went out with a party on that
service, though Soto advised him to send some other person. When
Harrihiagua learnt the object of this expedition, he sent word to
Porcallo that his labour would be all in vain, as the roads were so bad
he would never be able to reach the place in which he dwelt. Porcallo
however persisted, and coming to a deep morass which his men refused to
enter, he spurred on his horse to set a good example; but his horse soon
floundered in the morass and Porcallo fell off and was nearly stifled.
Considering that he was well up in years and had a good estate, Porcallo
considered this as a warning to him to desist from such dangerous and
fatiguing enterprises, for which reason he asked leave to return to
Cuba, and distributed his horses, arms, and provisions among the troops,
leaving his son Gomez Xuarez de Figuero well equipped behind him to
continue the enterprise, which was better fitted for younger men, and in
which Gomez acquitted himself like a man of honour.
On receiving intelligence from Gallegos of the pleasantness of the
interior country, Soto determined to advance with the bulk of his men,
leaving Calderon to command at the town belonging to Harrihiagua with
forty horsemen, to secure the ships, provisions, and stores. On this
occasion he gave strict orders to Calderon, to give no offence to the
Indians, but rather to wink at any injuries they might offer. Soto did
not think proper to halt in the town of Mucozo, lest he might be
burdensome to him and his people with so great a force, though that
friendly cacique offered to entertain him. But he recommended to Mucozo
to be kind to the Spaniards who had been left at the Bay of the Holy
Ghost. Soto marched N.N.E. to the town of Urribarracuxi, but neglected
to make proper marks in the country through which he travelled, which
was a great fault, and occasioned much trouble in the sequel. On coming
to the town of Urribarracuxi, he used every possible endeavour to
prevail upon that cacique to enter into friendship, but quite
ineffectually. Endeavouring to penetrate farther into the country in
search of that cacique, they came to a morass which was three leagues
over, and the road through which was so difficult as to take two days of
hard labour; and next day the advanced party or scouts returned saying
that it was quite impossible to proceed farther in that direction, on
account of a number of rivers which took their rise in the great morass
and intersected the country in every direction. Three days were
ineffectually spent in searching for some way to pass onwards, Soto
being always among the foremost to go out upon discovery. During this
period the Indians made several excursions from the woods and morasses
to assail the Spaniards with their arrows, but were generally repelled
without doing any harm, and some of them made prisoners, who, to regain
their liberty, pretended to shew the passes to the Spaniards, and led
them to such places as were not fit for the purpose. On their knavery
being discovered, some of them were torn in pieces by the dogs, which so
intimidated the rest, that at length one of them undertook to guide
them, and very easily brought them into the open country.
Soto and his men came soon afterwards to another morass, which had two
large trees and some branches laid across its narrowest part to serve as
a bridge. Soto sent two of his soldiers who were good swimmers to repair
the bridge, but they were set upon by many Indians in canoes from whom
they difficultly escaped after being severely wounded. But as the
Indians no more appeared at this pass, the bridge was soon repaired, and
the army passed over into the province or district of another cacique
named _Acuera_; who, upon receiving an offer of peace, sent back for
answer that he would rather have war than peace with vagabonds. Soto
continued twenty days in this country, during which time the Indians
killed fourteen Spaniards who had straggled from the main body, whose
heads they carried to their cacique. The Spaniards buried the bodies of
their companions wherever they found them; but the Indians dug them up
again and hung their quarters upon trees. In the same time the Spaniards
only killed fifty Indians, as they were always on their guard and kept
among the woods and swamps. Leaving the town of Acuera, to which they
did no harm, Soto continued his march inland for _Ocali_, keeping a
direction a little to the east of north, through a fertile country free
from morasses. At the end of about twenty leagues they came to Ocali, a
town of about six hundred houses, abounding in Indian corn, pulse,
acorns, dried plums, and nuts. The cacique and all his people had
withdrawn into the woods, and at the first message desiring them to come
out sent a civil evasive answer, but complied at the second summons with
some apprehension.
Going some days afterwards accompanied by this cacique to examine a
river over which it was intended to lay a bridge, there appeared about
five hundred Indians on the other side, who shot their arrows towards
the Spaniards, continually crying out "go away with you, vagabond
robbers!" Soto asked the cacique why he permitted his subjects to behave
in this manner; to which he made answer that many of them had thrown off
their obedience because he had entered into friendship with the
Spaniards. Soto therefore gave him permission to rejoin his subjects, on
promising to return, but which he never did. The proposed bridge over
this river was constructed of two cables stretched across, having planks
laid between them, of which they procured abundance fit for the purpose
in the woods. By this means the whole force inarched across with the
utmost ease and satisfaction, the Spaniards on this occasion becoming
engineers and pioneers to build bridges and construct roads, after the
manner of the ancient Romans. As the guides had fled, the Spaniards made
prisoners of thirty other Indians to shew them the roads, whom they
treated well and presented with baubles so much to their satisfaction,
that they conducted the army for sixteen leagues through a fine open
country to the district of _Vitacucho_ which was about fifty leagues in
circumference and was then divided among three brothers.
On coming to a town called _Ochilé_ about break of day, the Spaniards
surrounded it before the natives were aware; but on hearing the drums
and trumpets they ran out, and finding all the avenues blockaded they
stood on their defence though the cacique was invited to enter into
friendship. He continued for some time to resist; but as his people
perceived that the Spaniards released the prisoners without doing them
any harm, they represented this to their chief, on which, making a
virtue of necessity, he submitted to Soto and was well treated. After
this, he accompanied Soto, with many of his people, and conducted the
Spaniards into a spacious and delightful vale in which there were many
scattered habitations. The cacique sent likewise to acquaint his
brothers that the Spaniards were marching through to other countries,
only requiring to be supplied with provisions on their way, and did no
harm to those who accepted their friendship. One of the brothers
returned a favourable answer, and treated the Spaniards with great
respect; but the eldest and most powerful of the three, would not allow
the messengers to return, and sent afterwards a reproof to his brothers,
who he said had acted like foolish boys, and might tell the strangers
that, if they ventured into his country, he would roast one half of them
and boil the other. But as Soto sent another kind message to him, he
consented to visit Soto accompanied by five hundred warriors gaily
adorned after their fashion, and was received with much civility and
presented with such ornamental trinkets as pleased him much. He was
greatly astonished at the appearance of the Spanish troops, and asked
pardon for his rude and threatening expressions, promising to make
amends by his future good conduct. This cacique, named _Vitacucho_, was
about thirty-five years of age, strong limbed, and of a fierce aspect.
Next day the Spanish army entered Vitacucho's town in martial order. It
consisted of about two hundred houses or cabins, besides a great many
others scattered all over the country. All the towns in this country
have no other names except those of the caciques to which they
respectively belong. After remaining two days in this town making merry,
the two younger caciques asked permission of Soto to return to their own
districts, which was granted, and having received some presents from
Soto, they went away well pleased.
Vitacucho continued slily for some time to behave respectfully to Soto
and the Spaniards, yet contriving how best to destroy them. For this
purpose he concerted with all his neighbours, whom he persuaded that it
was proper and necessary to destroy these wicked vagabonds who had come
into their country to reduce them to servitude. He imparted his design
to four Indians who attended Soto in quality of interpreters, whom he
informed that he had ten thousand well armed Indians in readiness to aid
him in the execution of this enterprise, and that he proposed to roast
some of the Spaniards, to boil others, to hang up another part on the
loftiest tress, and to poison all the rest in such a manner as to pine
and rot away for a long time before they died. Being desired to keep the
secret and to give their opinion of this design, they answered that they
approved it highly, as an exploit worthy of his wisdom and valour, and
that nothing could be better contrived. Vitacucho thus encouraged,
determined to persevere, and sent notice to his confederates to hold
themselves in readiness; but the four Indians, satisfied of the
impracticability of the design, owing to the excellent discipline and
vigilance of the Spaniards, made a discovery of the whole plot to Juan
Ortiz, who communicated it without delay to Soto. In a council of the
officers held to consult how to act in this emergency, it was thought
best to take no immediate notice of the matter, except standing
vigilantly on their guard as if ignorant of the treacherous intention of
the cacique, but to contrive to make him fall into his own snare.
When the day concerted between Vitacucho and his confederates for
putting their enterprise into execution was come, the crafty cacique
requested Soto to go with him out of the town to see his subjects whom
he had drawn up in martial array for his inspection, that he might be
acquainted with his power, and with the manner of fighting practised
among the Indians. Soto was a prudent man well versed in the art of war,
in which he had gradually risen by his merit. On this occasion he
courteously accepted the proposal of the cacique, saying that it was
likewise customary among the Spaniards, to shew honour to their friends
by displaying their troops in order of battle. The Spanish forces
accordingly marched out in good order, prepared for whatever might
occur; and the better to conceal his suspicions, and the purpose he had
now in view, he walked out of the town on foot along with the cacique.
The Indian warriors, to the number of about ten thousand men, were found
drawn up in good order at some distance from the town, having their left
wing protected by a wood and their right by two lakes. They were well
equipped after their manner, their heads adorned with high plumes of
feathers of herons, swans, and cranes. Their bows lay beside them on the
ground, and their arrows were covered over with grass, to make it appear
that they were unarmed. Besides the main body in the position before
mentioned, they had a wing on each flank advanced into the plain.
Soto and the cacique advanced into the plain towards the Indian army,
each attended by twelve chosen men. The Spanish troops moved forwards in
order of battle on the right of Soto, the cavalry being in the middle of
the plain, while the infantry moved close to the wood on the left of the
Indians. When Soto and Vitacucho were arrived at the place where it was
previously known that the cacique intended to have given a signal for
attacking the Spaniards, who were now all in readiness and fully
instructed how to act, Soto gave notice to his army to commence the
attack by ordering a musket to be fired off. The twelve Spaniards who
attended Soto immediately seized the cacique according to the
instructions they had received for that purpose; and Soto mounting his
horse led on the Spanish cavalry to the charge, being always foremost on
every occasion, whether for fighting or hard labour. The Indians took up
their arms and resisted the Spaniards as well as they could by repeated
flights of arrows, even killing the horse on which Soto rode, as they
chiefly aimed at the horses of which they stood in much fear. Soto soon
got another horse from his page, and as the cavalry now penetrated the
main body of the Indians their whole army took to flight, some seeking
for safety in the wood and others by throwing themselves into the lakes.
All who fled along the open plain were either killed or made prisoners.
About nine hundred of the Indians took shelter in the smaller lake,
which was immediately surrounded to prevent their escape, and the
Spaniards likewise kept up an incessant attack upon them with their
fire-arms and cross-bows, to induce them to surrender. Although in the
water, the Indians continued to shoot as long as their arrows lasted,
many of them standing on the backs of their comrades, who were swimming,
till their arrows were spent, and then giving similar aid to others.
They continued in this manner from about ten in the morning till
midnight, always surrounded by the Spaniards, refusing to surrender
though assured of their lives. At length many of the feeblest
surrendered, after being fourteen hours in the water. As the rest
observed that no injury was offered to the prisoners, they mostly
surrendered next day at noon, when they had been above twenty-four hours
in the water; and it was observed that they came out excessively tired,
hungry, sleepy, and swollen. Seven still obstinately remained in the
water till about seven in the evening; when Soto, thinking it a pity
such resolute men should perish, ordered twelve Spaniards to swim to
them, with their swords in their mouths, who dragged them all out
half-drowned. Care was taken to recover them; and when asked the reason
of their obstinacy, they alleged that as commanders, they were willing
to convince their lord that they were worthy of their rank, by dying in
his service and leaving a good name behind them, even expressing a
desire that they had been permitted to perish. Four of these men were
about thirty-five years of age. The other three were lads about
eighteen, the sons of chiefs, who had obeyed the summons of Vitacucho,
in hopes of acquiring honour, and were unwilling to return home
vanquished. Soto presented some small mirrors and other baubles to these
youths and dismissed them; but he told the four commanders, in presence
of Vitacucho, that they all deserved to be put to death for having
broken their plighted faith, yet he forgave them in hopes that they
would take warning by what had now befallen them, and behave better for
the future. He then invited Vitacucho to dine at his own table every
day, being of opinion that more was to be gained among these barbarians
by kind usage than severity, unless when indispensably necessary.
The prisoners taken on this occasion amounted to above a thousand men,
who were distributed as servants among the Spanish troops. Vitacucho
gave these men secret orders to fall upon and destroy the Spaniards
while at dinner, and appointed the seventh day after the engagement for
the execution of this new plot. On that day, while Vitacucho as usual
was at dinner along with Soto and the principal Spanish officers, he
started up on a sudden and gave a loud _whoop_ or war cry, which was the
appointed signal of attack, and laying hold of Soto gave him so violent
a blow with his fist as knocked him to the ground, and immediately fell
upon him endeavouring to kill him; but the other officers who were at
dinner killed Vitacucho immediately. On hearing the signal from the
cacique, all the other Indians attacked their masters, some with
fire-brands, others with the cooking kettles, pitchers, or whatever they
could get hold of, of which the fire-brands did most harm; but as the
Spaniards immediately seized their arms in their defence, all the
Indians were slain.
Four days after this fray, the troops marched to another town called
_Osachile_ after the name of its cacique. Coming to a river which could
not be forded, it was proposed to construct a bridge similar to that
employed on a former occasion; but on account of opposition from a body
of Indians on the farther bank it was necessary in the first place to
drive these away. For this purpose an hundred men armed with muskets and
cross-bows were ferried over on six rafts, and thirty horsemen got over
by swimming their horses. The Indians then fled, and the bridge was
constructed in the same manner as formerly described, over which all the
rest of the army passed. About two leagues after crossing the river, the
army came to some corn-fields with scattered houses, and were galled for
some time by the Indians, who lurked among the standing maize, whence
they discharged their arrows at the Spaniards: But they were soon put to
flight and several of them speared by the cavalry. On arriving at
Osachile they found the town abandoned, and the cacique of that place
could never be persuaded to make his appearance. Some Indians were made
prisoners on this march, who were more tractable than any they had
hitherto met with, and undertook to act as guides. It was now necessary
for the Spaniards to consider of a proper place in which to pass the
winter, and as there had been much talk about the province or district
of Apalache, as producing gold, the army only halted two days at
Osachile, and recommenced their march in the direction of Apalache.
After marching twelve leagues through a desert wilderness, they came to
a swamp half a league over, where the pass was defended by a
considerable number of Indians. An engagement ensued in which several
were killed on both sides, and the Spaniards were foiled for that day.
But on the next, after a bloody encounter, the Spaniards drove the
Indians from the swamp and got possession of the pass, all of which was
fordable except about forty paces in the middle, over which there was a
bridge of trees made fast together.
Having crossed the swamp, a very thick wood was found on the other side,
above a league and half through, which the army had great difficulty to
penetrate, neither indeed was it able to pass through the wood in one
day. During this difficult march, an hundred horsemen armed with targets
led the van, and were followed by an hundred musqueteers and
cross-bow-men, all of whom carried axes to hew down trees and make a
clear space for the army to encamp, which it did in the middle of the
forest, and was all night long disturbed by the incessant war-hoops of
surrounding Indians. Next day they continued their march through the
wood, which now became more open, but they were constantly harassed by
the Indians, more especially as the cavalry could be of very little
service among the trees, and wherever there were any open spaces, the
Indians had cut down trees to obstruct the passage. After getting out of
this forest into the open country, they marched two leagues farther,
killing or making prisoners of all the Indians who attempted to make any
opposition; so that the natives became at length convinced that they
were unable to destroy the Spaniards or to expel them from the country.
The army now encamped at the commencement of the cultivated lands
belonging to the _Apalaches_, but the Indians still continued to annoy
them, by continually pouring flights of arrows into the camp.
Next day the army marched two leagues through a perpetual succession of
fields of Indian corn, interspersed with straggling houses, and were
frequently vexed by lurking Indians who shot off their arrows and then
ran away. At the farther side of this cultivated plain, they came to a
deep brook running through a wood, the ford of which was fortified by
palisades or fallen trees, to prevent the passage of the cavalry: But a
hundred of them alighted from their horses, and cleared the way with
their swords and targets in spite of the Indians, who fought with much
obstinacy, and did not give way till many of them were slain, but some
of the Spaniards were killed in this engagement. They marched four
leagues next day with little opposition: and the day following were
informed _Capasi_, cacique of Apalache, had taken post at the distance
of two leagues with a large body of brave Indians intending to give them
battle. The horse immediately advanced to attack him, and took some of
his men, but Capasi made his escape. The town of Apalache, of which they
now took possession, consisted of two hundred and fifty houses, having
several other small dependent towns or villages, and many detached
cabins or farm-houses scattered over the cultivated fields. The country
was fertile and agreeable, the climate excellent, and the natives
numerous and warlike. After some days rest, parties were sent out in
different directions to explore the country. Those who penetrated
northwards into the interior, reported that the country was excellent,
fertile, populous, and free from woods and swamps; while those who went
south towards the coast, found a rugged, barren, and impracticable
country, being the same through which Cabeza de Vaca had travelled.
It being now the month of October, Soto determined to winter in this
place; for which purpose he ordered sufficient fortifications to be
constructed for defence, and provisions to be stored up for the supply
of his army. He likewise sent back a party by the same way which the
army had marched, being an hundred and fifty leagues to the bay of the
Holy Ghost[150], to bring away the cavalry that had been left there to
rejoin the rest of the army. He also sent a message to Capasi, the only
cacique who had been hitherto met with having a proper name different
from that of his town, requesting him to come in and make peace with the
Spaniards, to which he would by no means consent. Being informed that
Capasi had intrenched himself in the middle of a wood about eight
leagues from Apalache, Soto marched against him and assailed his
fortified post. The Indians defended themselves for some time with great
bravery; but at length begged quarter which was granted, and Capasi was
brought out on mens shoulders; as he was either so fat and unwieldy, or
so much disabled by some distemper, that he was unable to walk, and was
therefore carried on a kind of litter or bier, or crawled on his hands
and knees. Soto returned well pleased at this good fortune to his
quarters at Apalache, expecting that the Indians would give him no more
disturbance, now that their chief was in his hands. But matters turned
out quite otherwise; for having no ruler the Indians became even more
disorderly and troublesome than before, and refused to obey the command
of Capasi to remain in peace with the Spaniards.
[Footnote 150: Although in the text the general direction of the march
of Soto is mentioned as to the N.E. there is every reason to believe it
must have been to the west of north, into the country of what are now
called the _Creek_ Indians. The town of Apalache in which Soto spent the
winter 1539-40 may have been on the river Catahoche otherwise called of
Apalachicola, or on the Alibama, which runs into the Mobille. There
still is a place known by the name of Apalache near the mouth of the
Mobille river.--E.]
Under these circumstances, when Soto complained to the cacique of the
perpetual hostilities of his people, Capasi pretended, if he were
permitted to go to a place about six leagues from Apalache, to which the
head men of the tribe had retired, that they would obey his orders on
seeing him among them and agree to peace. Soto accordingly gave his
permission, and Capasi went to the place indicated, carried as usual on
a bier, and accompanied by a strong guard of Spaniards. The cacique then
issued orders for all his people to appear before him next day, having
some important matters to communicate. The Spaniards posted their
guards for the night and went to rest, believing every thing secure; but
when day appeared next morning neither the cacique nor any of his
attendants were to be found. Taking advantage of the centinels falling
asleep, Capasi had crept out from among them on all fours, after which
his Indians carried him off to some more secure place than the former,
as he was never more seen. The Spanish escort returned much ashamed of
themselves to Soto, pretending that Capasi and his attendants must have
been carried off through the air, as it was impossible for him to have
got away from among them in any other manner. Soto prudently accepted of
this excuse, saying with a smile that the story was very probable as the
Indians were notable sorcerers. He was unwilling to punish his men for
their negligence, being always more desirous to gain the affection of
his soldiers by kind usage, as far as consistent with military
discipline, that they might be ready to endure the fatigue and danger he
expected to encounter in the prosecution of his enterprise.
SECTION V.
_Continuation of the Transactions of Ferdinand de Soto in Florida_[151].
[Footnote 151: Herrera, V. 507.--541.]
We have already mentioned that Soto, having determined to spend the
winter 1539 at Apalache, sent a detachment back to Harrihiagua on the
bay of the Holy Ghost, to bring away Captain Calderon and the men who
had been left there. This detachment consisted of thirty horse under the
command of Juan de Anasco. On coming to the ford of the river Ocali,
Anasco was obliged to pass it by means of rafts, as the river was
flooded; and though they used the utmost diligence, the Indians were up
in arms on both sides of the river to oppose him, so that the Spaniards
had to fight both to the front and rear while their baggage, horses, and
selves were wafted over. Having got safely over, they found it necessary
to go to the town, as one of their comrades was quite benumbed in
passing the river. Believing the Spaniards more numerous than they
really were, the Indians only defended their town till their wives and
children were got away to a place of safety, and then abandoned the
place, of which Anasco took possession. The Spaniards made four large
fires in the marketplace, on purpose to restore their benumbed comrade,
to whom likewise they gave the only clean shirt they had among them.
They likewise dried their clothes and saddles, which had been all wetted
in passing the river, and furnished their wallets with provisions from
the stores of the Indians. In the mean time, ten horses at once were
allowed to feed, while all the rest stood ready bridled in case of
attack. About midnight an alarm was given by the centinels of the
approach of a numerous body of Indians; on which the whole party
mounted, tying the benumbed man who was now somewhat recovered, fast
upon his horse which was led by another soldier, and set off on their
march with so much expedition that they were five leagues from the town
by day-break next morning. In this manner they continued their journey
with as little delay as possible, going on at a round trot wherever they
found the country inhabited, and walking their horses in passing through
the wilderness.
On the seventh day after leaving Apalache, Pedro de Atienza was taken
very ill, and died a few hours afterwards. Having travelled that day
near twenty leagues they arrived at the great swamp[152] in the evening,
and remained all night on its border, making great fires to keep them
warm as the weather was extremely cold. Next morning, on attempting to
pass, the horses refused on account of the excessive cold; but about
noon the sun yielding some heat, they got across; On the third day
after, while continuing their march with the usual diligence, they
observed the track of horses, and some appearance of their having used a
pool of water by the way side. Their horses even took heart at these
appearances, smelling the track of others, and Anasco and his men were
much rejoiced, having been previously afraid that Calderon and his
troops had either gone away to Cuba, or had been slain by the Indians.
About sunset of this day, being the tenth after leaving Apalache, they
came in sight of Harrihiagua, just as the horse patrole was leaving the
town. The new comers set up a loud shout for joy at seeing their
friends, and Calderon came immediately out to welcome them with equal
satisfaction.
[Footnote 152: A great swamp is laid down in lat. 81° N. on the
frontiers between Georgia and East Florida, at the head of the rivers of
St Mary and St Mark, the former of which flows east to the Atlantic, and
the latter south-west into the Bay of Apalache.--E.]
When the cacique Mucozo learnt the arrival of Anasco, he went to visit
him, and brought the horse belonging to the man who had died by the way,
which had been left in a meadow with the saddle hanging to a tree, which
likewise was brought in by an Indian on his back, not knowing how to
fasten the girths. Mucozo inquired after the health of Soto in a
friendly manner, and expressed his sorrow that the other caciques were
not of the same friendly disposition with himself. Calderon and Anasco
consulted together as to the best way of going back to Apalache. As the
stores of provisions shoes and clothes which had been provided liberally
by Soto for the expedition were very large and could not be removed to
Apalache, it was agreed to leave all these under the charge of Mucozo.
It was likewise resolved that Anasco should proceed by sea with two of
the brigantines to the Bay of Aute, which he had discovered when
detached by Soto to explore the country to the south of Apalache, while
Calderon was to go by land. Accordingly, every thing being in readiness,
seven days after the arrival of Anasco, Calderon set out by land for
Apalache with seventy horse and fifty foot soldiers, all the rest going
by sea along with Anasco.
On the second day of his march, Calderon came to the town of Mucozo, and
was hospitably entertained by that friendly chief. Nothing remarkable
happened during this march till they came to the great swamp, except
that one horse was killed by an arrow which penetrated through his
breast to his bowels. These Indians are such powerful archers that they
have been known to shoot through four folds of mail; for which reason
the Spaniards laid aside their European armour, and used a kind which is
stuffed with cotton, called _escaupiles_, to defend both themselves and
their horses. Calderon travelled with very little opposition or
difficulty all the way to the swamp of Apalache, where the Indians
attacked him desperately and killed one of his horses. Next day he was
again attacked, and disturbed all the ensuing night, the Indians
constantly upbraiding the Spaniards as vagabonds and robbers, and
threatening to quarter them. On the following day Calderon and his men
reached Apalache, where ten or twelve of his people died of their
wounds. Anasco arrived safe with the remainder of the Spaniards at the
Bay of Aute[153], whence he marched by land to Apalache. Having now
collected his whole force at Apalache, Ferdinand de Soto sent Diego
Maldonado with the brigantines to explore the coast to the westwards,
ordering him to return in two months with a particular description of
all the ports, creeks, and headlands he might fall in with. Maldonado
executed these orders; and on his return reported that he had discovered
a very excellent harbour, called _Achusi_, sixty leagues to the
westwards of Aute[154], whence he brought two Indian prisoners. Soto
then sent Maldonado with the brigantines to the Havannah, carrying
letters to his lady, and directed him to inform the colonists of Cuba
that he had found an excellent harbour in Florida, and that the country
was pleasant and fertile, by way of encouraging settlers to come over.
[Footnote 153: No bay is now known of this name, but it may possibly
have been that now known by the name of Mobille.--E.]
[Footnote 154: This distance from Mobille Bay would lead us considerably
to the west of the Missisippi, perhaps to Ascension Bay, or perhaps to
the entrance of Ouachas Lake.--E.]
It happened one day that seven Spanish horsemen riding out from the town
of Apalache saw an Indian man and woman gathering old kidney-beans in
the fields. Immediately on seeing the horsemen the man took up the woman
in his arms and carried her into the wood, whence he returned with his
bow and arrows to attack the horsemen, who would have saved his life on
account of his bravery, calling out to him to yield; but he was so
desperate that he wounded them all, and when his arrows were expended he
gave one of them so violent a blow with his bow on the head-piece that
it stunned him, on which provocation he killed the Indian with his
lance. While Soto wintered in Apalache, he used every exertion to obtain
intelligence respecting the country towards the west, in order to
prepare for extending his discoveries in the spring; and among the
Indians who were brought to him on this occasion, was one about
seventeen years of age who had been a servant to some Indian travelling
merchants.
From this youth he was informed that, about thirteen of fourteen days
journey farther on, there was a province called _Cofachiqui_[155], which
produced gold, silver and pearls. This intelligence was very pleasing to
the Spaniards, and made them wish anxiously for the season in which to
march forwards. During all the winter, which the Spaniards spent in
Apalache, when any parties of them went out into the country, the
Indians seldom failed to kill some of the men or horses with their
arrows, yet always kept at a distance or among the woods, carefully
avoiding to encounter them in the open fields.
[Footnote 155: Perhaps the country of the Chicasaws.--E.]
The season being at length come, in the spring of 1540, for taking the
field, Soto set out on his march from Apalache towards the north, and on
the third day encamped in a peninsula formed by a swamp, having wooden
bridges of communication with the dry land. This being an elevated
situation, several towns could be seen from the encampment, which was
still in the district belonging to Apalache. The Spaniards rested here
two days, during one of which seven men strolled out from the camp
without orders, six of whom were slain by the Indians before they had
got two hundred paces from the camp, and the seventh difficultly escaped
with two wounds. Leaving the province of Apalache, the Spaniards now
entered that called _Atalpaha_, the first town they came to being
abandoned by the natives. Six of the principal people remained behind,
who were brought before Soto, whom they boldly asked whether he was for
peace or war with their nation. Soto answered by means of his
interpreter that he had no inclination for war, as his only intention
was to pass through their country, yet desired that his people might be
supplied with provisions. To this they answered, if such were his
intentions there was no occasion to have made them prisoners, and if he
conducted himself in a friendly manner he might depend on better
treatment than he had received at Apalache. They accordingly dispatched
some of the common people to desire the natives to return to their
houses to serve the Spaniards, whom they conducted to a better town,
where the cacique came to ratify a peace, which was punctually observed
during three days that Soto remained there.
From that place they advanced for ten days to the northwards along the
banks of a river, through a fertile country, in which all the
inhabitants behaved in a friendly manner. After this they entered the
province of _Achalaqui_, which was poor, barren, and thinly inhabited,
having very few young men, and the old people being mostly
short-sighted and many of them quite blind. Quickening the march through
this bad country they came to the province of _Cofachi_, where, besides
other presents, Soto gave the cacique some boars and sows for a breed,
having brought above three hundred of these animals with him to Florida,
where they increased very fast, as the Spaniards had no occasion to kill
them, getting abundance of other provisions. During this expedition,
Soto made it an invariable practice, before entering any province, to
send a message to the cacique offering peace and demanding leave to pass
through his dominions, that the natives might not be alarmed at the
appearance of so many armed strangers; and besides it was always his
wish to employ fair means in his intercourse with the Indians, rather
than force. He accordingly sent a message to the cacique of _Cofa_ with
the usual requests of peace, provisions and a free passage, with which
the cacique complied, coming himself to meet the Spaniards, for whom he
appointed quarters and plenty of provisions. The land being plentiful,
Soto and his army rested here five days. The next province belonged to a
brother of Cofa, named Cofaqui, who came out to meet the Spaniards
attended by a great number of his people, all finely adorned with plumes
of feathers, and wearing mantles of rich sables and other valuable furs.
After this friendly reception, the cacique went away to another town,
leaving his own entirely for the accommodation of the Spaniards. This
country abounded in maize or Indian corn, which is used by the Indians
as wheat is in Europe. They had also abundance of dried fruits; but
flesh was rare, being only what they procured by hunting, as they had no
domesticated animals.
Next day, Cofaqui returned to Soto, offering a supply of provisions and
a strong escort of armed Indians, to enable the Spaniards to cross a
desert or wilderness of seven days journey leading to the next province
of Cofachiqui[156]. Immediately there appeared four thousand Indians to
carry burdens, and the like number armed, to accompany the Spaniards.
[Footnote 156: The word _Cofa_ seems to have signified lord or chief
among these Indians; as we have four successive chiefs in the text,
named Cofa, Co-fachi, Cofa-qui, and Cofa-chiqui.--E.]
On seeing so great a number of men, Soto was on his guard like a good
soldier and prudent commander, that he might not be taken by surprise.
On this occasion the cacique made a speech to the commander of his
forces, enjoining him, as he knew the ancient enmity subsisting between
him and the people of Cofachiqui, that he should not let slip the
present favourable opportunity of taking severe revenge upon their
enemies, considering that he was now supported by these valiant
strangers. The Indian commander, throwing off his mantle of furs,
flourished a two-handed sword or war-club, the ensign of his command,
and told his lord in pompous terms what he would do for his service. On
this, the cacique took from his own shoulders a rich mantle of sables,
thought by the Spaniards to be worth a thousand ducats, which he put
upon the shoulders of his general, and placed a splendid plume of
feathers on his head. The presentation of a mantle and plume of feathers
is considered among the Indians as the highest honour which can be
bestowed.
There were two Indians among the Spaniards who were extremely familiar,
named ordinarily Mark and Peter though not baptized. On the night before
commencing the new march for Cofachiqui, Peter made a violent outcry as
if in danger of being slain. All the forces turned out under arms on
this alarm, and found Peter in great trepidation and distress. He
alleged that the devil and a number of his imps had threatened to kill
him if he acted as a guide to the Spaniards, and had dragged him about
and beaten him so unmercifully that he had assuredly been killed if they
had not come to his assistance; and, since the great devil fled from two
Christians, he begged to be baptized that he might be a Christian like
them and able to drive away the devil. This appeared to be no fiction,
by the bruises and swelling which Peter exhibited; and accordingly Soto
gave him in charge to the priests, who remained with him all night and
baptized him; and next day he was mounted on horseback, being unable to
walk on account of the drubbing he had got from the Devil!
The two armies marched apart, pursuant to the wise precautions adopted
by Soto. The Indians kept excellent order, having a regular van and rear
guard, and making those who carried the provisions and baggage keep in
the centre. Every night the two armies lay at some distance, each
appointing their own guards. On the third day of the march from Cofaqui
they entered upon the wilderness, through which they marched for six
days, finding the country very agreeable. They had two rapid rivers to
cross, at both of which the cavalry was made to form a kind of wall
above the ford to break the force of the stream, by which means they all
got safe over. On the seventh day both Spaniards and Indians were much
at a loss, as the road they had hitherto followed was now at an end, so
that they knew not which way to take through the rest of the wilderness.
Soto asked the Indian general how it could possibly happen that among
eight thousand men of his nation, more especially as they had always
been at war with the people to whose country they were going, no one
should know the road. The Indian chief answered that none of them had
ever been there; for the war was never carried on by means of complete
armies, as they merely killed or made prisoners of each other, when they
chanced to meet at the fisheries on the rivers, or while hunting; and as
the people of Cofachiqui were most powerful, his countrymen did not
venture so far into the wilderness, by which reason they were
unacquainted with the country. He farther assured Soto that he might
rely on the probity and good faith both of the cacique and himself, who
had no intention of fraud or perfidy; yet he might if he pleased take
what hostages he thought proper for his security, and if that were not
sufficient, he would submit to lose his own head, and that all his men
should be put to death, wherever they were found to harbour any evil
intentions.
Satisfied with these assurances, Soto sent for Peter the Indian, who was
likewise at a loss, as he had not been in these parts for five years.
They marched on however the rest of that day, without knowing any thing
of the road, yet found the woods easily passable. Towards evening they
arrived at a great river which could not be forded[157]. This
circumstance added greatly to their perplexity, as they now had only
seven days provisions, which would not hold out till they could make
rafts to pass this river. Next day Soto sent off four several
detachments in different directions to explore the country, with orders
to return in five days; and with each of these went a thousand Indians,
to assist in finding the way of which they were in search. The Indians
who carried the baggage, and who remained at the encampment, went out
every morning armed, and returned at night with herbs, roots, birds,
some small land animals, and a little fish, part of which they gave to
the Spaniards; but this scanty supply was quite insufficient for their
necessities. Soto now ordered some of the swine which accompanied the
army to be slaughtered, and distributed eight ounces of their flesh
daily to every one of his men. Even this was only protracting their
misery, yet all shewed wonderful patience, as their commander gave them
a good example.
[Footnote 157: In the utter impossibility to trace the route of Soto, it
may even appear absurd to suppose that this may have been the Tenasse or
Hogohegee River, formerly called the Cherokee River; yet he assuredly
marched in various directions through the interior country of North
America, westwards of the present states of Virginia, the Carolinas, and
Georgia, to the north of modern West Florida, now occupied by the
Creeks, Cherokees, Catawbas, Chactaws, and Chickasaws.--E.]
Three of the detachments that had been sent out on discovery returned on
the sixth day unsuccessful. But the commander of the fourth, Juan de
Anasco, who had gone up the banks of the river, sent back four horsemen
to inform Soto that he had found a small town on the same side of the
river, which had a good store of provisions, and had seen several towns
still higher up, where there was a good deal of cultivated land. The
messengers brought with them many ears of _zara_[158], and some cows
horns, without knowing whence these were procured, not having hitherto
seen any cows in the country. The Indian general _Patofa_ and his men,
who accompanied Anasco, killed all the inhabitants of that town whom
they could lay hands on, taking off their _skulls_[159], and plundering
the temple or place of burial, where the best of the effects were
secured. This town was in the province of _Cofachiqui_; and as the
Indians accompanying the Spaniards did much injury to the country, Soto
now sent them home again to prevent any farther harm being done under
his auspices; and by making presents to the Indian general and the other
chiefs, and supplying them with provisions for their journey, they went
away well satisfied. Soto now advanced with the Spaniards through a
pleasant and plentiful country, but which was abandoned by the natives
on account of the ravages and slaughters that had been committed by
Patofa and his people.
[Footnote 158: This word, left unexplained by the translator of Herrera,
perhaps means some species of millet cultivated by the Indians.--E.]
[Footnote 159: This ought in all probability to have been translated
_scalps_.--E.]
Three days afterwards, to avoid going on at random, Soto sent on Juan
Anasco with thirty horse to explore the country. Anasco set out a little
before night, and after proceeding about two leagues, he heard the
barking of dogs and the noise of some children, and saw some lights; but
on going towards the place for the purpose of trying to seize one or two
Indians from whom to gain intelligence, he found that the town was on
the other side of the river. He halted therefore at a place which seemed
to be used as a landing for canoes; and having fed and rested the
horses, he returned to give Soto an account of what he had observed.
Soto went accordingly next day with an hundred horse and an equal number
of foot to view the town; and as the Indians fled on seeing the
Spaniards, the two Christian Indians, Peter and Mark called to them
across the river that no harm was intended. Upon this six Indians
ventured across the river in a canoe, and came to wait on Soto, who was
seated in a chair, which was always carried with him to receive the
natives in state, as the customs of these people required. On
approaching Soto, the six Indians made their obeisances; first to the
sun, then to the moon, and lastly to the Spanish commander, whom they
asked whether he was for peace or war with their nation. He answered by
means of his interpreter, that he was desirous of peace, and required
nothing from them but provisions for his people. They replied that they
willingly accepted of peace, but were sorry to say that they were very
scarce of provisions in consequence of a pestilence which had lately
raged among them; but they would inform their sovereign of his demands,
who happened to be a young unmarried woman. When they had delivered
their message to the princess, two large canoes covered with awnings
were seen to set out from the town on the other side of the river, into
one of which seven or eight women embarked, and six men in the other.
Among the women was the princess who ruled over the tribe; and
immediately on coming to Soto, she sat down on a stool before him, which
her people brought for her use, and after some complimentary discourse,
she expressed her sorrow for the scarcity which then existed in her
country, but that having two storehouses filled with provisions for
relieving the necessities of her subjects, she would give him one of
these, and hoped he would leave her in possession of the other. She said
likewise that she had two thousand measures of maize at another town,
which she would give him, and would quit her own house and half the town
to accommodate him and his people, and if that did not suffice, that the
whole of the town should be cleared for his use. Soto thanked her in a
courteous manner for her friendly offers, declaring that he would be
perfectly satisfied with whatever she was pleased to give. While he was
speaking, she took off a string of pearls which she wore round her neck,
and gave it to Juan Ortiz the interpreter to present it in her name to
Soto, as she could not deliver it with her own hands without
transgressing the rules of decorum[160]. Soto stood up and received it
with much respect, and presented her in return with a ruby which he wore
on his finger. Thus peace was ratified with this princess, who now
returned to the other side of the river, all the Spaniards admiring her
beautiful appearance and good behaviour.
[Footnote 160: The circumstance of great quantities of pearls being
found in this part of the country tends in some measure to confirm the
idea of Soto being now on the Tenasse River. In the most recent maps of
this part of America, a part of this river near its great bend, where it
sweeps round from a S.W. to a N.N.W. direction, is distinguished by the
appellation of the _Muscle Shoals_, and it is well known that the
fresh-water muscles are often very productive in pearls.--E.]
After this all the Spanish force was transported across the river, on
rafts and in canoes, four horses being drowned in the passage. The
Spaniards were all commodiously quartered in the middle of the town, and
the country round was found to be extraordinarily fertile. The mother of
the princess of this tribe was a widow, and resided about twelve leagues
from this town in great retirement; and on being sent for by her
daughter to see the strangers, she not only refused, but sent a severe
reproof to her daughter for admitting those persons of whom she knew
nothing. Soto sent Juan Anasco with thirty horse, with a respectful
message to the old lady inviting her to come to visit him. Anasco was
accompanied on this occasion by an Indian of considerable rank, who
seemed pensive and melancholy. After travelling some leagues, they
stopped for rest and refreshment, and sat down under the shade of a tree
to partake of a repast. Throwing off his mantle of sables, the Indian
took the arrows one by one from his quiver, which were very curiously
made of reeds, having heads of bones with _three points_[161] all of
them feathered on three sides, and both them and his bow beautifully
painted with some kind of bituminous substance, as smooth and glossy as
the finest varnish. The last arrow which he drew out was headed with
flint, sharp-pointed, and double-edged like a dagger. Seeing that the
Spaniards were all intent upon observing the curious arrows, he cut his
own throat with the flint-headed arrow, and immediately fell down dead.
The other Indians who accompanied Anasco said that in their opinion he
had killed himself because he was carrying a message which he believed
was disagreeable to the old lady. A short time after this, as Anasco was
still proceeding, one of the Spaniards observed that they were going
blindly in search of a woman who was said to have gone to hide herself
from them in another place; and as Soto already had the daughter in his
power, he had no occasion for the mother also, and as their number was
small they were exposed to much danger, and had much better return to
head-quarters. As this advice was universally approved of, they turned
back.
[Footnote 161: Perhaps this ought to have been _triangular_ pointed
heads.--E.]
Three days afterwards Soto sent twenty Spaniards up the river in two
canoes at the request of the daughter to seek her mother, under the
conduct of an Indian who offered to conduct them to her place of
concealment. While on this expedition, the Spaniards recollected that
Peter and Mark had reported there was both gold and silver in that
province; but upon search they found much copper of a golden colour, and
great plates of _ore_[162] which was very light and mouldered away like
earth, which probably had deceived the young Indians. A wonderful
quantity of pearls were found, and the old lady gave them leave to go
into a sacred house where the chiefs or nobles of the tribe were buried,
to take what pearls were there, and to another temple, or sepulchre
rather, near the town, in which the bodies of her own ancestors were
reposited, where they found pearls in still greater abundance. In these
repositories of the dead they found a number of wooden chests in which
the bodies were laid; and beside them in baskets made of reeds there
were great quantities of large and seed pearls, as also garments both
for men and women, made of skins and fine furs. So great was the
abundance of pearls found on this occasion, that the kings officers
weighed five hundred pounds weight. As Soto was unwilling to encumber
his troops with so much additional weight, he proposed that no more than
fifty pounds should be then taken, to send to the Havannah to learn
their value; but as they were already weighed, the officers begged that
they might be all carried away, to which he consented, and gave his
captains two handfuls of pearls as large as pease to make strings of
beads or rosaries.
[Footnote 162: These large plates of _ore_, were probably
silver-coloured mica; and the golden-coloured copper in the text may
have been bright yellow pyrites.--E.]
Leaving Cofachiqui, the army came to another town called _Tolomeco_, in
a temple or charnel-house more properly of which place, opposite the
residence of the chief, they found strings of large pearls hanging on
the walls, and others in chests, with many fine garments like those
formerly mentioned; and in rooms over this charnel-house were great
numbers of pikes with copper heads resembling gold, and clubs, staves,
and axes of the same metal, and bows, arrows, targets, and
breast-plates. Soto would not take away any of these, being resolved to
continue his march. Accordingly, taking leave of the princess of
Cofachiqui, he divided the army into two parts for the better
convenience of provisions, retaining the immediate command of one, and
confiding the other to the charge of Baltasar de Gallegos. In this order
they moved on to the province of Chalaqui; and next day were exposed to
such a storm of wind, lightning, and hail, that many of them must have
perished, but for the shelter afforded by the trees, as the hail-stones
were as large as pigeons eggs. On the sixth day of this new march, they
came to the valley of Xaula, a pleasant country to the N.N.E. The
sailors who accompanied the army believed the river which flowed past
Cofachiqui to be the same which is known on the coast under the name of
_Santa Ellena_; and computing their marches at four leagues a-day, it
appeared that the forces had come two hundred leagues from Apalache to
Xaula[163]; which, with an hundred and fifty leagues from the Bay of the
Holy Ghost to Apalache, made four hundred and ten leagues in all[164].
[Footnote 163: Two hundred Spanish leagues would amount to near 800
English miles. But as the march, was entirely in an uncertain and
probably changing direction, this estimate does not assist in
determining any thing of its extent Eight hundred miles would reach,
even from Espiritu Santo Bay, to beyond the Ohio.--E.]
[Footnote 164: The numbers in the text are obviously corrupt, as the
particulars do not agree with the sum; but it is impossible to correct
or reconcile them, neither indeed is it of much consequence, as no
establishment was made in Florida by Soto, and the names of the places
he visited are now unknown and uninteresting. Four hundred and ten
Spanish leagues, or 1640 English miles, would carry us into Upper
Canada.--E.]
The Spanish forces rested a fortnight in the vale of Xaula, which was
subject to the princess of Cofachiqui, though a separate province, being
induced to this delay by finding abundance of all things, and on purpose
to recruit their horses. Leaving this place, they marched one day
through an agreeable country, and then five days over an unpeopled
mountain[165], though not disagreeable, as it had many fine groves,
waters, and pasture-grounds, the way over being about twenty leagues.
Four Indian chiefs who accompanied them by order of the princess of
Cofachiqui, sent to require the cacique of _Guanale_ to receive the
Spaniards with kindness, or otherwise to declare war against him. While
on the march, a foot-soldier named Juan Terron pulled a little bag from
his wallet full of large well-coloured pearls not pierced, which he
offered to a horseman, who advised him to keep them as the general meant
soon to send to the Havannah, where he might purchase a horse for them
to ease him from marching on foot. On this refusal, Terron threw his
pearls on the ground, alleging they were troublesome to carry, and they
were picked up by his comrades. He sorely repented of this afterwards,
as he was informed they would have been worth 6000 ducats in Spain. The
Spaniards stopped four days at Guanale, and in five days march from
thence they reached _Ychiaha_, a town situated on an island in the river
about five leagues in length. As the general always made inquiry every
where concerning the country farther on, the cacique of Ychiaha told him
there were mines of yellow metal about thirty leagues from thence, and
presented him with a long string of large pearls, which would have been
of extraordinary value if they had not been bored. As Soto seemed to
prize them, the cacique said there were many such in the burial place of
his ancestors which he was welcome to take if he pleased. In return Soto
presented the cacique with some pieces of velvet and satin, with which
he was much gratified. Two soldiers were sent on, accompanied by a party
of Indians, to view the reported mines of yellow metal, who reported
that they were only copper, that the country was fruitful, and that they
had been well treated by the inhabitants. Some of the men likewise were
ordered to drag the river for the pearl oysters, where they soon brought
up large quantities, which were laid on a fire to make them open their
shells, and the pearls were taken out somewhat damaged by the heat. A
soldier who boiled some of these oysters, while eating one of them,
almost broke his teeth on a pearl as big as a hazle-nut, which he
presented to Soto for his lady, as it was bright and well shaped; but
the general refused it, desiring him to keep it to purchase horses, and
in return for his good will paid the kings fifth out of his own money,
its value being estimated at 400 ducats. Soto was exceedingly generous
and obliging to his soldiers, making no distinction between himself and
them, in clothes, eating, lodging, or enduring hardships, and enjoyed
their entire confidence and affection.
[Footnote 165: If correct in the idea of Soto having crossed the
Tenassee, the mountainous district here indicated may have been the
Cumberland mountains, between the Tenassee and Cumberland Rivers.--E.]
From Ychiaha, the Spaniards proceeded onwards to Acoste, where the
cacique received them with ill-will, and an open breach had like to have
taken place; but Soto prevented this by conciliatory management, and
still preserved the peace, which had not been infringed since leaving
Apalache. Next day the Indians of Acoste became better humoured, and
having contented them, Soto crossed the river into the large province of
_Coza_, through which he marched for an hundred leagues, finding it
every where populous and fertile, and the Spaniards were every where
received in a friendly manner, well treated, and commodiously lodged. At
the town of Coza, the cacique came out to meet Soto attended by a
thousand Indians wearing plumes of feathers and rich mantles of furs.
The town consisted of about five hundred houses along the side of the
river, and here the Spaniards were most hospitably entertained. While
dining one day with Soto, the cacique requested he would spend the
winter in his country and establish a colony there; and indeed it was
better land than any that the Spaniards had hitherto passed through.
Soto thanked him for his friendly offer; but said that it was necessary
for him in the first place to explore the country farther on, that he
might be able to judge what articles were necessary for trade, and that
he might give orders for seeds and all other requisites, after which he
would return and accept his offer. He staid twelve days at this place,
more to oblige the cacique than on any other account; and then set out
towards the sea, which he had long designed, making a semicircular turn
that he might march back by a different route to explore the country,
meaning to make his way to the port of _Anchusi._
In five days march he reached _Talisse_, a town fortified with
entrenchments of timber and earth, on the frontiers of the territories
of the cacique of _Tascaluza_, who was in enmity with the cacique of
_Coza_, who went so far with the Spaniards on purpose to intimidate
Tascaluza. At this place Soto was received by a son of Tascaluza, only
eighteen years of age, and so tall that none of the Spaniards reached
higher than his breast. This young man offered his fathers compliments
of friendship to the Spaniards, and conducted Soto to Tascaluza, who
received him sitting after their manner on a kind of chair, with a great
number of men standing round him; and though the different commanders
came up successively to salute him, no one stirred till Soto came
forwards, when the cacique stood up and advanced twenty paces to meet
him. Tascaluza was like a giant, much taller than his son, well-shaped,
and of a good aspect. The Spaniards were well received, abundantly
supplied, and commodiously quartered. They set out again on their march
on the third day; and as the cacique Tascaluza chose to accompany them,
one of the baggage horses belonging to Soto was selected for him to ride
upon. When mounted, his feet reached within, a span of the ground. He
was not fat, as his waist was hardly a yard in compass, and he did not
seem to exceed forty years of age. In the course of this days march,
after coming to a fortified town, the Spaniards had to cross the river,
which they did with considerable difficulty, being badly supplied with
rafts or floats. On taking up their quarters for the night, two
Spaniards were amissing; and when the Indians were asked about them,
they answered in a haughty manner, _they were not given to our keeping_,
so that it was strongly suspected they were murdered. Upon this cause of
jealousy, and being likewise privately informed that the cacique had
assembled a great number of men at a place called Mavila, under pretence
of serving the Spaniards, Soto sent three confidential officers to view
that place, which was about a league and a half from quarters. They
reported that they had seen no person by the way, but that Mavila was a
much better fortified place than, any they had hitherto seen in Florida.
As the Spaniards were bound for Mavila, and under circumstances very
considerable suspicion as to the good intentions of Tascaluza and his
subjects, they marched with the utmost circumspection. Soto led the van
in person, consisting of an hundred horse and an hundred and fifty foot.
He was accompanied by Tascaluza, and as he marched with diligence, he
arrived at Mavila at eight in the morning, the main body not coming up
for a considerable time after. The town of Mavila was seated in a plain,
enclosed by a double row of piles with timbers laid athwart, and the
interstices rammed full of straw and earth, so that it looked like a
wall smoothed by a masons trowel. At every eighty paces distance, there
was a tower or platform where eight men could stand to fight, having
many loop holes. It likewise had two gates. Though it only consisted of
eighty houses, these were so large that each could have contained a
thousand men. In the middle of the town was a large square or
market-place, into which when Soto and the cacique were come and had
dismounted, Tascaluza, pointed out to the interpreter a house in which
the general might take up his quarters and another for his kitchen,
saying that huts and barracks were provided for the rest of the
Spaniards on the outside of the town. To this Soto made answer, that,
when the major-general came up, he would distribute the troops to proper
quarters.
Tascaluza now retired into a house where all his chiefs were assembled,
on purpose to consult how best to kill all the Spaniards, which he had
been long plotting to accomplish. It was proposed in this council to
attack them in their present divided state, before the rest of the
Spaniards could get forwards to the town; but another opinion prevailed,
which was to allow them all to assemble, as the Indian chiefs had a
large force concealed in the houses of the town, and thought themselves
perfectly able to encounter with the Spaniards. When the meat was
dressed at the quarters of Soto, Juan Ortiz the interpreter was sent
with a message to Tascaluza desiring his presence; but he was refused
admission to deliver his message, and on pressing to get in, an Indian
came to the door exclaiming angrily, "What would these unmannerly
vagabonds have with my lord? Down with the villains, there is no
enduring their insolence!" He immediately bent his bow, and levelled at
some Spaniards who were in the street; but Baltasar de Gallegos, who
happened to be close by, gave him a cut on the shoulder which cleft him
to the middle. An Indian youth now let fly six or seven arrows at
Gallegos, which did him no harm as he was in armour, after which the
Indian gave him three or four strokes on the helmet with his bow, but
Gallegos killed him with two thrusts of his sword. The moment these
Indians were slain an alarm was given, and above seven thousand
warriors, who had been concealed in the large houses of the town, rushed
out into the streets and drove all the Spaniards out of the town.
The Spaniards who managed best on this alarm, ran immediately to mount
their horses, which had been left tied on the outside of the town; while
others cut the halters or reins that the Indians might not shoot them.
Others remained tied, and were slain by the Indians. Such of the
Spaniards as had been able to mount their horses, with others who now
arrived, charged the Indians who were engaged with the infantry, making
room for them to draw up in regular order. Having re-established their
ranks, a troop of horse and a company of foot made so furious a charge
on the Indians that they drove them into the town, and attempted to get
in at the gate after them; but they were received by such a volley of
arrows and stones as compelled them to retire two hundred paces, yet
without turning their backs, in which consisted their safety. As the
Indians followed them, they made a fresh charge, and drove the Indians
back to the town, yet dared not to venture too near the wall; and the
fight continued in this manner for some time, alternately gaining and
losing ground, several of the Spaniards being killed and wounded.
Finding they had the worst of it in the open field, the Indians kept
close behind the walls of the town. On this Soto alighted from his
horse, causing others to do the same, and advanced up to the gate at the
head of a party armed with targets, under cover of which two hundred men
with axes hewed down the gate and rushed in, not without much hazard and
some loss. Others of the Spaniards contrived to mount the wall, helping
each other, and hastened to succour those who had gained the gate.
Seeing the Spaniards had forced their way into the town, which they
deemed impregnable, the Indians fought desperately in the streets, and
from the roofs of the houses, for which reason these were set on fire by
the Spaniards. After entering the town, Soto remounted his horse, and
charged a body of Indians in the market-place, killing many with his
spear; but, raising himself in the stirrup to make a home thrust, an
arrow penetrated through his armour and wounded him in the hip, so that
he could not regain his seat: yet, not to discourage his men, he
continued to fight during the remainder of the action, though obliged to
stand the whole time in the stirrups. Another arrow pierced quite
through the spear of Nunno de Tovar, near his hand, but did not break
the shaft of the lance, which continued to serve after the arrow was cut
off.
The fire which had been put to the houses burned fiercely, as the houses
were all of wood and covered with thatch, by which great numbers of the
Indians perished. About four in the afternoon, being sensible of their
own weakness and that they were likely to be worsted, the Indian women
began to join in the battle, armed with the spears, swords, and
partizans which the Spaniards had lost, some even with bows and arrows,
which they managed as dexterously as their husbands, and some armed only
with stones exposed themselves courageously in the heat of the action.
The foremost of the Spanish main body, which had fallen greatly behind
the van little thinking of what was to happen, on hearing the noise of
trumpets, drums, and shouts, gave the alarm to the rest, and hastening
forwards came up about the close of the engagement. At this time many of
the Indians got over the wall into the fields, and endeavoured to make
head against the newly arrived Spaniards, but were soon slain. On the
arrival of the Spanish main body, about twelve fresh horsemen made a
furious charge on a large body of Indian men and women who still
continued the battle in the market-place, and soon routed them with
great slaughter. This ended the fight about sunset, after it had lasted
nine hours, being on St Lukes day in the year 1541[166].
[Footnote 166: The date of 1541 seems here erroneous, Soto having
landed in 1539, and spent only one winter in the country, the
transactions in this part of the text ought only to refer to the year
1540.--E.]
During the night and next day, Soto ordered the best possible care to be
taken of the wounded, some of whom died for want of proper necessaries,
no bandages, lint, oil, or medicines being to be had, as all these
things had been plundered along with the other baggage at the
commencement of the battle by the Indians, and having been carried into
the town were all there burnt along with the houses. Forty-eight
Spaniards were slain in this battle; thirteen others died shortly of
their wounds, and twenty-two some time afterwards, so that the entire
loss was eighty-three men, besides forty-five horses, which were much
missed, as the cavalry constituted the main strength of the army. It was
reckoned that eleven thousand Indians perished, four thousand of whom
were found dead without the town, and young Tascaluza among them. The
dead bodies within the town were computed at three thousand, as the
streets were all full of them; and it was believed that upwards of four
thousand were consumed by fire in the houses, for above a thousand
perished in one house, as the fire began at the door and they were all
stifled. When the Spaniards afterwards scoured the country round, many
were found to have died of their wounds in various parts, and some of
them four leagues from the town. The body of the cacique Tascaluza could
not be found, whence it was concluded that he had perished in the
flames, a victim to his eager desire to destroy the Spaniards, which he
had anxiously premeditated from the first notice he had received of
their arrival in the neighbourhood of his territories. It was reported
by some women who were made prisoners, that on the Indians of Talisse
complaining of having been ordered by their cacique to carry the baggage
of the Spaniards, Tascaluza had exhorted them to have a little patience,
as he would soon deliver up these strangers to them as slaves. These
women said that they were strangers who had accompanied their husbands
at the invitation of Tascaluza, who had promised to give them scarlet
and silk dresses, and fine jewels to wear at their dances, and to divide
the Spaniards and their horses among them. They said likewise that all
the women of the surrounding country, married and single, had collected
on this occasion; as it had been given out that an extraordinary
festival was to be held in honour of the Sun, after the destruction of
the Spaniards. Besides the destruction of their baggage on this
occasion, the Spaniards lost all the wine, chalices, and holy vestments
for celebrating the mass, so that in future they could only have
ordinary prayers and sermons, without any consecration or communion,
till after their return among Christians.
The Spaniards remained a fortnight at Mavila, making frequent excursions
into the country, where they found plenty of provisions. From twenty
Indians whom they took prisoners, they were informed that there were no
warriors left to oppose them in all the surrounding country, as all the
bravest men of the nation and its allies had been slain in the battle.
At this time they received the intelligence that Maldonado and Gomez
Arias were making discoveries along the coast; and Soto was much
inclined to have established a colony at the port of _Achiusi_ or
_Anchusi_[167], to carry on trade with another establishment twenty
leagues up the country, but this was opposed by some of his officers,
who thought the Spanish force too small for subduing so warlike a
people, considering the experience they had of their fierceness in the
battle of Mavila. They objected likewise that they saw no reason for
exposing themselves to such hazards, without hope of reward, as they had
found no mines in all the vast extent of country they had travelled
over. This opposition was exceedingly perplexing to Soto, as he had
expended the whole of his substance on the expedition, and was afraid
his men would desert him if he came near the coast, when he was not in a
condition to raise new forces. For these reasons he resolved to
penetrate into the interior of the country; and, being disgusted at
seeing all his projects disappointed, he never succeeded afterwards in
any of his undertakings.
[Footnote 167: It is quite impossible to conjecture even where this
place may have been situated; perhaps it is the same bay or creek
formerly called Auche, and may have been that now called Mobille Bay.
The Mavila of the text may likewise have been on the river now called
Mobille. We know that the _b_ and _v_ are often interchanged in the
Spanish names of places and persons; as for example Baldivia and
Valdivia are both applied to the original Spanish conqueror of Chili. In
the present instance, Mavila may afterwards have been changed to Mabila,
and then by the French to Mobille. All this however is mere
conjecture.--E.]